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Journal articles on the topic 'Phonological structure'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Rubach, Jerzy. "Lexical Phonology: lexical and postlexical derivations." Phonology Yearbook 2, no. 1 (May 1985): 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700000415.

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Paul Kiparsky's paper (1982) ‘From Cyclic to Lexical Phonology’ is the most interesting recent development in the line of research originated by Kiparsky (1973) and Mascaró (1976). The major task in this research is the investigation of the ways in which rules apply to phonological structures. Kiparsky (1973) makes the very pointed observation that some phonological rules apply exclusively in derived environments. An environment is derived if either (i) or (ii) is true:(i) the structure which is relevant to the application of the rule arises at morpheme boundaries: the environment is thus derived morphologically;(ii) the structure which is relevant to the application of the rule arises in the course of phonological derivation due to the application of an earlier phonological rule: the environment is thus derived phonologically.

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2

Moen, Inger. "Phonological Deviations in Norwegian Conduction Aphasia: Testing a Model of Non-linear Phonology." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 16, no. 2 (December 1993): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586500002754.

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The present study is an analysis of phonologically deviant words in the speech of a group of Norwegin patients suffering from conduction aphasia. The analysis shows that these deviations are not randomly distributed. Their distribution is such that it supports phonological thories which posit hierarchiacal structures both below and above the level of the segment. The deviations can be accounted for within a phonological theory which assumes that a word's lexical phonological representation contains a phonemic level where each phoneme consists of a set of articulatory features which are hierarchically organized with respect to each other, and which also assumes that the phonological representation contains information about the syllable structure of the word.

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3

Siew, Cynthia S. Q., and Michael S. Vitevitch. "Investigating the Influence of Inverse Preferential Attachment on Network Development." Entropy 22, no. 9 (September 15, 2020): 1029. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/e22091029.

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Recent work investigating the development of the phonological lexicon, where edges between words represent phonological similarity, have suggested that phonological network growth may be partly driven by a process that favors the acquisition of new words that are phonologically similar to several existing words in the lexicon. To explore this growth mechanism, we conducted a simulation study to examine the properties of networks grown by inverse preferential attachment, where new nodes added to the network tend to connect to existing nodes with fewer edges. Specifically, we analyzed the network structure and degree distributions of artificial networks generated via either preferential attachment, an inverse variant of preferential attachment, or combinations of both network growth mechanisms. The simulations showed that network growth initially driven by preferential attachment followed by inverse preferential attachment led to densely-connected network structures (i.e., smaller diameters and average shortest path lengths), as well as degree distributions that could be characterized by non-power law distributions, analogous to the features of real-world phonological networks. These results provide converging evidence that inverse preferential attachment may play a role in the development of the phonological lexicon and reflect processing costs associated with a mature lexicon structure.

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4

Nasukawa, Kuniya. "Lexicalising phonological structure in morphemes." Acta Linguistica Academica 67, no. 1 (March 2020): 29–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/2062.2020.00003.

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AbstractBy comparing different theoretical models of phonological representation, this paper considers (i) what kinds of properties are lexically specified in morpheme-internal phonological structure, and (ii) how this morpheme-internal phonological structure is constructed before being stored in the mental lexicon. The aim is to contribute to the ongoing development of a model which can characterize the lexicalisation of phonological structure within morphemes.

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5

Ali Khan, Arshad, Ghani Rahman, and Syed Shujaat Ali. "Phonological Reduction in Pashto." Global Language Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glr.2020(v-iii).01.

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The study is concerned with the phonological reduction in Pashto. The study particularly focuses on the reduction in the structure of complex predicates, verbal clitics and postpositional phrases in Pashto. The study finds out that the phonological reduction has syntactic/semantic or phonological factors allowing or constraining it. These more or less reduced and expanded forms are closely related to a number of linguistics abstractions. In structures with verbal clitics and postpositions, the reduction is optional, while in structure with complex predicates, the phonological reduction is obligatory if the compound verb denotes imperfective aspect. The obligatory reduction makes a single phonological unit from two syntactic units by omitting consonants or vowels in the structure of the phrase. The reduction is avoided if it creates an ambiguity of some kind or if the meaning of the lexical items is changed, and so, its allowance in one structure is constrained in another.

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6

Meijer, Paul J. A. "Suprasegmental Structures in Phonological Encoding: The CV Structure." Journal of Memory and Language 35, no. 6 (December 1996): 840–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jmla.1996.0043.

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7

Barker, R. Michael, Rose A. Sevcik, Robin D. Morris, and MaryAnn Romski. "A Model of Phonological Processing, Language, and Reading for Students With Mild Intellectual Disability." American Journal on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities 118, no. 5 (September 1, 2013): 365–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1352/1944-7558-118.5.365.

