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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Phonology and Phonetics'
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Rosenthall, Samuel. "The phonology of nasal-obstruent sequences /." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59291.
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This thesis presents an analysis of the phonological processes that affect contiguous nasal and obstruent segments. These phonological processes include voice, manner and place assimilation as well as deletion and coalescence. The goal of this thesis is to account for these seemingly disparate processes by introducing universal constraints on the representation of segments in non-linear phonology. Deriving these processes from the principles of a theory of representation is beneficial because such an analysis is not possible in a theory that appeals only to rules. The result is a theory of phonology with greater explanatory adequacy than a theory that relies on rules.Chapter 1 contains a review of the history of the representation of segments and the representation of assimilation as well as a discussion of the theoretical assumptions used throughout the thesis. Chapter 2 contains a discussion of the phonological processes as they occur during the formation of prenasalized consonants. These processes are shown to be triggered by the representation of prenasalized consonants and a theory of underspecification. Chapter 3 proposes an analysis of the universal characteristics of nasal-obstruent place assimilation which is then extended to explain some universal properties of consonantal assimilation in general.
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Foday-Ngongou, Tamba Septimus. "The phonetics and phonology of Kono." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.407563.
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Ao, Benjamin Xiaoping. "Phonetics and phonology of Nantong Chinese." Connect to this title online, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1105384417.
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Dilley, Laura Christine 1974. "The phonetics and phonology of tonal systems." Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/22392.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)—Harvard University-MIT Division of Health Sciences and Technology, 2005.Includes bibliographical references (p. 141-148).
This electronic version was scanned from a copy of the thesis on file at the Speech Communication Group. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
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Jun, Sun-Ah. "The Phonetics and Phonology of Korean Prosody." Connect to resource, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1220465077.
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Asu, Eva Liina. "The phonetics and phonology of Estonian intonation." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2004. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/284035.
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Sarvestani, Karl Reza. "Aspects of Sgaw Karen Phonology and Phonetics." Thesis, State University of New York at Buffalo, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10930871.
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The Sgaw Karen language remains underdocumented and underdescribed; this dissertation attempts to contribute to the understanding of Sgaw Karen phonetics and phonology by examining a variety spoken within a refugee community n Buffalo, New York. It includes an anlysis of the segmental and tonal inventories and relates these findings to previously published analyses of other Sgaw Karen varieties. Special attention is paid to the acoustic phonetics of the tone system, with particular regard to the role played by voice quality.
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Tang, Katrina Elizabeth. "The phonology and phonetics of consonant-tone interaction." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1666396531&sid=13&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Bird, Sonya F. "The phonetics and phonology of Lheidli intervocalic consonants." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280137.
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This dissertation explores the phonetics and phonology of intervocalic consonants in Lheidli, a dialect of Dakelh (Carrier) Athapaskan spoken in the interior of British Columbia. Through a series of studies on Lheidli, I show quantitatively what has previously been noted impressionistically in the Athapaskan literature: intervocalic consonants are remarkably long. The implication of these consonants for the structure of Lheidli is approached from two perspectives. First, I investigate their role from a purely phonetic approach, focusing on their effect on the perceived rhythmic structure of Lheidli. I propose a new model of rhythm, the Enhancement/Inhibition model, in which the perception of rhythm is created by the interplay between primary and secondary correlates of rhythm. Within the proposed model, the Lheidli data show that one of the important secondary correlates is inherent segmental duration, an element that has not yet been considered in the literature. Second, I investigate the role of intervocalic consonants from a phonological approach, focusing on their effect on syllabification. I present the results of a series of studies on the distribution of vowel duration and quality, the distribution of consonant duration, native speaker syllabification intuitions, and the interaction between stress placement and intervocalic consonant duration. Together these studies lead me to analyze Lheidli intervocalic consonants as non-contrastive, moraic geminates. I conclude by discussing the implications of the Lheidli data for phonetic and phonological theory. I argue the duration of intervocalic consonants is encoded in the Lheidli grammar as part of the language-specific phonetics. Furthermore, because this duration interacts with syllabification, it is encoded in the phonology as weight. Although in Lheidli the phonetic duration of intervocalic consonants is encoded in the phonology as well as the grammar, I propose that not all language-specific phonetic properties are specified in the grammar. This is the case for rhythm, for example, which is an effect of other phonetic and phonological factors of the language rather than being a linguistic primitive itself.
