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Journal articles on the topic 'Philippino Americans'
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1
May, Glenn Anthony. "Father Frank Lynch and the Shaping of Philippine Social Science." Itinerario 22, no. 3 (November 1998): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009621.
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Although the United States granted the Philippines formal independence in 1946, American influence in the former colony did not disappear overnight. In the decades following independence, American policymakers continued to play key roles in Philippine politics; American businessmen, presidents, legislators, and bureaucrats and US-based international money lending agencies continued to have a considerable impact on the Philippine economy; and American popular culture continued to penetrate Philippine society and culture (as it did elsewhere). But perhaps no sector of Philippine society was as profoundly influenced by Americans as the academic one, and no subdivision of the Philippine academy bore the American imprint as visibly as Philippine social science. This paper examines the academic career, writings, institution-building efforts, and scholarly agenda of the US-born scholar who arguably had the greatest impact on post-war Philip- pine social science: Father Frank Lynch, a Jesuit professor of anthropology and sociology at Ateneo de Manila University.
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Lifshey, Adam. "The Literary Alterities of Philippine Nationalism in José Rizal's El filibusterismo." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (October 2008): 1434–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1434.
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The seminal novels of the Philippines, José Rizal's Noli me tangere (1887) and El filibusterismo (1891), are written in Spanish, a language that began evaporating in the archipelago when the United States defeated Spain in the Spanish-American War in 1898 and imposed English as a lingua franca. Where does a foundational author like Rizal fit in a discussion of globalized literatures when the Philippines are commonly framed as a historical and cultural hybrid neither quite Asian nor quite Western? In Rizal's El filibusterismo, the Philippines are an inchoate national project imagined not in Asia but amid complex allusive dynamics that emanate from the Americas. Rizal and his novel, like the Philippine nation they inspired, appear in global and postcolonial frameworks as both Asian and American in that epistemes Eastern and Western, subaltern and hegemonic, interact in a ceaseless flow that resists easy categorization.
3
Baldoz, Rick. "THE RACIAL VECTORS OF EMPIRE." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 5, no. 1 (2008): 69–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x08080089.
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AbstractThis paper examines the role of racial ideology in shaping U.S. colonial policy in the Philippines during the early years of American rule in the islands c. 1898–1905. The first section of the essay focuses on congressional debates between pro- and anti-imperialist lawmakers regarding the annexation and governance of the Philippines. The imperialist lobby advocated a paternalistic racial ideology to advance their case for American annexation, citing “the White man's burden” to civilize Filipinos as their rationale for colonizing the islands. The anti-imperialists, on the other hand, employed an ideology of aversive racism to oppose the incorporation of the Philippines, suggesting that annexation would unleash a flood of Filipino immigrants into the United States, thus creating a “race problem” for White citizens. Frequent unfavorable comparisons with Blacks, Chinese, and “Indians” were employed to produce racial knowledge about Filipinos who were unfamiliar to most Americans. This knowledge served as the basis for excluding Filipinos from American citizenship on racial grounds. The second section of the article traces the implementation of an institutionalized racial order in the Philippines, examining a series of population surveys conducted by colonial officials during the first years of American rule. These surveys employed American-style racial classifications that ranked and evaluated the various races and “tribes” that were identified in the islands. This project culminated in the first official census of the islands in 1905, which formally institutionalized racial categories as an organizing principle of Philippine society.
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WERTZ, DANIEL J. P. "Idealism, Imperialism, and Internationalism: Opium Politics in the Colonial Philippines, 1898–1925." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 2 (October 31, 2012): 467–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000388.
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AbstractWhile establishing a framework for colonial governance in the Philippines, American policymakers had to confront the issue of opium smoking, which was especially popular among the Philippine Chinese community. In 1903, the Philippine Commission proposed a return to the Spanish-era policy of controlling the opium trade through tax farming, igniting outrage among American Protestant missionaries in the Philippines and their supporters in the United States. Their actions revived a faltering global anti-opium movement, leading to a series of international agreements and domestic restrictions on opium and other drugs. Focusing mostly on American policy in the Philippines, this paper also examines the international ramifications of a changing drug control regime. It seeks to incorporate the debate over opium policy into broader narratives of imperial ideology, international cooperation, and local responses to colonial rule, demonstrating how a variety of actors shaped the new drug-control regimes both in the Philippines and internationally.
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Castro, Renato Cruz De. "THE REVITALIZED PHILIPPINE-U.S. SECURITY RELATIONS: A Ghost from the Cold War or an Alliance for the 21st Century?" Asian Survey 43, no. 6 (November 1, 2003): 971–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.6.971.
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Abstract This article contends that the Philippine-U.S. post-9/11 security relationship is characterized by temporary and limited American troop deployment aimed at developing the Armed Forces of the Philippines' counterterrorism capability and fostering interoperability between the Philippine and American armed forces. The article concludes that the post-9/11 alliance is significantly different from the two countries' security relationship during the Cold War.
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Woods, Colleen. "Seditious Crimes and Rebellious Conspiracies: Anti-communism and US Empire in the Philippines." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (January 9, 2017): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416669423.
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This article details how US colonial policymakers and Filipino political elites, intent on fostering a non-revolutionary Philippine nationalism in the late 1920s and 1930s, produced an anti-communist politics aimed at eliminating or delegitimizing radical anti-imperialism. Communist-inspired, anti-imperial activists placed US imperialism in the Philippines within the framework of western imperialism in Asia, thereby challenging the anti-imperial ideology of the US empire. Americans and elite Filipinos met this challenge by repressing radical, anti-imperialist visions of Philippine independence through inter-colonial surveillance and cooperation, increased policing, mass imprisonment, and the outlawing of communist politics in the Philippines.
7
Gealogo, Francis A. "Bilibid and beyond: Race, body size, and the native in early American colonial Philippines." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 49, no. 3 (October 2018): 372–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463418000310.
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The United States’ occupation of the Philippines began with proclamations of a new era of development and the prospect of local political representation. In coming to grips with what they saw as America's civilising mission, colonial scholars and officials sought information about the peoples of the Philippines by conducting a census and various population studies, using an array of methodologies drawn from criminology and physical anthropology. This article traces and critiques representations of the Philippine population in the 1903 Philippine Census as well as in several related studies published in the early American period, which served to reduce the Filipinos to a state of ‘otherness’ which served to justify colonial projects. Several of these racialised studies used the inmates of Bilibid Prison, both alive and dead, as experimental and documentary subjects to create a record of Filipino ‘sample types’ for various administrative and other purposes, such as the exhibition at the St Louis World's Fair of 1904. Bilibid prisoners’ body size, brain weight, skin colour, facial features and other physical attributes were selectively correlated with other colonial constructions of Filipino individuals and groups, such as ‘wildness’ and political maturity.