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Abstract Little is known about the relationships between phonological processing, language, and reading in children with intellectual disability (ID). We examined the structure of phonological processing in 294 school-age children with mild ID and the relationships between its components and expressive and receptive language and reading skills using structural equation modeling. Phonological processing consisted of two distinct but correlated latent abilities: phonological awareness and naming speed. Phonological awareness had strong relationships with expressive and receptive language and reading skills. Naming speed had moderate relationships with these variables. Results suggest that children with ID bring the same skills to the task of learning to read as children with typical development, highlighting the fact that phonologically based reading instruction should be considered a viable approach.

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8

Childs, G. Tucker, and Patricia A. Keating. "Phonological Structure and Phonetic Form." Language 71, no. 4 (December 1995): 848. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415778.

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9

Ohala, John J., and Anne Cutler. "Phonological structure in speech recognition." Phonology Yearbook 3 (May 1986): 161–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700000622.

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ABSTRACTTwo bodies of recent research from experimental psycholinguistics are summarised, each of which is centred upon a concept from phonology: LEXICAL STRESS and the SYLLABLE. The evidence indicates that neither construct plays a role in prelexical representations during speech recognition. Both constructs, however, are well supported by other performance evidence. Testing phonological claims against performance evidence from psycholinguistics can be difficult, since the results of studies designed to test processing models are often of limited relevance to phonological theory.

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10

James, Allan R. "Prosodic structure in phonological acquisition." Interlanguage studies bulletin (Utrecht) 3, no. 2 (December 1987): 118–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026765838700300203.

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This article discusses the acquisition of the prosodic characteristics of a second language in the light of the development of a target language phonological grammar. Prosodic characteristics are conventionally taken to refer to the intonation and accent patterns in a phonological system. However, nonlinear theories of phonology view the pitch and stress values of a language as defining a separate representation or component in a phonological grammar, i.e. the prosodic structure. A 'metrical' type model of prosodic structure is presented, in which the structural layers of a phonological hierarchy are characterized by the occurrence of particular contrastive (paradigmatic) features and particular phonetic (syntagmatic) effects at each unit-level. The course of acquisition of the prosodic structure of a second language is then shown to be describable in terms of the gradual development of target language values per unit-level of the hierarchy. Data from the L2 English of two L 1 Dutch speakers are examined by way of illustrating some of the claims of the model.

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11

Mashaqba, Bassil, and Anas Huneety. "Morpho-phonological Structure of Sound Feminine Plural Suffix -aat: Revisited." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 6, no. 6 (September 1, 2017): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.6n.6p.115.

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This work investigates an unusual and intriguing concatenative morphophonological process which occurs in a Jordanian variety as spoken by Ahl Al-Jabal Bedouin, the native dwellers of North East Badia of Jordan. The work shows that the voiceless plosive /t/ undergoes deletion if and only if it is part of the sound feminine plural morpheme -aat. In the pre-pausal position, /t/ deletion is further compensated by the reproduction of the voiceless glottal fricative [h]. Phonologically, the final voiceless plosive /t/, in the sound feminine plural -aat, undergoes debuccalization by which it loses its original place of articulation [alveolar] and moves to the glottis to surface as [guttural] [h]. Glottal closure (glottalization) takes place via a glottal fricative [h] rather than a glottal stop [ʔ]. The results of this paper further prove that the phonological status of sound feminine pluralization in Ahl Al-Jabal dialect is significantly motivated by morphology, an interesting piece of evidence that certain morphological patterns operate in the phonological component, or at least require phonological implications.

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12

Hammond, Michael, Natasha Warner, Andréa Davis, Andrew Carnie, Diana Archangeli, and Muriel Fisher. "Vowel insertion in Scottish Gaelic." Phonology 31, no. 1 (May 2014): 123–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675714000050.

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Scottish Gaelic has been cited as providing an instance of vowel excrescence (Hall 2006). One of the defining properties of excrescent vowels is that they are phonologically inert and are not motivated by – nor do they contribute to – the syllable structure of a language. In this paper, we report on a series of experiments which tap into native speakers' intuitions of syllable structure in Scottish Gaelic. Insofar as intuitions about syllable count and syllabification reflect phonological structure, our results suggest that the relevant vowels of Scottish Gaelic are not phonologically inert, and contribute directly to native speaker intuitions involving the number of syllables and the affiliation of consonants to those syllables. However, our results also establish that the relevant vowels have an intermediate phonological status, which also distinguishes them from underlying vowels.

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13

Natvig, David, and Joseph Salmons. "Connecting Structure and Variation in Sound Change." Cadernos de Linguística 2, no. 1 (May 15, 2021): 01–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.25189/2675-4916.2021.v2.n1.id314.