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Gooden, Shelome A. "The phonology and phonetics of Jamaican Creole reduplication." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1070485686.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xxiv, 297 p. ; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 289-297).
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Pennington, Mark. "The phonetics and phonology of glottal manner features." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3202900.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Linguistics, 2005.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 10, 2008). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-01, Section: A, page: 0167. Adviser: Robert F. Port.
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Taff, Alice. "Phonetics and phonology of Unangan (Eastern Aleut) intonation /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8367.
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Muller, Jennifer S. "The Phonology and Phonetics of Word-Initial Geminates." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1364226371.
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Gerfen, Henry James 1962. "Topics in the phonology and phonetics of Coatzospan Mixtec." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282111.
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This dissertation examines the phonology and phonetics/phonology interface in Coatzospan Mixtec (CM). I focus on two major prosodies, glottalization and nasalization, in CM. First, I provide detailed phonological analyses of both within the context of Optimality Theory, OT (Prince and Smolensky 1993). This is important because often the treatment of a subset of data obscures more problematic aspects of a system. For example, the analysis of nasalization extends our understanding of how constraints can combine in a grammar. I motivate the conditional union of two Alignment (McCarthy and Prince 1993a) constraints to characterize attested patterns of root nasality, while ruling out impossible forms. The treatment of glottalization explores the implications of freedom of input in OT. I show that we cannot equate input with underlying; encoding the traditional sense of underlying representation requires viewing UR's as sets of optimal inputs lexical items. Regarding the phonetics/phonology interface, I pursue dual goals. Chapter 3 extends Grounding (Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1994a) to the opportunistically grounded relation between glottalization and stress. Although not inherently sympathetic to stress, glottalization is optimally realized under stress in the phonology of CM. Chapter 4 extends grounding by using sequential grounding (Smolensky 1993) to characterize the behavior of opaque consonants. Second, building on research in phonetic implementation (Pierrehumbert 1980, Keating 1990b), I show that a phonologically specified (+constricted glottis) must be implemented for only a part of the duration of the specified vowel. Similarly, orality targets in CM fricatives are also implemented at segment edges. The data support a view where targets are temporally located within segments (Huffman 1989). However, the location of targets may vary from edge to edge. Voiced fricatives implement orality upon release; voiceless fricatives do so at the onset of closure. The data also argue for a more complex notion of the relationship between phonetic data and phonological information than that of Cohn (1990). Partial implementation of a feature in a segment does not entail the phonetic rather than phonological presence of that feature. Phonetic data must be interpreted in the context of the phonological system from which they derive.
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Kang, Yoonjung. "The phonetics and phonology of coronal markedness and unmarkedness." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8844.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2000.Includes bibliographical references (p. 191-202).
This thesis investigates place feature restrictions in oral and nasal stop consonants with a special focus on the asymmetrical behavior of coronal and noncoronal stops. Two conflicting patterns of place restriction in outputs are attested: coronal unmarkedness and coronal markedness. This thesis shows that coronal unmarkedness is truly a default pattern of place restriction. Coronal unmarkedness is not confined to specific segmental contexts or to languages with a particular inventory structure. In addition, the coronal unmarked pattern is attested through diverse phonological processes such as assimilation, place neutralization, segmental and featural deletion, metathesis, vowel syncope and morpheme structure constraints. This follows from the context-free place markedness hierarchy proposed by Prince and Smolensky (1993). These constraints can conjoin freely with any context-specific constraints. Such conjunction predicts neutralization to coronal place to be attested in any position where place contrast reduction is found. On the other hand, although coronal markedness is also attested through diverse phonological processes such as assimilation, place neutralization, segmental and featural deletion, metathesis and morpheme structure constraints, it is found only in nonprevocalic positions and only in languages without a sub-coronal place contrast. I propose that unlike the default markedness constraint hierarchy, the reversed markedness hierarchy is projected from a perceptibility scale of place features and is therefore context-specific. I argue that a coronal stop in nonprevocalic position in a single-coronal language is perceptually less salient than noncoronal stops in corresponding positions due to a preferential weakening of tongue body articulation for coronal stops in these positions. Also discussed in this thesis is the effect of nasality of stops on the degree of place restrictions. A nasal stop tends to allow fewer place contrasts than an oral stop and a stop followed by an oral stop tends to allow fewer place contrasts than one followed by a nasal stop. Finally, previous approaches to coronal versus noncoronal asymmetry-Coronal Underspecification, Underspecification by Constraints and Perceptually Grounded Faithfulness Constraints are discussed and their inadequacy is demonstrated.
by Yoonjung Kang.