8
Nagano, Yoshiko. "THE PHILIPPINE CURRENCY SYSTEM DURING THE AMERICAN COLONIAL PERIOD: TRANSFORMATION FROM THE GOLD EXCHANGE STANDARD TO THE DOLLAR EXCHANGE STANDARD." International Journal of Asian Studies 7, no. 1 (January 2010): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591409990428.
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This article describes the transformation of the Philippine currency system from a gold exchange standard to a dollar exchange standard during the first half of the twentieth century. During the American colonial period, Philippine foreign trade was closely bound to the United States. In terms of domestic investment, however, it was domestic Filipino or Spanish entrepreneurs and landowners who dominated primary commodity production in the Philippines, rather than American investors. How were both this US-dependent trade structure and the unique production structure of domestic primary commodities reflected in the management of the Philippine currency system? To answer this question, this article first discusses the introduction of the gold standard system in the Philippines in the early twentieth century. Second, the de facto conversion of the Philippine currency system from the gold standard to the dollar exchange standard in the 1920s is described, together with the mismanagement of the currency reserves and the debacle of the Philippine National Bank that functioned as the government depository of the currency reserves in the United States. Third, the formal introduction of the dollar exchange standard during the Great Depression is outlined, a clear example of the dependency of the Philippine currency system on the US in the 1930s.
9
De Lara, Marlo Jessica. "Reclaiming Filipino America through Performance and Film." JOMEC Journal, no. 11 (July 6, 2017): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18573/10.18573/j.2017.10142.
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Filipino Americans are the fourth largest migrant group in America and the second largest Asian population in the United States. Migration from the Philippines is constant and has increased dramatically in the last sixty years. Filipino Americans participate as the ‘Asian American’ identity/race but the specificity of Philippine-U.S. relations and migration pathways make this inclusion a misfit. As a former territory and with complex shifting migration policies, Filipinos have been considered by the U.S. government an ambiguous population, falling just out of reach of national visibility. As the population has continued to grow, Filipino Americans have shared narratives and begun conversation to address the constant cultural negotiation and struggles within the social and racial structures of America. Since the 1980s, a Filipino American cultural and artistic movement or ‘moment’, has emerged with artists, dancers, performers, and filmmakers. These artists make critical interventions that disavow the American empire. The works make comment upon the ramifications of being an unrecognized Asian colony and the systemic challenges of immigration assimilation. An example of a work from this cultural moment is Jose Antonio Vargas’ autobiographical documentary Documented (2013). The film, intended as an up close and personal account of an undocumented migrant in the United States, also serves as an example of current Filipino American cultural productivity and visibilization. By studying this artistic movement, one can approach deeper understandings of citizenship and national belonging(s) in the current transnational climate and the border crossings that circumscribe the Filipino American diaspora.
10
Smiley, Will. "Lawless Wars of Empire? The International Law of War in the Philippines, 1898–1903." Law and History Review 36, no. 3 (June 13, 2018): 511–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000682.
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Writing for his fellow military officers in early 1903, United States Army Major C.J. Crane reflected on the recent Philippine–American War. The bloody struggle to suppress an insurgency in the Philippines after the United States had annexed them from Spain in 1899 had officially concluded the previous July. The war had been accompanied by fierce racist sentiments among Americans, and in keeping with these, Crane described his foes as “the most treacherous people in the world.” But Crane's discussion drew as much on concepts of law as it did on race. The average American officer, Crane argued, had “remembered all the time that he was struggling with an enemy who was not entitled to the privileges usually granted prisoners of war,” and could be summarily executed, without benefit of “court-martial or other regular tribunal.” If anything, the Americans had been too generous. “Many [American] participants in the struggle,” he maintained, “have failed to fully understand that we were practically fighting an Asiatic nation in arms and almost every man a soldier in disguise and a violator” of the laws of war. But what did those laws mean to the United States during the conflict, and what does this indicate about the broader history of international law's relationship to empire?
11
Montesano, Michael J. "The Philippines in 2002: Playing Politics, Facing Deficits, and Embracing Uncle Sam." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.156.
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Philippine politics in 2002 was characterized by early maneuvering for the presidential election of 2004, which President Arroyo will be eligible to contest, and by continuing violence in the country's troubled South. Economic indicators looked promising in the first half of the year. But the second half brought signs of a downturn on several fronts. Crippling revenue shortfalls contributed to a mounting fiscal deficit. As part of Washington's international war on terror, Manila welcomed American troops to the southern Philippines early in 2002. Renewed Philippine-American military ties seemed to reflect long-term U.S. priorities in the region. Three issues shaped Philippine affairs in 2002: President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo's eligibility to contest the 2004 election, ever-greater government revenue shortfalls, and American determination to use the country as a venue for strategic posturing in Southeast Asia. The persistent problems of the Philippine South and continued economic sluggishness framed the ways in which these issues played out over the course of the year.
12
Shaffer, Robert. "“Partly Disguised Imperialism”: American Critical Internationalists and Philippine Independence." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 19, no. 3-4 (2012): 235–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-01904008.
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Recent historians have concluded that Philippine formal independence in 1946 was incomplete and unequal. Legislation gave privileges to U.S. businesses which inhibited autonomous economic development, and the new Philippine political leadership did not represent important sections of its people. Such judgments were also voiced at the time by many American “critical internationalists” who believed that the global colonial system must end and feared that the Truman administration was betraying that goal in the Philippines. American veterans who served in the Philippines, journalists with long experience in Asia, returned missionaries, and former Roosevelt administration officials – including, most significantly, Harold Ickes – were among those who believed that the United States was granting only “the shadow of independence.” The essay argues that historians, who, surprisingly, have largely ignored these contemporary views, should pay closer attention to such voices for several reasons, among them their usefulness in rebutting the charge that historians critical of U.S. policy have drawn their conclusions mainly based on hindsight.
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Prakapovich, Nina Vladimirovna. "Role of education in the concept of the “New Society” of the authoritarian regime of Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines (1972-1982)." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 222–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-3-222-235.
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Russian historiography pays considerable attention to the economic and political modernization of the life of the Philippine archipelago, starting from the time of Spaniards, then, American colonization and ending with the era of independence. However, the educational policy on which, on the one hand, the successes of the political and socio-economic modernization of the Philippines have been based throughout the country’s history, and on the other, which by the beginning of the 21st century has become a serious obstacle to economic independence and the establishment of national self-identity, are undeservedly ignored by domestic researchers. The author of this article in previous works has already made attempts to identify the features of the educational policy of Spaniards and Americans in the Philippines, as well as of the independent Philippine governments in the first decades after the end of World War II. But no less interesting is the era of the authoritarian regime of the President of the Philippines, Ferdinand Marcos (1972-1982). Analyzing a wide range of foreign literature and relying on presidential decrees and testimonies of contemporaries as sources, the author comes to the conclusion that the educational policy of the Marcos era is ambiguous: on the one hand, it has become an effective tool to combat country’s main social - economic problems in the 1970s - the problem of unemployment. On the other hand, in the early 1980s it led to its aggravation and marked the beginning of the mass labor migration of Filipinos, which continues to this day. Political decisions made on issues such as the language of instruction, the introduction of a national entrance exam in colleges and universities, and the publication of new textbooks have become critical levers in the deployment of education in support of the labor export strategy in the Marcos era.