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“Structured heterogeneity”, a founding concept of variationist sociolinguistics, puts focus on the ordered social differentiation in language. We extend the notion of structured heterogeneity to formal phonological structure, i.e., representations based on contrasts, with implications for phonetic implementation. Phonology establishes parameters for what varies and how. Patterns of stability and variability with respect to a given feature’s relationship to representations allow us to ground variationist analysis in a framework that makes predictions about potential sound changes: more structure correlates to more stability; less structure corresponds to more variability. However, even though all change requires variability, not all variability leads to change. Two case studies illustrate this asymmetry, keeping a focus on phonetic change with phonological stability. First, Germanic rhotics (r-sounds) from prehistory to the present day are minimally specified. They show tremendous phonetic variability and change but phonological stability. Second, laryngeal contrasts (voicing or aspiration) vary and change in language contact. We track the accumulation of phonetic change in unspecified members of pairs of the type spelled <s> ≠ <z>, etc. This analysis makes predictions about the regularity of sound change, situating regularity in phonology and irregularity in phonetics and the lexicon. Structured heterogeneity involves the variation inherent within the system for various levels of phonetic and phonological representation. Phonological change, then, is about acquiring or learning different abstract representations based on heterogeneous and variable input.

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14

TAMBURELLI, MARCO, EIRINI SANOUDAKI, GARY JONES, and MICHELLE SOWINSKA. "Acceleration in the bilingual acquisition of phonological structure: Evidence from Polish–English bilingual children." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 18, no. 4 (November 18, 2014): 713–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728914000716.

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This study examines the production of consonant clusters in simultaneous Polish–English bilingual children and in language-matched English monolinguals (aged 7;01–8;11). Selection of the language pair was based on the fact that Polish allows a greater range of consonant clusters than English. A nonword repetition task was devised in order to examine clusters of different types (obstruent-liquid vs. s + obstruent) and in different word positions (initial vs. medial), two factors that play a significant role in repetition accuracy in monolingual acquisition (e.g., Kirk & Demuth, 2005). Our findings show that bilingual children outperformed monolingual controls in the word initial s + obstruent condition. These results indicate that exposure to complex word initial clusters (in Polish) can accelerate the development of less phonologically complex clusters (in English). This constitutes significant new evidence that the facilitatory effects of bilingual acquisition extend to structural phonological domains. The implications that these results have on competing views of phonological organisation and phonological complexity are also discussed.

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15

Kügler, Frank. "Phonological phrasing and ATR vowel harmony in Akan." Phonology 32, no. 1 (May 2015): 177–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675715000081.

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This paper examines phonological phrasing in the Kwa language Akan. Regressive [+ATR] vowel harmony between words (RVH) serves as a hitherto unreported diagnostic of phonological phrasing. In this paper I discuss VP-internal and NP-internal structures, as well as SVO(O) and serial verb constructions. RVH is a general process in Akan grammar, although it is blocked in certain contexts. The analysis of phonological phrasing relies on universal syntax–phonology mapping constraints whereby lexically headed syntactic phrases are mapped onto phonological phrases. Blocking contexts call for a domain-sensitive analysis of RVH assuming recursive prosodic structure which makes reference to maximal and non-maximal phonological phrases. It is proposed (i) that phonological phrase structure is isomorphic to syntactic structure in Akan, and (ii) that the process of RVH is blocked at the edge of a maximal phonological phrase; this is formulated in terms of a domain-sensitive CrispEdge constraint.

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16

Savic, Maja, Darinka Andjelkovic, Nevena Budjevac, and der Van. "Phonological complexity and prosodic structure in assessment of Serbian phonological development." Psihologija 43, no. 2 (2010): 167–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/psi1002167s.

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In this research we investigate the relevance of phonological parameters in acquisition of Serbian language. Implementation of British Test of Phonological Screeing (TOPhS, van der Lely and Harris, 1999) has revealed that phonological complexity (syllabic and metrical structure) influences accuracy in non-word repetition task and could be used in assessment of phonological development of typically developing children, as well as of children with Grammatical Specific Language Impairment (G-SLI) (van der Lely and Harris, 1999; Gallon, Harris & van der Lely, 2007). Having in mind phonological properties of Serbian language (Zec, 2000, 2007), we hypothesized that several parameters can be used in assessment of phonological development in Serbian: a. onset (consonants cluster at the beginning of syllable; b. rime (consonant at the end of syllable). c. word of three syllables, and d. placement of stressed syllable in a word. Combination of these parameters gave us a list of 96 pseudo words of different levels of complexity. Participants were 14 adults and 30 children from kindergarten divided into three age groups (3, 4 and 5 years). Task for the participants was to loudly repeat every pseudo-word, and their reproduction was recorded. Transcription of their answers and coding of errors allowed us to analyze impact of different parameters on accuracy of phonological reproduction in children of different ages. The results indicate that the ability for reproduction of Serbian phonological properties develops in early preschool period. The most difficult is cluster of consonants at the beginning of syllable, and consonant at the end of syllable. These two parameters are even more difficult for reproduction in three-syllable words or in words that have more then one parameter marked. Placement of stress in a word is acquired even before 3 years. In other words, the results have shown that investigated features could be good indicators in assessment of early phonological development of typically developing children. Delay in their acquisition could reveal possible developmental difficulties.

