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Journal articles on the topic 'Philosophy, Asian – History'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Okihiro, G. Y. "Teaching Asian American History." OAH Magazine of History 10, no. 4 (June 1, 1996): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/10.4.3.

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2

Cheng, Lucie, and Hyung-Chan Kim. "Dictionary of Asian American History." Journal of American History 75, no. 4 (March 1989): 1396. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908775.

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3

Nakayama, Shigeru. "Periodization of the east asian history of science." Revue de synthèse 108, no. 3-4 (July 1987): 375–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03189068.

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4

Mar, Gary R. "Chinese Virtues, Four Prisons, and the Way On." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 46, no. 1-2 (March 3, 2019): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-0460102008.

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How did Chinese virtues inspire the emergence of Asian American philosophy within the American Philosophical Association (APA)? This question might seem a non-starter given the antagonistic disciplinary histories of Asian Studies and Asian American Studies. However, like the families we grew up in, virtues can subtly shape our destinies even if, or perhaps especially if, those virtues are not didactically imposed. In this article, I give a narrative account of how Chinese virtues, exemplified in encounters with Asian American filmmakers, scholars and activists, were inspirational in the struggle to recognize Asian American philosophy within the APA. I also argue that the virtues themselves provide new intellectual perspectives for articulating philosophies of personal identity and public history, scholarship and teaching. These philosophical alternatives to mainstream philosophical views on these topics express core values of Asian American philosophy.
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5

HASHI, Hisaki. "The Logic of “Mutual Transmission” in Huayan and Zen Buddhist Philosophy – Toward the Logic of Co-existence in a Globalized World." Asian Studies 4, no. 2 (August 10, 2016): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2016.4.2.95-108.

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Is it true that in the history of East Asian cultures there was less “philosophy”, less “logic” and “rationality” before the process of modernization began in the nineteenth century? A number of scholars of East Asian Studies believe this is a form of prejudice. For example, Nishida Kitarō stated that in East Asian cultures there is another form of logic, which can be called the “logicus spiritus” (心の論理). This article examines the essential parts of this logic with regard to Huayan and Zen Buddhist philosophy, and is thus an effort at comparative philosophy.
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6

Chan, S. "The Writing of Asian American History." OAH Magazine of History 10, no. 4 (June 1, 1996): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/10.4.8.

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7

SASTRAWAN, WAYAN JARRAH. "TEMPORALITIES IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY." History and Theory 59, no. 2 (June 2020): 210–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hith.12155.

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8

Kang, Byoung Yoong. "Review and Prospects of Taiwanese Philosophy Scholarship in South Korea." Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (September 22, 2020): 111–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2020.8.3.111-137.

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This study examined how Taiwanese philosophy has been received and researched in South Korea since its start to the present day. It takes the form of a survey, classifying the articles about Taiwanese philosophy which were published in South Korea over the years from 1994 to 2018 by the theme. It selected nine philosophers whose influence was profound in Taiwanese philosophy and observed the currents in the scholarship on each philosopher. The names of the selected philosophers are: Fang Thomé H., Hu Shi, Huang Chun-chieh, Lin Yutang, Liu Shuxian (Liu Shu-hsien), Mou Zongsan, Tang Junyi (Tang Chun-I), Xu Fuguan, Yu Yingshi (Yu Ying-shih). Sixty-one related papers were summarized and reviewed, and each of them was classified by the publication date, author, language, publisher and keywords. The survey revealed the limitations in Asian philosophy scholarship with regard to Taiwanese philosophy in South Korea, in terms of both quantity and quality. The survey also suggested a possible solution to these limitations and directions for scholars in the future. The study thus serves as a foundation that can boost discussion and the balanced development of South Korean philosophy studies, as well as of Asian philosophy in general.
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9

Rošker, Jana. "Modern and Contemporary Taiwanese Philosophy." Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (September 10, 2020): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2020.8.3.7-12.

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The topic of this special issue deals with the development of a certain stream of the Chinese philosophical tradition. Yet this philosophy did not originate in mainland China, and thus in some supposedly logical “centre” of Chinese culture, but on its alleged “periphery”, namely on the beautiful island of Taiwan. One of the incentives for our decision to compile an issue of Asian Studies which is devoted entirely to the philosophical developments in Taiwan was an international conference, entitled Taiwanese Philosophy and the Preservation of the Confucian Tradition. This interesting academic meeting was organized in October 2019 in Ljubljana by the Center for Chinese Studies at the National Central Library in Taiwan in cooperation with the East Asian Research Library (EARL) and the Department of Asian Studies at University of Ljubljana.
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10

Nandasara, S. T., and Y. Mikami. "Asian Language Processing: History and Perspectives." IEEE Annals of the History of Computing 31, no. 1 (January 2009): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mahc.2009.2.