14
Lesho, Marivic. "Philippine English (Metro Manila acrolect)." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 48, no. 3 (December 18, 2017): 357–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100317000548.
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English is an official language in the Philippines, along with Filipino, a standardized register originally based on Tagalog (Gonzalez 1998). The Philippines were a Spanish colony for over three centuries, but when the Americans took control in 1898, they immediately implemented English instruction in schools (Gonzalez 2004). It became much more widespread among Filipinos than Spanish ever was, and by the late 1960s, Philippine English was recognized as a distinct, nativized variety (Llamzon 1969). It is widely spoken throughout the country as a second language, alongside Filipino and approximately 180 other languages (Lewis, Simmons & Fennig 2016). It is also spoken in the home by a small number of Filipinos, especially among the upper class in Metro Manila (Gonzalez 1983, 1989) and other urban areas. There is a large body of literature on Philippine English. However, relatively few studies have focused on its sound system. The most detailed phonological descriptions of this variety have been by Tayao (2004, 2008), although there have also been previous sketches (Llamzon 1969, 1997; Gonzalez 1984). There has been very little phonetic research on Philippine English, apart from some work describing the vowel system (Pillai, Manueli & Dumanig 2010, Cruz 2015).
15
Paulet, Anne. "To Change the World: The use of American Indian Education in the Philippines." History of Education Quarterly 47, no. 2 (May 2007): 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2007.00088.x.
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In a Brule Sioux legend, Iktome, the trickster, warns the various Plains tribes of the coming of the white man: “You are the Ikche-Wichasha—the plain, wild, untamed people,” he tells the Lakota, “but this man will misname you and call you by all kinds of false names. He will try to tame you, try to remake you after himself.” Iktome, in essence, describes the conflict that occurred when American Indians encountered Euro-Americans, who judged the Indians in relation to themselves and found the Indians lacking. Having already misnamed the people “Indians,” Euro-Americans proceeded to label them, among other things, “savages.” By the latter half of the nineteenth-century, such terms carried scientific meaning and seemed to propose to Americans that Native Americans, having “failed to measure up” to the standards of white society, were doomed to extinction unless they changed their ways, unless they were “remade.” And that was, indeed, the aim of American endeavors at Native American education, to remake or, in the words of Carlisle president Richard H. Pratt, “Kill the Indian in him, and save the man.” These educational efforts at restructuring Native American lifestyles were more than the culmination of the battle over definitional control; they were precedents for future American imperial expansion as the United States discovered, at the turn of the century, that “Indians” also lived overseas and that, just like those at home, they needed to be properly educated in the American way of life. The United States' experience with American Indians thus provided both justification for overseas expansion, particularly into the Philippine Islands, and an educational precedent that would enable Americans to claim that their expansion was different from European imperialism based on the American use of education to transform the cultures of their subjects and prepare them for self-government rather than continued colonial control.
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Luyt, Brendan. "The early years of Philippine Studies, 1953 to 1966." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 50, no. 2 (May 2019): 202–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463419000237.
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The academic journal has been a key element of the scholarly world for some time and as a key component of this world it deserves historical examination. But this has not often been forthcoming, especially for regions of the world outside the Anglo-American core. In this article I examine the content of the early years of Philippine Studies. Founded in 1953, it has survived and prospered up to the present day as a vehicle for scholarly studies of the Philippines. The content of the early years of Philippine Studies (1953–66) reflected a desire on the part of its editors and many of its authors and supporters to create a Philippine society based on the teachings of the Catholic Church, one that would be strong enough to create a middle path between communism and liberalism. Articles published during this period advocated social reform based on the teachings of the Catholic Church; these articles also aired warnings about the communist threat to the Philippines and the world. But alongside these materials were literary and historical studies that also, but in a more indirect fashion, supported the project of Catholic-inspired social reform.
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Castro, Renato Cruz De. "Congressional Intervention in Philippine Post-Cold War Defense Policy, 1991-2003." Philippine Political Science Journal 25, no. 1 (December 16, 2004): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02501004.
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This essay analyzes the Armed forces of the Philippines' (AFP) modernization program as a case study of how the legislature was able to influence a state's strategic doctrine and posture. The withdrawal of American forces in 1992, and the challenge poised by China in the mid-90s created the expectation that the Philippines was to embark on an arms modernization program that would develop the armed forces' autonomous and external defense capability. However, almost a decade after the program was annovnced and almost seven years after an AFP modernization /ow was passed, the Philippine military has yet to implement any meaningful change in its strategic doctrine and posture. The essay observes that a political stasis-the post-1986 Philippine Congress' reassertion of its authority-played a very important role in impeding any doctrinal change in the country's defense establishment and preventing the Philippine military from diverting scarce resources to the country's defense needs. It maintains that current developments in Philippine defense policy point to a return to a dose security relationship with the United States. This, in turn, will hinder the AFP from pursuing the initial goals of its modernization program-autonomy and capacity to address external security threats. In conclusion, the essay asserts that the current conservatism in the country's strategic affairs reflects the political stasis in Philippine society, which is a result of the restoration of elite democracy and the continuing ability of the political elite to use Congress to shape the country's defense affairs.
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Brook, Itzhak. "“The Laryngectomee Guide” Philippine Edition." Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery 35, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32412/pjohns.v35i2.1527.
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Dear Editor,
I am happy to announce that “The Laryngectomee Guide” Philippine Edition is available now in paperback and eBook. The eBook is FREE. The translation from English to Tagalog was supervised by Professor Alfredo Pontejos Jr. from the University of the Philippines, Philippine General Hospital, Manila.
The Guide provides practical information that can assist laryngectomees with medical, dental and psychological issues. It contains information about side effects of radiation and chemotherapy; methods of speaking; airway, stoma, and voice prosthesis care; eating and swallowing; medical, dental and psychological concerns; respiration; anesthesia; and travelling. The American Academy of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery made the English edition available for free download on their website: http://www.entnet.org/content/laryngectomee-guide
The e-book of the Philippine version of the Guide is available free at: http://bit.ly/2ILzesc
Paperback copies of the Guide are available at: http://bit.ly/39IDwvC
The guide is also available in 20 additional languages - English, Russian, Turkish, Greek, Italian, Bulgarian, Romanian, Bosnian, Arabic, Spanish (4 styles), Portuguese, French, Persian (Farsi), Korean, Japanese, Indonesian and traditional and simplified Chinese: https://dribrook.blogspot.com/2018/08/the-laryngectomee-guide-is-available-in.html
I hope that the Guide would be helpful to laryngectomees and their medical providers in the Philippines.