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17

Biran, Michal, and Naama Friedmann. "From phonological paraphasias to the structure of the phonological output lexicon." Language and Cognitive Processes 20, no. 4 (August 2005): 589–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01690960400005813.

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18

Öney, Banu, and Aydin Yücesan Durgunoğlu. "Beginning to read in Turkish: A phonologically transparent orthography." Applied Psycholinguistics 18, no. 1 (January 1997): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014271640000984x.

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AbstractThe purpose of this study was to investigate early literacy acquisition in a phonologically transparent orthography with regular letter-sound correspondences. It was considered that Turkish, with its systematic phonological and orthographic structure, would make different demands on the beginning reader than the languages used in many of the previous studies of literacy acquisition. First grade children were assessed using tests of phonological awareness, letter recognition, word and pseudoword recognition, spelling, syntactic awareness, and listening comprehension at the beginning of the school year. The impact of these factors on the development of word recognition, spelling, and reading comprehension was examined. The results strongly suggest that a phonologically transparent orthography fosters the early development of word recognition skills, and that phonological awareness contributes to word recognition in the early stages of reading acquisition. Once the children's word recognition performance is high, listening comprehension ability distinguishes the different levels of reading comprehension among children. These patterns of results were interpreted as reflecting the phonological and orthographic characteristics of the Turkish language and orthography.

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Hall, Kathleen Currie, J. Scott Mackie, and Roger Yu-Hsiang Lo. "Phonological CorpusTools." International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 24, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 522–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijcl.18009.hal.

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Abstract Phonological analysis increasingly involves the quantification of various lexical and/or usage statistics, such as phonotactic probabilities, the functional loads of various phonemic contrasts, or neighbourhood densities. This paper presents Phonological CorpusTools, a free, open-source software for conducting such phonological analyses on transcribed corpora. The motivations for creating the software are given, along with an overview of the structure of the program, its analysis algorithms, and its applications within phonology.

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20

Theriault, Alain, and Helga Humbert. "Phonological Segments: Their Structure and Behaviour." Language 74, no. 2 (June 1998): 422. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417913.

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21

Anderson, John, Colin Ewen, and Jørgen Staun. "Phonological structure: segmental, suprasegmental and extrasegmental." Phonology Yearbook 2, no. 1 (May 1985): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700000439.

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In the past few years a great deal of attention has been paid to the representation of suprasegmental phenomena in phonology, with the resulting development of a number of partly competing theories and models of suprasegmental representation – in particular, various versions of AUTOSEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY (see, for example, Goldsmith 1976; Halle & Vergnaud 1981; Clements & Keyser 1983) and METRICAL PHONOLOGY (Liberman & Prince 1977; Hayes 1980, 1982; Prince 1983; Giegerich 1985). Other frameworks have also been developed which allow for the representation of phenomena in this area, notably that of DEPENDENCY PHONOLOGY (Anderson & Jones 1974, 1977; Ewen 1980; Anderson 1984; Anderson & Ewen 1980, forthcoming).It has, moreover, become obvious that although these theories at first seemed very different, many of the differences are more apparent than real, so that in some respects the proposals are complementary rather than alternative - and in many areas it is clear that we are moving towards a situation where a single model can perhaps be developed from the various frameworks (cf. Leben 1982; Goldsmith this volume).

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22

Nettle, Daniel. "A Behavioural Correlate of Phonological Structure." Language and Speech 37, no. 4 (October 1994): 425–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002383099403700406.

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23

Zimmer, Karl. "Arabic Loanwords and Turkish Phonological Structure." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (October 1985): 623–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465997.

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24

Beddor, Patrice Speeter. "Predicting the Structure of Phonological Systems." Phonetica 48, no. 2-4 (1991): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000261878.

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25

Simile, Okoa, and Rose Acen Upor. "Segmental aspects of Kɨbwanɉi Phonology: A Non-Linear Representation." Utafiti 12, no. 1-2 (March 18, 2017): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-0120102003.