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11

Omi, M. "Teaching, Situating, and Interrogating Asian American History." OAH Magazine of History 10, no. 4 (June 1, 1996): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/10.4.18.

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12

Heurtebise, Jean-Yves. "Hegel’s Orientalist Philosophy of History and its Kantian Anthropological Legacy." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 44, no. 3-4 (March 3, 2017): 175–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-0440304007.

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This paper aims to shed new light on Hegel’s rather problematic statements about Asian thinking and Chinese philosophy by disclosing the Orientalist antecedents found in Kant’s anthropological works. First, the notion of Orientalism will be defined with reference to Orientalism (1977) and “Orientalism Reconsidered” (1985) by Edward Said. Second, an exploration of Kant’s anthropological research will show that this constituted the turning point in the Western Orientalist perception of China which had a strong influence on Hegel Finally, it will be claimed that Hegel’s Orientalist perception of China rests on a definition of culture as the expression of the “spirit of a people” (Volksgeist) that has recently been revised by contemporary post-colonial anthropologists.
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13

Tsuchida, John N., and Hyung-chan Kim. "A Legal History of Asian Americans, 1790-1990." Journal of American History 82, no. 2 (September 1995): 705. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082238.

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14

Ogrizek, Marko. "Huang Chun-Chieh and Comparative Philosophy." Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (September 22, 2020): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2020.8.3.91-110.

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Confucianism cannot be posited as merely a philosophical tradition, but can nevertheless be said to possess key elements of a philosophy of ethics, which have time and again been able to transcend both the tradition’s historical as well cultural bounds. While Huang Chun-chieh points out that it is more appropriate to speak of Confucianisms, plural, core Confucian values and notions possess the ability to move from context to context while retaining certain characteristics and changing others. The proper approach to the study of Confucianisms should therefore be interdisciplinary and in line with the new method of East Asian Confucianisms, where philosophy should also have an important part to play. Understood within the bounds of the project of Confucian philosophy (a project that can be seen as dynamic and ongoing in the global environment of the 21st century), a broader and more diverse range of expressions of Confucian thought—particularly through the methods of both East Asian Confucianisms and of comparative philosophy as an effort of a more equal and inclusive philosophical dialogue—could help throw new light on important aspects of Confucian philosophical thought. While the methods of East Asian Confucinisms and of comparative philosophy are different in their aims and scope, they also share common sensibilities.
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15

Odo, F. "Asian Americans in Hawai'i." OAH Magazine of History 10, no. 4 (June 1, 1996): 46–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/10.4.46.

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16

Wolock, Lia. "South Asian American Digital Archive." Journal of American History 108, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 120–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaab068.

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17

Mabbett, I. W. "Conference of the Asian and comparative philosophy society of Australasia." Asian Studies Review 14, no. 3 (April 1991): 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539108712724.

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18

Lee, Sue-Im. "Can You Tell by Looking? A Postvisible Definition of Asian American Literature." American Literature 92, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 543–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00029831-8616187.

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Abstract This essay identifies a need for a postvisible definition of Asian American literature. Traditionally Asian American literature has been identified by the racial descent of the writer and recognizable “Asian American” content, but such qualifications are no longer sufficient and prompt the question, “But is it Asian American?” In order to theorize a postvisible definition, this essay engages twentieth-century philosophy of art to delineate three distinct approaches to definition in Asian American literary history: a “real” definition in its founding period that pursued exactitude and empiricism in substantiating a new category of art called Asian American literature, to an anti-definition in the 1990s, and to the pluralist, nonnormative definition since 2000 in which identifying a text as Asian American is an exercise in persuasively situating the text within the Asian American literary artworld, not in identifying visibly “detectible” properties.
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19

Yuh, J. Y. "A Graduate Student's Reflection on Studying Asian American History." OAH Magazine of History 10, no. 4 (June 1, 1996): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/10.4.32.