19
Pepinsky, Thomas B. "Trade Competition and American Decolonization." World Politics 67, no. 3 (May 27, 2015): 387–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711500012x.
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This article proposes a political economy approach to decolonization. Focusing on the industrial organization of agriculture, it argues that competition between colonial and metropolitan producers creates demands for decolonization from within the metropole when colonies have broad export profiles and when export industries are controlled by colonial, as opposed to metropolitan, interests. The author applies this framework to the United States in the early 1900s, showing that different structures of the colonial sugar industries in the Philippines, Hawaii, and Puerto Rico–diverse exports with dispersed local ownership versus monocrop economies dominated by large US firms–explain why protectionist continental-agriculture interests agitated so effectively for independence for the Philippines, but not for Hawaii or Puerto Rico. A comparative historical analysis of the three colonial economies and the Philippine independence debates complemented by a statistical analysis of roll call votes in the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act supports the argument. In providing a new perspective on economic relations in the late-colonial era, the argument highlights issues of trade and empire in US history that span the subfields of American political development, comparative politics, and international political economy.
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Arong, Marie Rose B. "Nick Joaquin’s Cándido’s Apocalypse: Re-imagining the Gothic in a Postcolonial Philippines." Text Matters, no. 6 (November 23, 2016): 114–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/texmat-2016-0007.
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Nick Joaquin, one of the Philippines’ pillars of literature in English, is regrettably known locally for his nostalgic take on the Hispanic aspect of Philippine culture. While Joaquin did spend a great deal of time creatively exploring the Philippines’ Hispanic past, he certainly did not do so simply because of nostalgia. As recent studies have shown, Joaquin’s classic techniques that often echo the Hispanic influence on Philippine culture may also be considered as a form of resistance against both the American neocolonial influence and the nativist brand of nationalism in the 1950s and 1960s. Despite the emergence of Gothic criticism in postcolonial writing, Joaquin’s works have rarely received the attention they deserve in this critical area.
In this context, this paper explores the idea of the Gothic in Joaquin’s writing and how it relates to Joaquin being the “most original voice in postcolonial Philippine writing.” In 1972, the University of Queensland Press featured Joaquin’s works in its Asian and Pacific writing series. This “new” collection, Tropical Gothic (1972), contained his significant early works published in Prose and Poems (1952) plus his novellas. This collection’s title highlights a specific aspect of Joaquin’s writing, that of his propensity to use Gothic tropes such as the blending of the real and the fantastic, or the tragic and the comic, as shown in most of the stories in the collection. In particular, I examine how his novella (Cándido’s Apocalypse) interrogates the neurosis of the nation—a disconnection from the past and its repercussions on the present/future of the Philippines.
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Brody, David. "Celebrating Empire on the Home Front: New York City's Welcome-Home Party for Admiral Dewey." Prospects 25 (October 2000): 391–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000715.
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The January 3, 1900, edition of the popular, New York City newspaper the World contains an advertisement for a new edition of The Century Dictionary & Cyclopedia & Atlas (Figure 1). The strength of this reference guide, according to the full-page advertisement, is the volume's war maps. The presentation of battle cartography “enable[s] one to trace instantly the movements of every important campaign on land or sea, the routes of invading armies, raids, etc., placing and dating on the maps the battles, sieges and blockades not only of ancient and medieval times, but also those of the year just ended – and this without any complexity in the maps themselves.” In case the reader needed to be reminded about recent wars, the advertisement has enormous graphic representations of “Africa” and the “Philippine Is.” The map of the Philippines would have immediately signified the Spanish-American (1898) and Philippine-American (1899–1902) Wars to readers, conflicts that the pages of the mass media covered widely.
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Ventura, Theresa. "“I Am Already Annexed”: Ramon Reyes Lala and the Crafting of “Philippine” Advocacy for American Empire." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 3 (June 4, 2020): 426–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000092.
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AbstractThis article reconstructs the American career of the Manila-born author Ramon Reyes Lala. Lala became a naturalized United States citizen shortly before the War of 1898 garnered public interest in the history and geography of the Philippines. He capitalized on this interest by fashioning himself into an Oxford-educated nationalist exiled in the United States for his anti-Spanish activism, all the while hiding a South Asian background. Lala's spirited defense of American annexation and war earned him the political patronage of the Republican Party. Yet though Lala offered himself as a ‘model’ Philippine-American citizen, his patrons offered Lala as evidence of U.S. benevolence and Philippine civilization potential shorn of citizenship. His embodied contradictions, then, extended to his position as a producer of colonial knowledge, a racialized commodity, and a representative Filipino in the United States when many in the archipelago would not recognize him as such. Lala's advocacy for American Empire, I contend, reflected an understanding of nationality born of diasporic merchant communities, while his precarious success in the middle-class economy of print and public speaking depended on his deft maneuvering between modalities of power hardening in terms of race. His career speaks more broadly to the entwined and contradictory processes of commerce, race formation, and colonial knowledge production.
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Goh, Daniel P. S. "States of Ethnography: Colonialism, Resistance, and Cultural Transcription in Malaya and the Philippines, 1890s–1930s." Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, no. 1 (December 15, 2006): 109–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417507000424.
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The metaphoric reading of native life as an unopened book by two ranking colonial administrators and authoritative ethnographers in Malaya and the Philippines cannot be a simple coincidence. Clifford and Barrows represent two empires, one conservative and peaking, the other liberal and ascendant, meeting in “the Malay Archipelago.” Clifford was a product of the rugged and cultured education demanded of British aristocratic scions, while Barrows exemplified the rising American professional classes, holding graduate degrees in education and anthropology. Both men served well the metropolitan ideologies that guided the imperial hand: British Providence to provide good government to the Malay states; American manifest destiny to replace Spain as the agent of civilization in the Philippines. Using their ethnographic readings, Clifford helped perfect the art of British “indirect rule” Malaya, while Barrows established the Philippine mass education system, the main thrust of the United States' “benevolent assimilation.” Both men retired as decorated officers and established literati, Barrows as the President of the University of California and Clifford a literary figure after Joseph Conrad and Rudyard Kipling.
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Martínez, Julia, and Claire Lowrie. "Transcolonial Influences on Everyday American Imperialism: The Politics of Chinese Domestic Servants in the Philippines." Pacific Historical Review 81, no. 4 (November 1, 2012): 511–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2012.81.4.511.
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From the first years of the American occupation of the Philippines, the American colonial elite ran their households with the help of Chinese servants. The preference of government officials, including Governor William Howard Taft himself, for Chinese domestic labor was in flagrant disregard for the policy of Chinese exclusion as well as the principle of “benevolent assimilation,” according to which the Americans claimed to be “uplifting” the Filipino people by providing them with the opportunity to experience the dignity of labor. In opting for Chinese rather than Filipino domestic labor, elite Americans were replicating the traditions of the “Old World” colonizers, particularly the British in Asia.