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This paper attempts a preliminary analysis of the phonological processes that affect vowels and consonants in Kɨβwanɉi language. Specifically, the paper examines the role played by these phonological processes in preserving the configuration of the phonologically possible word or morpheme in Kɨβwanɉi by using a Non-linear Approach (Autosegmental Phonology Theory). The findings reveal that the distribution of consonants is restricted in Kɨβwanɉi and the canonical syllable structure of Kɨβwanɉi is CV but not limited to $V$, $C$, $CV$ and $CGV$. Syllables are conditioned by phonological sequential constraints (PSCs) that govern the sequence of segments in the language. These constraints serve as the mechanism through which the native speakers are able to recognize words by applying phonological rules that are in conspiracy. It is also revealed that the rules are ordered with respect to the satisfaction of the structural descriptions that allow more than one rule to apply.

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Kaye, Jonathan, Jean Lowenstamm, and Jean-Roger Vergnaud. "Constituent structure and government in phonology." Phonology 7, no. 1 (May 1990): 193–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001184.

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Our aim in this paper is to address certain empirical and conceptual issues in the theory of Universal Phonology. Specifically, we will formulate a number of proposals aimed at characterising the notion ‘possible syllable' and ‘possible word'. The principles we will lay out follow from what we see as a unified theory of phonological government.The introduction of the notion of multi-levelled representations, as well as the recognition of constituent structure organisation in phonology, has allowed for a shift from mainly segment-internal, paradigmatic considerations to the study of syntagmatic relations holding between phonological units. What is now required is nothing less than a syntax of phonological expressions.

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27

Downing, Laura J., Al Mtenje, and Bernd Pompino-Marschall. "Prosody and information structure in Chichewa." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 37 (January 1, 2004): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.37.2004.248.

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This paper presents preliminary results of a phonetic and phonological study of the Ntcheu dialect of Chichewa spoken by Al Mtenje (one of the co-authors). This study confirms Kanerva's (1990) work on Nkhotakota Chichewa showing that phonological re-phrasing is the primary cue to information structure in this language. It expands on Kanerva's work in several ways. First, we show that focus phrasing has intonational correlates, namely, the manipulation of downdrift and pause. Further, we show that there is a correlation between pitch prominence and discourse prominence at the left and right periphery which conditions dislocation to these positions. Finally, we show that focus and syntax are not the only factors which condition phonological phrasing in Chichewa.

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Aleksakhin, A. N. "THE PRINCIPLES OF PHONOLOGICAL WORD STRUCTURE COMPARISON OF RUSSIAN AND CHINESE LANGUAGES." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 215–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-215-223.

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The article is devoted to the phonological structure of words of Russian and Chinese languages. With phonological point of view the word as a Central significant unit of language is a sequence of consonants and vowel phonemes. A comparative study shows that the phonological structure of the Russian words prevail consonant phonemes and the phonological structure of the Chinese words prevail vowel phonemes. The phonological system of the Russian language is characterized by consonant dominant, and the phonological system of the Chinese language Mandarin is characterized by vocal dominant. In the vowel system of the Russian language there are six vowel phonemes, in the vowel system of the Chinese language Mandarin there are thirty-one vowel phonemes. The typical sound pattern of words of the Chinese language consists of vowel combinations. The strong (vowels differ in different effective modes of vocal cords) vowels are implemented in the even phonological position; the weak vowels are implemented in the left and right odd phonological positions of the syllabic matrix 0123. Consonant phonemes of the Chinese language are implemented only in the zero phonological position. The Sound variety of simple one-syllable words of the Chinese language is constructed by oppositions: twenty-five consonants in the zero position, thirty-one strong vowel phonemes in the even position, as well as three weak vowels in the left odd position and five weak vowels in the right odd position . The typical distribution of consonant and vowel phonemes is shown in the following examples of words: 0123 - guai «obedient», gudi «rotate», guài «strange». The opposition of weak vowels with a derivative phonological zero is also an effective method of making words: guai «obedient» - gai «must» - gua « blow» - ga «a dark corner». Both Russian and Chinese Synharmonia variety of sound words is supported by five derivative phonological zeros that are phonetically in Russian and Chinese are implemented by weak vowels. It is demonstrated for the first time that the Vowel harmony (Synharmonia) is a universal means for phonetic cel'nooformlennost' (phonetic unity) of words in Russian and Chinese languages.

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Kaye, Jonathan, Jean Lowenstamm, and Jean-Roger Vergnaud. "The internal structure of phonological elements: a theory of charm and government." Phonology Yearbook 2, no. 1 (May 1985): 305–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700000476.