Ph.D.
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Berns, Janine. "Friction between phonetics and phonology : the status of affricates." Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100223.
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Les affriquées qu’on rencontre par exemple au début du substantif anglais chip, constituent un des mystères de la phonologie. Les linguistes ne savent toujours pas comment ce son, qui commence comme une plosive et termine comme une fricative, doit être décrit au niveau phonologique. C’est-a-dire, est-ce que les langues, ou plutôt les locuteurs d’une langue, considèrent ces unités comme une sorte de plosive, ou plutôt comme une combinaison d’une plosive et d’une fricative ?Cette thèse présente un aperçu des principales analyses proposées dans l’histoire de la phonologie, et vise à trouver une solution en considérant des sources complémentaires, variant d’un échantillon représentatif des langues du monde aux développements diachroniques et synchroniques en français. Nous verrons que les affriquées ne sont pas si complexe que l’on ne l’a longtemps cruAffricates, which we find for instance at the beginning of English chip, constitute one of the mysteries of phonological science. Linguists have been quarrelling for quite some time how this articulatory complex sound, consisting of a plosive released into a fricative, has to be described phonologically. That is, do languages, or rather speakers of a language, treat these units as a kind of plosive or as a balanced plosive-fricative combination?This thesis presents an overview of the different analyses put forward in the history of phonological theory, and aims to break the current deadlock by addressing data from complementary sources; ranging from a genetically-balanced sample of the world’s languages to diachronic and synchronic French. It is shown that affricates are not as complex as we had once thought
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Watson, Kevin. "The phonetics and phonology of plosive leniton in Liverpool." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.490864.
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Narasimhan, Kidambi Rama. "Coronals, velars and front vowels." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23728.
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In this thesis, we investigate several processes affecting coronals and velars in Tamil and Malayalam, two Dravidian languages spoken in southern India. We begin by discussing two assimilation processes which apply adjacent to front vowels, Palatalization, where anterior coronals become palatoalveolar, and Coronalization, where velars are fronted to palatoalveolar. We compare and contrast the feature geometries proposed by Sagey (1986) and Hume (1992) in their ability to adequately express these processes. In Sagey's model, front vowels are argued to be Dorsal. It is thus impossible to express either Palatalization or Coronalization as spreading. In Hume's model, where front vowels are Coronal, both processes involve spreading. However, the model does not formally distinguish between these two processes across languages; thus, it fails to capture the fact that Palatalization is widely attested but Coronalization seems to be restricted to diachronic alternations. In order to express this asymmetry, we adopt the model advanced by Goad & Narasimhan (1994), a revision of Goad (1993), where Palatalization involves spreading but Coronalization is a two-step process, spreading followed by reanalysis. In this model, a single feature (front), defined as "front of articulator", is doubly dependent on both Dorsal and Coronal nodes. Its interpretation is thus partly determined by the node to which it links; it marks apicality in coronals and front of tongue body in dorsals. In Chapter 3, we demonstrate how this model allows us to capture the fact that in Malayalam, only a subset of the anterior coronal consonants, the apicals, form a natural class with front vowels. In Chapter 4, we provide support for the model from languages other than Tamil and Malayalam, both Dravidian and non-Dravidian.
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Watson, Kevin. "The phonetics and phonology of plosive lenition in Liverpool English." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493258.
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Cheek, Davina Adrianne. "The phonetics and phonology of handshape in American Sign Language /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008299.
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Di, Napoli Jessica [Verfasser]. "The Phonetics and Phonology of Glottalization in Italian / Jessica Di Napoli." Frankfurt a.M. : Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1181488435/34.
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Misnadin, Misnadin. "Phonetics and phonology of the three-way laryngeal contrast in Madurese." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23614.