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Pagunsan, Ruel V. "Nature, colonial science and nation-building in twentieth-century Philippines." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 51, no. 4 (December 2020): 561–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463420000703.
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This article examines colonial nature-making in twentieth century Philippines. It particularly looks into natural history investigations of the American-instituted Bureau of Science and the ways in which it created a discursive authority for understanding the Philippine natural environment. These biological investigations, the article argues, did not only structure the imperial construction of the colony's nature, but also provided a blueprint for imagining notions of national integration and identity. The article interrogates the link between colonial scientific projects and nation-building initiatives, emphasising the scripting of the archipelago's nature and the creation of a national science through biological spaces.
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McCoy, Alfred W. "A Rupture in Philippine-U.S. Relations: Geopolitical Implications." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 4 (November 2016): 1049–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911816001674.
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“Your honors, in this venue, I announce my separation from the United States … both in military, but economics also,” said Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte to a burst of applause from an audience of officials in Beijing's Great Hall of the People, the symbolic seat of China's ruling Communist Party. At the Philippine-Chinese trade forum that same day, October 20, 2016, Duterte opened his speech by asking, “What is really wrong with an American character?” Americans are, he continued, “loud, sometimes rowdy, and they have this volume of their voice … not adjusted to civility…. They are the more forward commanding voice befitting obedience.” Evoking some deep Filipino racialist tropes, Duterte then mocked the flat, nasal American accent and rued the time he was questioned at the Los Angeles airport by a “Black” officer with a “black” uniform, “black shoes,” and a “black” gun. Moving from rhetoric to substance, Duterte quietly capitulated to Beijing's relentless pressure for bilateral talks to settle the dispute over the South China Sea, virtually abrogating Manila's recent slam-dunk win on that issue before an international court (Demick and Wilson 2016; DU30 News 2016).
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Luyt, Brendan. "Replacing the ideology of information by exploring domains of knowledge." Journal of Documentation 71, no. 6 (October 12, 2015): 1289–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jd-11-2014-0162.
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Purpose – This paper examines the structure of Philippine historiography as viewed by Filipino historians. The purpose of this paper is to develop an understanding of the knowledge domain of Philippine history and in particular how its practitioners organize their field of study in terms of periodization. At the end of the paper an application of this analysis is proposed, the development of an online encyclopaedia of Philippine history. Design/methodology/approach – Interviews were arranged with willing historians at two of the premier institutions of higher learning in the Philippines: the Ateneo de Manila and University of the Philippines. The historians were asked three general questions: what in their opinion, are the key defining events in Philippine history? What are the key historians for each of those events? And what are the key debates regarding these events? For the purpose of this paper it is the results of the first question that are in focus as it deals with one of the fundamental tools of historical analysis, periodization. Findings – Philippine history was found to be periodized in a variety of ways, from the traditional to other approaches that stress either Filipino rather than colonial agency or the uneven trajectories of historical development that depend on region, class, or language group. A final approach viewed Filipino history as a network of relations spanning space and time. Wikis designed around the results of domain analysis make it possible to provide information on topics of importance to a discipline as well as reveal something of its deeper structure. Combined with traditional concerns, such as use of appropriate sources, this would serve to help develop a deeper awareness of the nature of knowledge production. Originality/value – This paper represents both a contribution to the study of knowledge domains, as well as an application of that study to the work of information professionals. Putting the spotlight on Philippine historians and history also helps the LIS discipline to move away from its traditional North American and European focus. Studies of knowledge producing bodies in the rest of the world are important and overdue.
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PANGALANGAN, Raphael Lorenzo Aguiling. "Relative Impermeability of the Wall of Separation: Marriage Equality in the Philippines." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 13, no. 2 (November 15, 2018): 415–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2018.17.
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AbstractThe Philippine doctrine on the separation of church and state, while rooted in American constitutional tradition, continues to show vestiges of Spanish colonial rule. The Philippines adopted the union of church and state for three and a half centuries as a Spanish colony, but became a secular state after it was ceded to the United States of America in 1898. The wall of separation has since been maintained in all subsequent Philippine constitutions, only to be compromised in statutes and daily life. That conflict is most evident in marriage, a legal institution openly shaped by canon law. Falcis v Civil Registrar-General, the marriage equality petition pending before the Philippine Supreme Court, seeks to end that practice. But note the irony: while the US Supreme Court in Obergefell v Hodges secularizes marriage and disconnects it from religion, Falcis takes an opposing route in anchoring marriage equality on religious freedom. This article looks at the prospect of that gambit. By contrasting the legal and theological contexts from which Obergefell and Falcis stem, the article shows how the demands of same-sex union and church-state separation are tightly intertwined.
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Et al., Tran Xuan Hiep. "“WOMEN EDUCATION IN THE COLONIAL CONTEXT: THE CASE OF THE PHILIPPINES”." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): 5213–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.2076.
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The Philippine Islands experienced a long period of colonialism, from 1565 to 1946. During nearly 400 years of colonization, Philippine education was deeply influenced by the Hispanic and American education system. The educational policies of colonial governments had affected most Philipinas, including women. While the Spaniards performed a minimal education for women and bundled them in the strict framework, the Americans paid attention to provide practical career skills for women in the family and in society. From the approach based on the connection between education and colonialism, the paper will focus on the issue of educating women in the colonial administration's educational policy and its impact on life of women, on their cognitive and the re-awareness process of their roles and positions in society.
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Iaccarino, Ubaldo. "The ‘Galleon System’ and Chinese Trade in Manila at the Turn of the 16th Century." MING QING YANJIU 16, no. 01 (February 14, 2011): 95–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-01601005.
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When the mission of the Basque adelantado Miguel López de Legazpi reached Luzon – the northernmost isle of the Philippine archipelago – in 1570, the ambitious Spanish conquistadores met the ‘Sangley’ merchants for the first time. During the 1570s many Chinese junks started to connect Manila with the ports of Fujian province and transformed the Philippine capital in a crossroads of the silk to silver exchange between China, Japan and the two Americas. Following the establishment of the Manila-Acapulco-Callao triangular trade line and with the influx of the precious ‘reals of eight’ from Mexico, the so-called ‘Naos de China’ started to enrich both the Spaniards and the ‘Sangleys’, triggering an irreversible process that led to the establishment of a ‘Galleon System’ in just two decades. This paper will discuss the role of Chinese trade in the Philippines at the close of the 16th century from the founding of Manila in 1571 to the establishment of the ‘Galleon System’ by the early 1590s.
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Pertierra, Anna Cristina. "The television families of Mexico and the Philippines: dynasties and caciques in transpacific media cultures." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 1 (November 26, 2019): 136–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443719884061.