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20

Roediger, David, and Robert G. Lee. "Orientals: Asian Americans in Popular Culture." Journal of American History 87, no. 1 (June 2000): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567971.

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21

Vampelj Suhadolnik, Nataša. "Between Ethnology and Cultural History." Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (September 10, 2021): 85–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.3.85-116.

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While a few larger collections of objects of East Asian origin entered Slovenian mu­seums after the deaths of their owners in the 1950s and 60s, individual items had begun finding their way there as early as the nineteenth century. Museums were faced early on with the problem not only of how to store and exhibit the objects, but also how to categorize them. Were they to be treated as “art” on account of their aesthetic value or did they belong, rather, to the field of “ethnography” or “anthropology” because they could illustrate the way of life of other peoples? Above all, in which museums were these objects to be housed? The present paper offers an in-depth analysis of these and related questions, seeking to shed light on how East Asian objects have been showcased in Slovenia (with a focus on the National Museum and the Slovene Ethnographic Museum) over the past two hundred years. In particular, it explores the values and criteria that were applied when placing these objects into individual categories. In contrast to the conceptual shift from “ethnology” to the “decorative and fine arts,” which can mostly be observed in the categorization of East Asian objects in North America and the former European colonial countries, the classification of such objects in Slovenia varied between “ethnology” and “cultural history,” with ethnology ultimately coming out on top. This ties in with the more general question of how (East) Asian cultures were understood and perceived in Slovenia, which is itself related to the historical and social development of the “peripheral” Slovenian area compared with former major imperial centres.
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22

MARCON, FEDERICO. "THE CRITICAL PROMISES OF THE HISTORY OF KNOWLEDGE: PERSPECTIVES FROM EAST ASIAN STUDIES." History and Theory 59, no. 4 (December 2020): 19–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hith.12180.

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23

Kopf, David, Partha Chatterjee, Gyanendra Pandey, Vanita Damodaran, Ranajit Das Gupta, and Peter Robb. "Subaltern Studies VII: Writings on South Asian History and Society." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 26, no. 1 (1995): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205619.

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24

Ueda, Reed, Sucheng Chan, and Peter Kwong. "The Coolie and the Model Minority: Reconstructing Asian-American History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 20, no. 1 (1989): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204052.

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25

Gislén, Lars, and J. C. Eade. "South East Asian Eclipse Calculations." Centaurus 43, no. 3-4 (October 24, 2008): 278–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0498.2000.cnt430307.x.

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26

Konior, Jan. "Confession Rituals and the Philosophy of Forgiveness in Asian Religions and Christianity." Forum Philosophicum 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2010): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/forphil.2010.1501.06.

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In this paper I will take into account the historical, religious and philosophical aspects of the examination of conscience, penance and satisfaction, as well as ritual confession and cure, in Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. I will also take into account the difficulties that baptized Chinese Christians met in sacramental Catholic confession. Human history proves that in every culture and religion, man has always had a need to be cleansed from evil and experience mutual forgiveness. What ritual models were used by Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism? To what degree did these models prove to be true? What are the connections between a real experience of evil, ritual confession, forgiveness and cure in Chinese religions and philosophies?
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27

JUDGE, RAJBIR SINGH. "THERE IS NO COLONIAL RELATIONSHIP: ANTAGONISM, SIKHISM, AND SOUTH ASIAN STUDIES." History and Theory 57, no. 2 (June 2018): 195–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hith.12057.

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28

Obadia, Lionel, and Ruth Illman. "Religious diversity." Approaching Religion 7, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.65899.

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The subject matter of this special issue is anything but new: religious diversity has already been widely discussed in theology, philosophy, history and sociology. (Too) many times, however, diversity has been measured against the yardstick of the changing face of monotheistic models of religion (mainly Christianity). Asian religions have stood at the opposite end of a spectrum of analytical models in religious studies ever since Max Weber’s classic analysis of Asian religions as mixed systems of beliefs per se. This distinction is, nevertheless, rather problematic, and calls for a closer examination of the conceptual status of diversity, and of the forms it assumes in Asian contexts.
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29

Huang, Junjie. "A new perspective in the history of East Asian Confucianism: Some reflections on Confucian Hermeneutics." Dao 2, no. 2 (June 2003): 235–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02857197.

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30

Melendy, H. Brett, and Yen Le Espiritu. "Asian American Panethnicity: Bridging Institutions and Identities." Journal of American History 80, no. 4 (March 1994): 1543. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080743.