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Madurese, a Western Malayo-Polynesian language spoken on the Indonesian island of Madura, exhibits a three-way laryngeal contrast distinguishing between voiced, voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops and an unusual consonant-vowel (CV) co-occurrence restriction. The CV co-occurrence restriction is of phonological interest given the patterning of voiceless aspirated stops with voiced stops rather than with voiceless unaspirated stops, raising the question of what phonological feature they may share. Two features have been linked with the CV co-occurrence restriction: Advanced Tongue Root [ATR] and Lowered Larynx [LL]. However, as no evidence of voicing during closure for aspirated stops is observed and no other acoustic measures except voice onset time (VOT), fundamental frequency (F0), frequencies of the first (F1) and the second (F2) formants and closure duration relating to the proposed features have been conducted, it remains an open question which acoustic properties are shared by voiced and aspirated stops. Three main questions are addressed in the thesis. The first question is what acoustic properties voiced and voiceless aspirated stops share to the exclusion of voiceless unaspirated stops. The second question is whether [ATR] or [LL] accounts for the patterning together of voiceless aspirated stops with voiced stops. The third question is what the implications of the results are for a transparent phonetics-phonology mapping that expects phonological features to have phonetic correlates associated with them. In order to answer the questions, we looked into VOT, closure duration, F0, F1, F2 and a number of spectral measures, i.e. H1*-A1*, H1*-A2*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2*, H2*-H4* and CPP. We recorded fifteen speakers of Madurese (8 females, 7 males) reading 188 disyllabic Madurese words embedded in a sentence frame. The results show that the three-way voicing categories in Madurese have different VOT values. The difference in VOT is robust between voiced stops on the one hand and voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops on the other. Albeit statistically significant, the difference in VOT values between voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops is relatively small. With regard to closure duration, we found that there is a difference between voiced stops on the one hand and voiceless unaspirated and aspirated stops on the other. We also found that female speakers distinguish F0 for the three categories while male speakers distinguish between F0 for voiced stops on the one hand and voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops on the other. The results for spectral measures show that there are no significant differences in H1*-A1*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2*, H2*-H4* and CPP between vowels adjacent to voiced and voiceless aspirated stops. In contrast, there are significant differences in these measures between vowels adjacent to voiced and voiceless unaspirated stops and between vowels adjacent to voiceless aspirated and voiceless unaspirated stops. Regarding the question whether voiced and voiceless aspirated stops share certain acoustic properties, our findings show that they do. The acoustic properties they share are H1*-A1* for both genders, H1*-H2* for females, H1*-A3* and H2*-H4* for males, and CPP for females at vowel onset and for males at vowel midpoint. However, they do not share such acoustic properties as VOT, closure duration and F0. Voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops can be distinguished by VOT, F0 and spectral measures, i.e. H1*-A1*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2*, H2*-H4* and CPP. However, these two voiceless stop categories have similar closure durations. As regards the question if [+ATR] or [+LL] might be responsible for the patterning together of voiceless aspirated stops with voiced stops, our findings suggest that either feature appears to be plausible. Acoustic evidence that lends support to the feature [+ATR] includes lower F1 and greater spectral tilt measures, i.e. H1*-A1*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2* and H2*-H4*, and lower CPP values. Acoustic evidence that supports the feature [+LL] includes lower F1 and greater spectral tilt measures, i.e. H1*-A1*, H1*-A3*, H1*-H2* and H2*-H4*, and lower CPP values. However, the fact that voiceless aspirated stops are voiceless during closure raises a problem for the feature [+ATR] and the fact that F0 for voiceless aspirated stops is higher than for voiced stops also presents a problem for the feature [+LL]. The fact that not all acoustic measures fit in well with either feature is problematic to the idea that the relationship between phonetics and phonology is transparent in the sense that phonological features can be directly transformed into their phonetic correlates. Following the view that not all phonological features may not be expected to be phonetically grounded, for example, when they are related to historical sound change, we hold the idea of a phonetics-phonology mapping which allows for other non-phonetic factors to account for a phonological phenomenon. We also provide historical and loanword evidence which could support that voiceless aspirated stops in Madurese may have derived from earlier voiced stops, which probably retain their historical laryngeal contrast through phonologisation.
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Giavazzi, Maria. "The phonetics of metrical prominence and its consequences on segmental phonology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/62408.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2010.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 191-199).