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Metaphors of family play a particular part in representing and justifying the public role of elite families and media empires in Mexico and the Philippines, two countries on opposite sides of the Pacific that feature linked histories of Spanish colonial heritage and intimate connections to the cultural and economic history of the modern United States. The media industries of Mexico and the Philippines share some important characteristics: powerful commercial television networks are operated by prominent elite family companies, whose multimedia empires wield political and economic influence nationwide. An industry model of elite family dominance is reflected in the ways that contemporary television programs, hosts, and viewers understand themselves as belonging to sorts of ‘television families’. The nature of Mexican and Philippine television industries as family businesses writ large merits more extensive comparative historical exploration. These parallel cases draw attention to how media may be productively compared and studied across the Pacific regions of Asia and the Americas.
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Prieto, Laura R. "A Delicate Subject: Clemencia López, Civilized Womanhood, and the Politics of Anti-Imperialism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 12, no. 2 (April 2013): 199–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781413000066.
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In 1902, Clemencia López journeyed to the United States to work for the liberation of her imprisoned brothers and for Filipino independence. She granted interviews, circulated her photograph, and spoke in public under the sponsorship of American anti-imperialists and suffragists. López argued that Filipinos like herself were already a civilized people and thus did not need Americans' “benevolent assimilation.” Her gender and her elite family background helped her make this case. Instead of presenting her as racially inferior, published accounts expressed appreciation of her feminine refinement and perceptions of her beauty as exotic. Americans simultaneously perceived her as apolitical because of her sex. López was thus able to take advantage of American gender politics to discuss the “delicate subject” of autonomy for the Philippines in ways that anti-imperialist Filipino men could not.
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Suzuki, Nobutaka. "Upholding Filipino nationhood: The debate over Mindanao in the Philippine Legislature, 1907–1913." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 44, no. 2 (April 22, 2013): 266–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463413000076.
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Christian Filipino legislators in the bicameral US civil administration played a hitherto unacknowledged role in pushing for the colonisation of Mindanao, as part of the Philippines, by proposing a series of Assembly bills (between 1907 to 1913) aimed at establishing migrant farming colonies on Mindanao. This legislative process was fuelled by anger over the unequal power relations between the Filipino-dominated Assembly and the American-dominated Commission, as well as rivalry between resident Christian Filipino leaders versus the American military government, business interests and some Muslim datus in Mindanao itself for control over its land and resources. Focusing on the motives and intentions of the bills' drafters, this study concludes that despite it being a Spanish legacy, the Christian Filipino elite's territorial map — emphasising the integrity of a nation comprising Luzon, the Visayas and Mindanao — provided the basis for their claim of Philippine sovereignty over Mindanao.
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Lewicki, Zbigniew. "USTANAWIANIE AMERYKAŃSKIEJ WŁADZY KOLONIALNEJ NA FILIPINACH." Zeszyty Prawnicze 15, no. 3 (December 2, 2016): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2015.15.3.03.
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Establishing American Colonial Government in thePhilippinesSummaryThe Philippines was the only American colony and its establishmentcaused a fierce debate in the United States on whether this complied withthe principles of American civil society. It was decided that returning thearchipelago to Spain or simply abandoning it was out of the question,and that the USA would retain its sovereignty over the islands whilepreparing the country for independence.This is in fact what happened. After the period of military strugglewith the forces of Emilio Aguinaldo, Americans began what would todaybe described as a nation-building process. Its most important components were the health system and education, along with the training ofadministrative staff, who assumed more and more responsibility. Thiswas in stark contrast with the behaviour of traditional colonial powers.While the process was somewhat slower than expected, and wasinterrupted by the outbreak of World War 2, the Philippines becameindependent soon after the war and the process of transition was conducted in an orderly fashion.The article, the first on the topic in Poland, analyses the successivephases in the building up of American colonial control of the Philippinesand its subsequent withdrawal.
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Hutchcroft, Paul D., and Joel Rocamora. "Strong Demands and Weak Institutions: The Origins and Evolution of the Democratic Deficit in the Philippines." Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (August 2003): 259–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001363.
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No country in Asia has more experience with democratic institutions than the Philippines. Over more than a century—from the representational structures of the Malolos republic of 1898 to the political tutelage of American colonial rule, from thecaciquedemocracy of the postwar republic to the restoration of democracy in the People Power uprising of 1986—Filipinos know both the promise of democracy and the problems of making democratic structures work for the benefit of all. Some 100 years after the introduction of national-level democratic institutions to the Philippines, the sense of frustration over the character of the country's democracy is arguably more apparent than ever before. On the one hand, the downfall of President Joseph Estrada in January 2001 revealed the capacity of many elements of civil society to demand accountability and fairness from their leaders; on the other hand, the popular uprisings of April and May 2001—involving thousands of urban poor supporters of Estrada—highlighted the continuing failure of democratic structures to respond to the needs of the poor and excluded. Philippine democracy is, indeed, in a state of crisis.
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De Castro, Renato Cruz. "The Duterte Administration's Foreign Policy: Unravelling the Aquino Administration's Balancing Agenda on an Emergent China." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 35, no. 3 (December 2016): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341603500307.
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From 2010 to 2016, then-President Benigno Aquino balanced China's expansive maritime claim in the South China Sea. President Aquino challenged China by shifting the AFP's focus from domestic security to territorial defence, bolstering closer Philippine–US security relations, acquiring American military equipment, seeking from Washington an explicit security guarantee under the 1951 Mutual Defence Treaty (MDT), and promoting a strategic partnership with Japan. However, the Duterte administration is unravelling its predecessor's balancing agenda by distancing itself from the United States and gravitating closer to China, despite the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) July 12 2016 award to the Philippines. President Duterte's foreign policy is directed at reviving the equi-balancing policy on China, in contrast to then-President Aquino's balancing strategy. This is best exemplified by his efforts to harness China for several major infrastructure and investments projects in the Philippines and to resort to bilateral negotiations with Beijing. The present article argues that instead of relying on the US, President Duterte is fostering closer security partnership with Japan to equi-balance an emergent China.
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McKenna, Rebecca Tinio. "Igorot Squatters and Indian Wards: Toward an Intra-imperial History of Land Dispossession." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, no. 2 (March 8, 2019): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000683.
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AbstractThis essay considers two land disputes that took place in the first decade of U.S. rule in the Philippines and that reached the U.S. Supreme Court:Cariño v. Insular Government(1909) andReavis v. Fianza(1909). In arguing their cases, litigants were forced to reckon with the property rights regime of the former Spanish empire. In this regard, the cases affirm the import of inter-imperial frameworks for understanding colonial problems of land ownership and sovereignty. When arguing over the rightful owners of Philippine lands, parties to these cases also drew on the history and legal bases of land dispossession and settler colonialism in the American West. Further, in later decades, the arguments made in one of these cases would figure into legal conflicts over Native American lands. These cases thus suggest the value of also examining intra-imperial relationships, the emphasis of this essay. They demonstrate how histories and legal structures of settler-driven “expansion” and extra-continental colonialism informed, even constituted, each other.
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De Leon, Adrian. "Siopao and Power: The Place of Pork Buns in Manila's Chinese History." Gastronomica 16, no. 2 (2016): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2016.16.2.45.