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In this article we have two primary objectives: (1) to elaborate in some detail a theory of phonological representations embedded within a parametric framework, and (2) to apply this theory to a particular vowel system which displays some rather interesting properties. This work is a continuation of a collaboration on a programme of research on phonological theory begun in 1982 (cf. Vergnaud 1982; Kaye & Vergnaud 1984; Kaye et al. 1984, 1985, in preparation).This programme incorporates the view that phonology is to be regarded as a system of universal principles defining the class of human phonological systems. These principles underdetermine given phonologies in certain specific areas. A complete phonological system consists, then, of these principles along with sets of parameter values. Taken together, the principles and language-specific parameter settings give a complete characterisation of the phonological system under study. In this model, a phonological system contains no rule component. The observed phonological phenomena result from a combination of the general principles governing phonological representations and structures and the parameter values in operation in the particular language. We view this line of research as a continuation of the development of a theory of markedness (cf. Chomsky & Halle 1968 (SPE); Kean 1975, 1979). At the moment of writing, this view of phonology remains a long-term objective of our research programme. However, an increasing number of phonological processes which were formerly considered to be manifestations of rules are now successfully derivable from the principles of Universal Phonology (UP) (cf. Kaye & Lowenstamm 1984, to appear).

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Zwicky, Arnold M., Ellen M. Kaisse, and Michael Kenstowicz. "The phonology and syntax of wh-expressions in Tangale." Phonology Yearbook 4, no. 1 (May 1987): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700000841.

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Study of the phonology-syntax interface has typically proceeded by asking the following question: what aspects of syntactic structure are relevant for the application of phonological rules? Several years’ study of the question by a number of persons (e.g. Kaisse 1985; Selkirk 1984) suggests that phonological rules may be sensitive, either directly or indirectly, to the surface-syntactic constituent structure – typically through extension of the notion of government or c-command. Phrasal phonological rules do not appear to be sensitive to differences in grammatical relations (e.g. subject vs. object) unless these are encoded as different surface constituent structures. Nor do phrasal phonological rules (as opposed to lexical rules) appear to be sensitive to different syntactic features such as [±noun] or [±wh].

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Ackerman, Lauren Marie, and Shiloh Drake. "The cat stalked ?wilily around the house: Morphological dissimilation in deadjectival adverbs." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3, no. 1 (March 3, 2018): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4297.

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The adverbial suffix -ly₁ and the adjectival suffix -ly₂ typically do not combine (e.g., *ghost+ly₂+ly₁; 'in a ghostlike manner'). However, phonologically similar strings are attested when one /li/ string is part of the word stem (jollily, compared to: ?smellily, *lovelily). Does morphological structure modulate the acceptability of these words independently from the impact of phonological or usage-based constraints? In two experiments, jolly-type stems are rated more acceptable than smell- and love-type stems, which did not significantly differ from each other. A combination of phonological constraints and increased morphological complexity can account for the observed pattern.

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Schalber, Katharina. "Event visibility in Austrian Sign Language (ÖGS)." Investigating Understudied Sign Languages - Croatian SL and Austrian SL, with comparison to American SL 9, no. 1-2 (December 31, 2006): 207–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sll.9.1.11sch.

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This paper focuses on the phonological visibility of event structure of non-classifier predicates in Austrian Sign Language (ÖGS) as proposed in the Event Visibility Hypothesis (EVH) (Grose et al. 2006; Wilbur in press). The aim of this paper is to investigate the event structure of ÖGS predicate signs and to test the applicability of the EVH. The analysis provides evidence that the event structure of ÖGS predicates is also phonologically visible and that the two unrelated sign languages ASL and ÖGS use the same set of morphemes to mark telic and atelic event structures. The actual phonological realizations of these morphemes, however, are language dependent. The present paper adds to the EVH with a discussion of the observed inability of some predicates to be marked for telicity and with the analysis of mouth nonmanuals which are suggested to be sensitive to the event structure. These nonmanuals divide into two types: (1) continuous posture or P-nonmanuals, composed of a single facial posture which functions as an adverbial modifier of the event, and (2) discontinuous transition or T-nonmanuals, composed of a single abrupt change in the position of the articulator, which appear to emphasize the initial or final portion of the event structure.

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Kim, John J., Gary F. Marcus, Steven Pinker, Michelle Hollander, and Marie Coppola. "Sensitivity of children's inflection to grammatical structure." Journal of Child Language 21, no. 1 (February 1994): 173–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000900008710.