Only very few phonological processes are reported to be conditioned by stress. There are two major patterns of stress-sensitive processes: segments are lengthened under stress, and vowels become louder. Two other phonological patterns are reported in the presence of stress, although they don't seem to enhance prominence of the stressed position: the preservation of segmental contrast and the enhancement of acoustic properties of the releases in stress-adjacent consonants. The main question of this dissertation is why there are so few segmental processes that show sensitivity to stress. Why are the major segmental processes affecting consonants (e.g. place assimilation, nasalization and voice neutralization) not sensitive about whether their trigger or target is in a stressed position? The analysis of prosodic conditioning presented here has three components: First every stress-conditioned process is enforced by a markedness constraint requiring the perceptual prominence of a metrically strong position. Languages use two strategies to implement this prominence: increasing the duration of the stressed position, or increasing the perceptual energy of the stressed vowel. Second, increasing the loudness of the stressed vowel has side-effects on the realization of stress adjacent stop releases, which result from the subglottal mechanisms used to produce the increase in loudness. These side-effects constitute the small class of stress-conditioned segmental alternations which are not directly enhancing the prominence of the stressed position. Third, both the effects of prominence requirements and the side-effects of prominence enhancement on the phonetic realization of segments in stressed positions may affect the perceptual distinctiveness between contrasting sounds in stressed positions: if the perceptual distinctiveness between contrasting sounds is decreased in a stressed position, contrast neutralization might arise. If the perceptual distinctiveness between contrasting sounds is increased in a stressed position, stress-conditioned contrast preservation might arise. Contrast preservation in stressed positions is therefore not an effect of Positional faithfulness; it emerges as the indirect consequence of prominence enhancement. The set of segmental features which may be targeted by stress-sensitive processes is extremely limited since it is restricted to those features which can be affected by one of three processes: duration, loudness and effects of raised subglottal pressure on stop releases.
by Maria Giavazzi.
Ph.D.
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Yigezu, Moges. "A comparative study of the phonetics and phonology of Surmic languages." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211520.
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Barnes, Jonathan. "Strength and weakness at the interface : positional neutralization in phonetics and phonology /." Berlin : Mouton de Gruyter, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41440316b.
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Campos-Astorkiza, Rebeka. "The role and representation of minimal contrast and the phonetics-phonology interaction." München LINCOM Europa, 2007. http://d-nb.info/997109998/04.
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Li, Zhiqiang 1969. "The phonetics and phonology of tone mapping in a constraint-based approach." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/17651.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2003.Includes bibliographical references (p. 283-295).
This dissertation concerns both phonetic and phonological aspects of tone mapping in various Chinese languages. The central issue addressed is the role of contrast and positional prominence and neutralization in the realization of tone. The inventory of tonal contrasts constrains the outputs of contextual neutralization as well as the location of pitch targets in phonetic implementation. Two prominent phonological positions in the tone sandhi domain are distinguished: peripheral (initial and final) positions and metrically strong positions. Input tones occupying different prominent positions in the input are preserved in the output; their realization in the output can be determined by the location of stress. A typology of diverse patterns of tone preservation and realization emerge from the interaction of positional faithfulness and positional markedness constraints. The research findings reported here have implications for both phonetics and phonoloy.
by Zhiqiang Li.
Ph.D.
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Jones, Mark Jonathon. "The phonetics and phonology of definite article reduction in northern English dialects." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.615045.
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Purnell, Thomas Clark. "Principles and parameters of phonological rules evidence from tone languages /." access full-text online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 1997. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?9831516.
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Lowry, Orla Mary. "Belfast intonation : testing the ToBI framework of intonational analysis." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.370089.
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Rose, Yvan. "Headedness and prosodic licensing in the L1 acquisition of phonology." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37824.
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With the emergence of Optimality Theory, where the burden of explanation is placed almost entirely on constraints, we have observed in the phonological literature a de-emphasis on the role of structural relationships that hold within and across segments. In this thesis, counter to the current trend, I argue that the most explanatory approach to phonological processes requires reference to highly-articulated representations. I explore a number of phenomena found in the first language acquisition of Quebec French and argue that these phenomena are best captured in an analysis based on structurally-defined markedness, headedness in constituent structure, and relationships between segmental features and their prosodic licensors.I demonstrate that headedness in constituent structure must be assigned to both input and output forms. In order to encode the dependency relations between input and output representations, I appeal to faithfulness constraints referring specifically to constituent heads. Output representations are regulated by markedness constraints governing complexity within constituents, as well as by licensing relationships that hold between segmental features and different levels of prosodic representation.