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This article explores culinary suspicion toward Chinese Manileños during the Spanish and American occupations of the Philippines. It takes siopao—an urban Filipino adaptation of the Cantonese char siu bao (steamed barbecue pork bun)—as its point of convergence, and explores modern controversies accusing Chinese cooks of using taboo meats instead of pork. These suspicions developed according to a cultural lineage rooted in the exclusion of Chinese migrants and their foodways and formalized in legal mechanisms of urban segregation and exclusionary laws. This article suggests that the simultaneous love and repulsion for siopao stands in for a range of alternative multiculturalisms that sought to govern Chinese bodies, adapted across the imperial fringes of the Spanish and US empires. At the same time, tracing the global networks of Chinese labor, Spanish and American imperialisms, and Philippine migration, this article tells a story of how a portable, working-class Chinese dish became Filipino as it passed through the hands and mouths of a global Pacific.
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Sinardet, Emmanuelle. "Le genre philippin des letras y figuras dans la deuxième moitié du xixe siècle." América, no. 54 (March 1, 2021): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/america.3958.
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Rotundo, E. Anthony, Kristin L. Hoganson, and Dana D. Nelson. "Fighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish- American and Philippine-American and Philippine-American Wars." Journal of American History 86, no. 4 (March 2000): 1817. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567670.
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Bascara, V. "God's Arbiters: Americans and the Philippines, 1898-1902 / Empire's Proxy: American Literature and US Imperialism in the Philippines." American Literature 86, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 189–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00029831-2395447.
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Hawkins, Michael. "Imperial historicism and American military rule in the Philippines' Muslim south." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 39, no. 3 (September 11, 2008): 411–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463408000325.
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AbstractWhen American imperialists seized the Philippines at the dawning of the twentieth century, their guiding philosophy was predicated upon broadly conceived notions of cultural and political historicism. The unwavering self-assurance required to rule over millions of unfamiliar imperial subjects derived its potency from an unquestioned panoptic view of history. This epistemological tool of imperialism found an especially unique and fascinating expression in the United States' politico-military rule over Filipino Muslims. This article explores the creation and processes of imperial taxonomy among Moro populations while accounting for a number of disturbing disruptions and anomalies in the Americans' historical narrative (such as slavery and Islamic civilisation) that threatened to unravel the tightly circumscribed concept of a uniform and interpretable progressive transitional past. It also examines the ways in which American imperialists accounted for these anomalies, and manipulated their own interpretations of the past and the present to maintain the integrity of their philosophical imperial foundations.
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Raftery, Judith R. "La Girl Filipina: Paz Marquez Benitez, Brokering Cultures." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 9, no. 2 (April 2010): 232–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400003960.
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A 1910Normal School Yearbookfeatured six young women in basketball uniforms. Sixteen-year-old Paz Marquez, the tallest among them and the captain of the team, looks out unsmilingly. In the early years of the century, photographs of women's basketball teams appeared in hundreds of normal-school yearbooks across the American landscape, but this photo came from the normal school in Manila. Two years later, sharing another American ritual, the former team captain graced the cover of the weekly magazineRenacimiento Filipino, this time dressed in a luxurious gown befitting the Queen of the Carnival. That same year, 1912, Paz Marquez graduated with a B.A. in the first class from the College of Liberal Arts at the newly formed, secular University of the Philippines. Participating in commonplace American events, Paz Marquez (later Benitez) acted as a bridge, a link, between two cultures. Over the next decades, Paz continued in this role. In addition, however, she also became a cultural broker, as she confronted the conundrum that the use of English as the official language had imposed on Filipino culture. In these ways, Paz illustrates the complicated and intriguing story of U.S. nation-building from an intimate and distinctly Philippine viewpoint.
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BANKOFF, GREG. "Dangers to going it alone: social capital and the origins of community resilience in the Philippines." Continuity and Change 22, no. 2 (August 2007): 327–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416007006315.
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ABSTRACTRobert Putnam's influential article ‘Bowling alone: America's declining social capital’ puts forward a number of possible factors to explain the decline of civil society in the USA. Many of these same forces are also at work in America's erstwhile colony in Asia, the Philippines, where almost the opposite outcome is true if one can measure such things as social capital by the activity of formal and informal associations and networks devoted to mutual assistance. Unlike Americans, however, Filipinos are exposed to a much higher degree of everyday risk. This article traces the evolution of mutual benefit associations and networks and suggests that it is in precisely those geographical regions most exposed to personal misfortune and community danger that they proliferate most readily.
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Gonzales, Wilkinson Daniel Wong, and Mie Hiramoto. "Two Englishes diverged in the Philippines?" Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 35, no. 1 (May 13, 2020): 125–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00057.gon.
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Abstract Although World Englishes (WE) scholarship is concerned with the study of English varieties in different social contexts, there is a tendency to treat postcolonial ones as homogenous regional phenomena (e.g., Philippine English). Few researchers have discussed variation and social differentiation in detail with empirical evidence. Thus, in order to understand how layers of different varieties of WE operate within a specific group of speakers, this study takes an empirical intergroup approach from a substratist framework. This study explores distinctive features of a metropolitan Manila variety of Chinese English used in the Philippines, Manila Chinese English (MCE), an English contact variety used by Manila Chinese Filipinos. After comparing the frequencies of selected features observed in a 52,000-word MCE database with frequencies in Manila English and American English corpora, this study found that a distinct variety – MCE – most likely emerged in the 1960s due to the extensive contact between general Manila English and local tongues of Chinese Filipinos such as (Hybrid) Hokkien and Tagalog, which function as MCE’s substrate languages. This study takes into account MCE’s structure, sources, and genesis, and discusses MCE in relation to Philippine English as positioned in Schneider’s dynamic model, to demonstrate how intergroup variations coexist but take divergent paths within a WE variety.
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De Leon, Adrian. "Working the Kodak Zone." Radical History Review 2018, no. 132 (October 1, 2018): 68–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-6942403.
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AbstractThis article traces a labor history of colonial photography and the visual production of race in the Philippine Cordilleras, as well as its diasporic performances abroad. It argues that the ethnological visuality of Spanish and American imperialisms in the mountains of Northern Luzon, which produced discourses of race and indigeneity for the purposes of colonial occupation and imperial politics, amounted to various labor relations between Cordillerans in front of the camera, Americans behind and around the camera, and global audiences in European and North American fair midways. What became known variously as the “industrious savage” or the “dog-eating Igorrote” at the turn of the twentieth century crystallized in part out of workers’ assertions to fair wages, good working conditions, and collective dignity. This essay seeks to provide new labor history frameworks through critical readings of photographs, their subjects, and their larger economies of production and circulation.
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ARENSON, ADAM. "Anglo-Saxonism in the Yukon: The Klondike Nugget and American-British Relations in the ““Two Wests,”” 1898––1901." Pacific Historical Review 76, no. 3 (August 1, 2007): 373–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2007.76.3.373.