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ABSTRACTWhat is the input to the mental System that computes inflected forms likewalked, came, dogs, andmen? Recent connectionist models feed a word's phonological features into a single network, allowing it to generalize both regular and irregular phonological patterns, likestop-stopped, step-steppedandfling-flung, cling-clung. But for adults, phonological input is insufficient: verbs derived from nouns likering the cityalways have regular past tense forms (ringed), even if they are phonologically identical to irregular verbs (ring the bell). Similarly, nouns based on names, liketwo Mickey Mouses, and compounds based on possessing rather than being their root morpheme, such astwo sabertooths, take regular plurals, even when they are homophonous with irregular nouns likemiceandteeth. In four experiments, testing 70 three- to ten-year-old children, we found that children are sensitive to such nonphonological information: they were more likely to produce regular inflected forms for forms liketo ring(‘to put a ring on’) andsnaggletooth(a kind of animal doll with big teeth) than for their homophonous irregular counterparts, even when these counterparts were also extended in meaning. Children's inflectional Systems thus seem to be like adults': irregular forms are tied to the lexicon but regular forms are computed by a default rule, and words are represented as morphological tree structures reflecting their derivation from basic word roots. Such structures, which determine how novel complex words are derived and interpreted, also govern whether words with irregular sound patterns will be regularized: a word can be irregular only if its structure contains an irregular root in ‘head’ position, allowing the lexically stored irregular information to percolate up to apply to the word as a whole. In all other cases, the inflected form is computed by a default regular rule. This proposal fits the facts better than alternatives appealing to ambiguity reduction or semantic similarity to a word's central sense. The results, together with an analysis of adult speech to children, suggest that morphological structure and a distinction between mechanisms for regular and irregular inflection may be inherent to the design of children's language Systems.

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Ewen, Colin J., Colin J. Ewen, Harry van der Hulst, and Harry van der Hulst. "The Phonological Structure of Words: An Introduction." Phonetica 61, no. 1 (2004): 53–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000078662.

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Schneider-Zioga, Patricia, and Fusa Katada. "Phonological Structure in Syllabification: Evidence from Dyslexia." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 33, no. 1 (November 5, 2007): 388. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v33i1.3542.

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Marsico, Egidio, Ian Maddieson, Christophe Coupe, and François Pellegrino. "Investigating the "hidden" structure of phonological systems." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 30, no. 1 (June 25, 2004): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v30i1.3427.

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37

Sakamoto, Yoko. "Phonological structure of toasting practices in Japan." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 140, no. 4 (October 2016): 3402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4970919.

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38

Wolff, Ulrika, and Jan-Eric Gustafsson. "Structure of phonological ability at age four." Intelligence 53 (November 2015): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.intell.2015.09.003.

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Pollock, Karen E., and Richard G. Schwartz. "Structural Aspects of Phonological Development." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 19, no. 1 (January 1988): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461.1901.05.

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The relationship between syllabic structure and segmental development was examined longitudinally in a child with a severe phonological disorder. Six speech samples were collected over a 4-year period (3:5 to 7:3). Analyses revealed gradual increases in the complexity and diversity of the syllable structures produced, and positional preferences for sounds within these forms. With a strong preference for [d] and [n] at the beginning of syllables, other consonants appeared first at the end of syllables. Implications for clinical management of phonological disorders include the need to consider both structural position and structural complexity in assessing segmental skills and in choosing target words for intervention.

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40

Stemberger, Joseph Paul. "Phonological reduction in the first part of noun compounds." Phonological and Phonetic considerations of Lexical Processing 8, no. 3 (December 31, 2013): 320–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.8.3.03ste.

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Regular plural nouns rarely appear as the first member of a compound noun in English under any circumstances, while irregular plurals are more likely under certain conditions. One explanation holds that this is a consequence of the fundamentally different ways in which regular and irregular plurals are stored and processed, while an alternative explanation suggests that it may be rooted in phonological differences between regular and irregular forms. If the first part of a compound is phonologically restricted, the restrictions may interact with lexical access in a way that disfavors regular plurals (especially given that plurals of any sort are of low frequency in the first part of a compound, so processing is far from ceiling). This paper provides evidence from a case study of one child that the first part of a compound can be phonologically restricted compared to nouns when they appear as independent words. The data address compounds whose first elements are monomorphemic nouns, rather than plurals, but document the existence of phonological restrictions within compounds for at least one child This existence proof strengthens the hypothesis that differences between regular and irregular forms may derive partly from differences in phonological structure.

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Gray, Shelley, Hope Lancaster, Mary Alt, Tiffany P. Hogan, Samuel Green, Roy Levy, and Nelson Cowan. "The Structure of Word Learning in Young School-Age Children." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 63, no. 5 (May 22, 2020): 1446–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2020_jslhr-19-00186.