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31

ROŠKER, Jana S. "Modern Confucianism and the Concept of “Asian Values”." Asian Studies 4, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2016.4.1.153-164.

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Through contrastive analysis, the present paper aims to introduce the connections between the now fashionable notion of Asian values and the Modern Confucian discourses. Even though this has often been closely identified with Confucian axiology, this article shows how and why this notion has almost nothing to do with the contemporary stream of the so-called Modern Confucians or their philosophy. However, precisely because of this false identification, and in order to clarify any misunderstandings as to the supposed Confucian roots of this idea, it must be examined in greater detail, and placed in its historical, ideological, and sociological context. Hence, the present paper aims to introduce the difference between Modern Confucian philosophy and the discourse on Asian values, which is often mistakenly comprehended as forming part of Modern Confucianism. Given the prevalence of this confusion, it is important to explain why and in what ways Modern Confucians are, instead, generally critical of the concept of “Asian values”.
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32

S. Rošker, Jana. "Chinese Philosophy, “Postcomparative” Approaches and Transcultural Studies: A Reply to Vytis Silius." Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (September 10, 2020): 305–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2020.8.3.305-316.

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In the previous issue of Asian Studies (May 2020), Vytis Silius published a paper entitled Diversifying Academic Philosophy: The Post-Comparative Turn and Transculturalism, in which he dealt with some basic, significant and hitherto still unsolved questions regarding the so-called “post-comparative shift” in Chinese and intercultural philosophy.
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33

Siddiqi, Asif A. "Technology in the South Asian imaginary." History and Technology 31, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 341–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07341512.2016.1142632.

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34

Kurashige, S. "Exposing the Price of Ignorance: Teaching Asian American History in Michigan." Journal of American History 93, no. 4 (March 1, 2007): 1178–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25094608.

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35

Döring, Ole. "A Confucian Asian Ethos? Essentials of the Culture of East Asian Bioethics." East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine 25, no. 1 (June 15, 2006): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669323-02501007.

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36

Mazumdar, S. "Beyond Bound Feet: Relocating Asian American Women." OAH Magazine of History 10, no. 4 (June 1, 1996): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/10.4.23.

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37

Saliba, George. "Al-Qushjī's Reform of the Ptolemaic Model for Mercury." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 3, no. 2 (September 1993): 161–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423900001776.

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In this article the author analyzes a fifteenth-century Arabic reform of the Ptolemaic model for Mercury. The author of the reform was the Central Asian – Ottoman astronomer ‘Alā” al-Dīn al-Qushjī (d. 1474 A.D.) who, in his youth, had been instructed in the mathematical sciences by none other than the famous Central Asian monarch Ulugh Beg (1394–1449). Although the astronomers of Ulugh Beg's circle are known to have produced extensive astronomical Persian tables, no one other than Qushjī has been yet identified to have produced a theoretical text devoted to the criticism, let alone the reform, of the Ptolemaic mathematical planetary models. The present article on Qushji's reform of the Ptolemaic model for Mercury includes a critical first edition of Qushji's Arabic text, an English translation, and a historical and technical commentary.
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38

Vampelj Suhadolnik, Nataša. "East Asia in Slovenia." Asian Studies 9, no. 3 (September 10, 2021): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.3.7-18.

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This special issue of Asian Studies aims to contribute to the field of European global collecting history by opening new vistas in order to readdress some of the unexplored topics. By presenting East Asian material in Slovenia and reconstructing the intercultural contacts between the two territories, it sheds light on the specific position of the Slovenian territory in the history of Euro-Asian exchanges on the threshold of the 20th century.
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39

Rošker, Jana S. "Introduction." Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (January 7, 2021): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.1.7-9.

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This issue of the journal Asian Studies will examine the cultural, social and intellectual legacies of the various Asian regions. Its geographical scope extends from China to Iran and from Afghanistan to Fujian. It examines different aspects of history, from classical and modern intellectual history to art, political and gender history. It clearly shows that the history of this vast and diverse region is complex.
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40

Rošker, Jana S. "Introduction." Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (January 7, 2021): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.1.7-9.