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During the Klondike Gold Rush, Americans and Britons connected their joint local experiences with the simultaneous colonial conquests in Cuba, the Philippines, South Africa, and China through the ideology of Anglo-Saxonism. From 1898 to 1901 Dawson's newspapers, memoirs, correspondence, and commercial photography demonstrated the power of this symbolic language of flags and balls, heated rhetoric and dazzling cartoons. The Klondike Nugget, the first newspaper in town and the only one run by Americans, took up the claims of global Anglo-Saxonism with the most fervor, although its sentiments were often echoed in the Canadian-edited Dawson Daily News. Differences re-emerged, especially over the boundary between Alaska and Canada, but this brief episode remained deeply imprinted in narratives of the ““two Wests””——both of the North American frontier West and the West as Anglo-Saxon civilization——told at the turn of the twentieth century.
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Goodman, Grant K. "Bonner Fellers in the Philippines: American Colonial Prototype." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 19, no. 1 (2012): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656112x640715.
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Bonner Fellers (1896-1973), later prominent in the American occupation of Japan, in 1936 was assigned as captain in the U.S. Army to the staff of General Douglas MacArthur in Manila. His first assignment was to organize and develop a Reserve Officers’ Service School for the newly founded Philippine Army. Fellers's letters to his wife give a private view of how he gained the confidence of both General MacArthur and Philippine Commonwealth President Manuel L. Quezon when from 1937 to 1940 he served both men as principal aide and supported them on a trip to Washington in 1937. Fellers multitasked remarkably well and was privy to the highest level of both the American and Philippine governments.
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Maria Balenbin Fresnido, Ana, and Joseph Marmol Yap. "Academic library consortia in the Philippines: hanging in the balance." Library Management 35, no. 1/2 (January 7, 2014): 15–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/lm-04-2013-0028.
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Purpose – The concept of academic library consortium emerged in the Philippines in the 1970s evidenced by the successive establishment of three consortia namely, the Academic Libraries Book Acquisition Services Association (ALBASA) in 1973, the Inter-Institutional Consortium (IIC) (now South Manila Inter-Institutional Consortium) in 1974, and the Mendiola Consortium (MC) in 1975. This paper aims to find out the experiences and status of selected academic library consortia in the Philippines, namely, the Academic Libraries Book Acquisitions Systems Association, Inc. (ALBASA), the American Corners (also known as American Studies Resource Center (ASRC) in some areas), the Aurora Boulevard Consortium Libraries, Inc. (ABC), the Davao Colleges and University Network (DACUN), the Inter University Consortium (IUC), the Intramuros Library Consortium (ILC), the Mendiola Consortium (MC), the Ortigas Center Library Consortium (OCLC), and the South Manila Inter institutional Consortium (SMI-IC) specifically in terms of the objectives of the different consortia, the activities they undertake and how such relate to the set objectives, the benefits they have enjoyed or continue to enjoy, the issues they have encountered as well as success/failure factors experienced by libraries in joining the different consortia. Design/methodology/approach – The sample was derived from the review of literature, which also served as basis to come up with the list of existing academic library consortia. The respondents were selected based on the Philippine Association of Academic and Research Librarians (PAARL) directory. Communication was sent via email, telephone, scheduled personal interview and social networking sites (e.g. Facebook). A total of 13 out of 23 (56.52 percent) respondents accomplished the survey questionnaires which were distributed online and manually. Descriptive statistics was used to analyze the results. Findings – Results of the study revealed that the role academic library consortia play in the development of academic libraries is crucial particularly in the promotion of professional development and resource sharing. As technology greatly influences the way libraries do things, the varying level of technological development among consortium member libraries confirmed to be a major challenge being faced by them today. While majority of the surveyed consortia assessed themselves to be successful, it is evident that there is lack of congruence between the consortia's objectives and undertakings. Originality/value – The paper is a modest contribution to the dearth of literature in Philippine academic library consortia. It also is the first study conducted measuring the success of selected academic consortia and identifying the factors contributing to their success/failure.
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Jamir, Joselito C. "Napoleon C. Ejercito, MD (1921 – 2007)." Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology-Head and Neck Surgery 22, no. 1-2 (November 28, 2007): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32412/pjohns.v22i1-2.811.
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A Strong Pillar
After completing his residency training program in the United States, Dr. Napoleon Ejercito came back to join the faculty of the then combined Department of Eye Ear Nose and Throat (EENT) at the Philippine General Hospital. Unhappy with the fact that ORL in the Philippines was not yet a separate and distinct specialty with no existing standard and organized form of training, Dr. Ejercito and seven other optimistic and young ENT surgeons gathered together to form the Otolaryngology Society of the Philippines under the leadership of Dr. Tierry Garcia. These men became the historic pillars of the society.
With the birth of this society, the development and maturation of the
specialty was simply a matter of time.
Fifteen years later, Dr. Ejercito spearheaded the founding of the Philippine Board of Otolaryngology and Bronchoesophagology in order to standardize and professionalize the practice of ORL. Initially composed of diplomates and candidates of the American Board of Otorhinolaryngology, the rigorous process of accreditation and qualification was patterned after the American Board. This organization was subsequently incorporated and evolved into what is now known as the Philippine Board of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery. This board became his youngest child whose growth he fostered and whose interests he promoted and protected.
A Dedicated Leader
Dr. Ejercito was Chairman of the Department of ORL of the UP-PGH from 1970 to 1974, when Martial Law was declared. He was a staunch critic of the Marcos regime, but the repression did not deter him from leading the department in achieving its goals.
During his time as chair of the department, only a total of 12 residency slots were available. It was Dr. Ejercito who pioneered the restructuring of the residency training program into three ORL residents per year level. Furthermore, it was during Dr. Ejercito’s term that a post-residency graduate was chosen as the chief resident.
His integrity was beyond question. Rather than face the possibility of naming his eldest son as chief resident, he compelled his son to seek further fellowship
abroad.
A Trailblazer
Dr. Napoleon Ejercito can be called the father of head and neck surgery in the Philippines. While Dr. Tierry Garcia initiated the expansion of the specialty of Otorhinolaryngology to include head and neck surgery, it was Dr. Ejercito who nurtured and strengthened it to what it is today. As a testament to Dr. Ejercito’s legacy, the stipend of the fellow of the Head and Neck Program of the Department of ORL –PGH was made available by an alumnus of the department, and was named after him.
His dedication to the discipline was beyond comparison. Even when he was the Chair, Dr. Ejercito continued to operate on charity patients and demonstrated operative procedures to residents on a regular basis.
His retirement did not dampen his zeal to further the cause of ORL. He continued to support the different programs of the society and attended society conventions and departmental conferences whenever possible, which gained the admiration of younger generation of residents. Dr. Napoelon Ejercito: A strong pillar, a dedicated leader, a trailblazer. Such a man will truly be missed.