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Purpose We investigated four theoretically based latent variable models of word learning in young school-age children. Method One hundred sixty-seven English-speaking second graders with typical development from three U.S. states participated. They completed five different tasks designed to assess children's creation, storage, retrieval, and production of the phonological and semantic representations of novel words and their ability to link those representations. The tasks encompassed the triggering and configuration stages of word learning. Results Results showed that a latent variable model with separate phonological and semantic factors and linking indicators constrained to load on the phonological factor best fit the data. Discussion The structure of word learning during triggering and configuration reflects separate but related phonological and semantic factors. We did not find evidence for a unidimensional latent variable model of word learning or for separate receptive and expressive word learning factors. In future studies, it will be interesting to determine whether the structure of word learning differs during the engagement stage of word learning when phonological and semantic representations, as well as the links between them, are sufficiently strong to affect other words in the lexicon.

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Silverman, Daniel. "Multiple scansions in loanword phonology: evidence from Cantonese." Phonology 9, no. 2 (August 1992): 289–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001627.

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In loanword phonology we seek to uncover the processes by which speakers possessing one phonological system perceive, apply native representational constraints on, and ultimately produce forms which have been generated by a different phonological system. We are interested in how speakers instantiate segmental and prosodic structure on an input which may or may not abide by native rules. Crucial to this assumed strategy is the idea that loanwords do not come equipped with their own phonological representation. For any phonetic string, it is only native speakers for whom a fully articulated phonological structure is present; as we will see, the input to loanword phonology is merely a superficial non-linguistic acoustic signal. Thus as host-language speakers perceive foreign forms in accordance with their indigenous phonological system, they instantiate native phonological representations on the acoustic signal, fitting the superficial input into the native phonological system as closely as possible.

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Rubach, Jerzy, and Geert Booij. "Syllable structure assignment in Polish." Phonology 7, no. 1 (May 1990): 121–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001135.

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This study deals with syllable structure in Polish. The central theme is the question of when and how syllabification rules apply in the lexical phonology of Polish. In § i we lay the ground for our subsequent discussion by giving the basic syllable patterns of Polish. We also propose here a first version of the syllabification algorithm for Polish. In §2 we show that syllabification applies cyclically, because certain cyciic phonological rules make crucial use of information about the prosodic structure of their potential inputs. § 3 then shows that the syllabification algorithm has to apply both before and after the application of cyclic phonological rules on one cycle, and that syllabification is therefore a continuous process. In § we argue that the syllabification algorithm proposed in § i must be modified to enable us to predict whether a high [-consonantal] segment will surface as a vowel or as a glide. Since the distinction between vowels and glides is crucial for the application of certain cyclic phonological rules of Polish, this again shows that syllabification has to apply cyclically. § defends the hypothesis that resyllabification is restricted to Coda Erasure (and the subsequent syllabification of the desyllabified consonants). Again, the (un)predictability of the vowel/glide distinction plays a crucial role here. We summarise our conclusions in §6

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Bates, Dawn, and Heinz J. Giegerich. "Metrical Phonology and Phonological Structure: German and English." Language 62, no. 3 (September 1986): 706. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415502.

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Aquil, Rajaa. "Cairne Arabic Syllable Structure though Different Phonological Theories." Open Journal of Modern Linguistics 03, no. 03 (2013): 259–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojml.2013.33034.

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Browman, Catherine P., and Louis Goldstein. "Representation and reality: physical systems and phonological structure." Journal of Phonetics 18, no. 3 (July 1990): 411–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)30382-1.

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Piggott, G. L. "The Phonological Structure of Words: An Introduction (review)." Language 82, no. 3 (2006): 657–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2006.0160.

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van Leeuwen, Tessa M., Monique J. A. Lamers, Karl Magnus Petersson, Carlos Gussenhoven, Toni Rietveld, Benedikt Poser, and Peter Hagoort. "Phonological markers of information structure: An fMRI study." Neuropsychologia 58 (May 2014): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2014.03.017.

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Fowler, Carol A. "Access to phonological structure in listening to speech." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 97, no. 5 (May 1995): 3333. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.412779.

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Ota, Mitsuhiko. "Phonological theory and the development of prosodic structure." Annual Review of Language Acquisition 1 (October 19, 2001): 65–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/arla.1.03ota.

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This article presents a model of prosodic structure development that takes account of the fundamental continuity between child and adult systems, the surface level divergence of child forms from their adult target forms, and the overall developmental paths of prosodic structure. The main empirical base for the study comes from longitudinal data collected from three Japanese-speaking children (1; 0–2; 6). Evidence for word-internal prosodic constituents including the mora and the foot is found in compensatory lengthening phenomena, syllable size restrictions and word size restrictions in early word production. By implementing the representational principles that organize these prosodic categories as rankable and violable constraints, Optimality Theory can provide a systematic account of the differences in the prosodic structure of child and adult Japanese while assuming representational continuity between the two. A constraint-based model of prosodic structure acquisition is also shown to demarcate the learning paths in a way that is consistent with the data.

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