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This issue of the journal Asian Studies will examine the cultural, social and intellectual legacies of the various Asian regions. Its geographical scope extends from China to Iran and from Afghanistan to Fujian. It examines different aspects of history, from classical and modern intellectual history to art, political and gender history. It clearly shows that the history of this vast and diverse region is complex.
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41

Hess, Gary R., and Joan M. Jensen. "Passage from India: Asian India Immigrant in North America." Journal of American History 75, no. 4 (March 1989): 1350. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908723.

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42

Omi, Michael, and Hyungchan Kim. "Asian American Studies: An Annotated Bibliography and Research Guide." Journal of American History 77, no. 4 (March 1991): 1455. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078425.

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43

Karelova, L. B. "Japanese Philosophy: Approaches to a Proper Understanding." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences, no. 8 (November 28, 2018): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2018-8-7-22.

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Since the role of the Asian countries is increasing in the modern world, their philosophical traditions attract more and more attention. Due to this trend, a more complete panoramic view of the development of world philosophy as a whole is accessible, and it has become possible to understand that any constructions of the human mind that have arisen in a particular cultural field of experience cannot be regarded as exemplary and absolute. The researchers of Asian philosophies concentrate mostly on studying the texts of individual thinkers. As a rule, they do not set themselves the task of examining these texts from the point of view of intercultural interactions and transformations of significant ideas and concepts in various cultural and historical contexts, defining the direction and mechanisms of cultural borrowing, as well as revealing new approaches and growth points. To achieve these goals, the research should focus at the problem of the self-determination and development of philosophy as a separate science in non-Western cultures, which are based on intellectual traditions with different origin than Greek and Judeo-Christian traditions. This article deals with the consideration of some topics that elucidate the features of the development of philosophical science in Japan, including the emergence of the concept of “philosophy” in this country, the definition of its subject, the formation of philosophical terminology, and various interpretations of what the term “Japanese philosophy” means. The author pays special attention to the characteristic of the main periods of progress of Japanese philosophical thought. In the conclusion, the author argues that the most important characteristic feature of the Japanese philosophy is its involvement in intercultural dialogue throughout its history.
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44

Ulum, Muhammad Bahrul, and Nilna Aliyan Hamida. "Revisiting Liberal Democracy and Asian Values in Contemporary Indonesia." Constitutional Review 4, no. 1 (May 31, 2018): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/consrev415.

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This paper aims to examine the complex and often contentious relationship between constitutionalism and integralism in the Indonesian government and provides a criticism of democratization within the contemporary state. Integralist state portrays the relationship between the state and the people as analogous to a family, with the state as a father and the people as children (the Family Principle). Those that adhere to this view, with regard to contemporary Asian politics, claim that Asian values are inherently integralist, that Asia’s particular history and values different considerably from the West’s, and that Pancasila, Indonesia’s state philosophy, is utilized to establish romanticized relations between the ruler and the ruled. The data presented in this paper was collected from relevant articles on Indonesian democracy and Asian values. It also demonstrates how Pancasila, as Indonesia’s core guiding philosophy, has influenced debates over how the constitutional should be applied and interpreted. As the research shows, during the regimes of Sukarno and Suharto, Pancasila was manipulated in order to promote the goals of the state, and that a reliance on integralism during Indonesia’s founding years severely diminished human rights and Indonesia’s capacity for an efficient democracy. By continually putting the priorities of the state above those of the people, the Indonesian government has contradicted its adoption of human rights and liberal democracy is often challenged by the spirit of integralism.
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45

Hunt, M. H. "1898: The Onset of America's Troubled Asian Century." OAH Magazine of History 12, no. 3 (March 1, 1998): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/12.3.30.

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46

Hung, Ruyu. "Continue the dialogue – symposium of cultivation of self in east asian philosophy of education." Educational Philosophy and Theory 50, no. 13 (October 24, 2018): 1169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00131857.2018.1512204.

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47

Salyer, Lucy E., and Bill Ong Hing. "Making and Remaking Asian America through Immigration Policy, 1850-1990." Journal of American History 81, no. 3 (December 1994): 1310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081523.

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48

Foster, A. L. "Ends of Empire: Asian American Critique and the Cold War." Journal of American History 98, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jar005.

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49

Gallicchio, Marc. "The End of Concern: Maoist China, Activism, and Asian Studies." Journal of American History 105, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 758–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jay421.

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50

Jackson, Carl T., and Stephen Prothero. "The White Buddhist: The Asian Odyssey of Henry Steel Olcott." Journal of American History 83, no. 4 (March 1997): 1413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952969.

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