At all stages in the development of syllable structure and complex segments, when more than one option is available for the representation of a target string, children select the unmarked option, consistent with the long-held view that early grammars reflect what is unmarked. When input complex structures are reduced in children's outputs, reduction operates in order to ensure faithfulness to the content of prosodic and segmental heads. Finally, in the discussion of consonant harmony, where the French data are supplemented by examples from English, I propose that consonant harmony results from a licensing relation between segmental features and the head of the foot. The differences in foot structure between French and English enable us to account for the contrasts observed between learners of the two languages.
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Al-Hashmi, Shadiya. "The phonetics and phonology of Arabic loanwords in Turkish : residual effects of gutturals." Thesis, University of York, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/20807/.
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This thesis takes the adaptation of Arabic loanwords into Turkish as a case to reflect on and contribute to the ongoing debate of loanword phonology of the Perceptual approach (Boersma, 2009; Peperkamp & Dupoux, 2003; Peperkamp et al., 2008; Silverman, 1992), Phonological approach (LaCharité & Paradis, 2005; Paradis, 1995; Paradis & LaCharité, 1997, 2001, 2008; Peperkamp et al., 2008; Silverman, 1992) and a medial hybrid model of both phonetics and phonology (Kenstowicz & Suchato, 2006; Shinohara, 2004; Smith, 2006; Chang, 2008 and Dolus, 2013). The thesis includes two types of data: corpus-based and experimental. The corpus of the Arabic loanwords into Turkish comprises 1118 words from which vowel mappings and residual effects of gutturals on neighbouring vowels were identified. Based on the concept of uniformitarianism (Murray, 2013) present-day sound changes must have been governed by the same principles or laws which operated in the past. Thus, one of the goals of this work is to model the grammar of Osmanlica speakers in the perception of modern day Turkish speakers of the residual effects of vowels neighbouring gutturals. In these effects the Arabic vowels /a/ and /u/ are adapted as /a/ and /u/ in Turkish vowels neighbouring guttural sounds (emphatics, uvulars and pharyngeals); however, the vowel /i/ is borrowed as the Turkish high back unrounded vowel only surrounding emphatics and the uvular q and as /i/ elsewhere. It was concluded that the corpus data patterns can be best accounted for by using a hybrid model of phonetics, phonology (of both source and native language) and with the effects of orthography. In addition, the role of bilinguals as the active borrowers in the adaptation process is especially corroborated.
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Graham, Calbert Rechardo. "The phonetics and phonology of late bilingual prosodic acquisition : a cross-linguistic investigation." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708188.
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Ogasawara, Naomi. "Processing of Speech Variability: Vowel Reduction in Japanese." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194217.
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This dissertation investigates the processing of speech variability, allophonic and indexical variation in Japanese. A series of speech perception experiments were conducted with reduced and fully voiced vowels in Japanese as a test case. Reduced vowels should be difficult for listeners to hear because they are acoustically less salient than fully voiced vowels, due to the lack of relevant physiological properties. On the other hand, reduced vowels between voiceless consonants represent more common phonological patterns than fully voiced vowels. Furthermore, previous studies found that Japanese listeners were capable of hearing completely deleted vowels. Listeners intuitively maintain CV syllables in perception, hearing a vowel after each consonant in order to avoid obstruent clusters (a violation of Japanese phonotactics).It was found that listeners made good use of acoustic, phonological, and phonotactic knowledge of their native language for processing allophonic variants. In word recognition, listeners performed better when reduced vowels were in the environment where vowel reduction was expected. The phonological appropriateness of an allophone was judged in relation to adjacent consonants on both sides, and the facilitatory effect of appropriateness of reduced vowels surpassed the inhibitory effect of their acoustic weakness. However, in terms of sound detection, listeners found reduced and fully voiced vowels equally easy to hear in an environment where vowel reduction was expected. Although reduced vowels were phonologically appropriate between voiceless consonants, the phonological appropriateness merely balanced out acoustic weakness; it was not strong enough to surpass it. In addition, the phonological appropriateness of an allophone was judged based only on the preceding consonant, which suggests that listeners processed sounds linearly. Furthermore, the study found that phonological appropriateness of the allophone was affected by dialectal differences and speech rates. Listeners' preference for a certain allophone was influenced by the phonology of a listeners' native dialect and expectation was skewed by fast speech rates.This study suggests that current speech perception models need modification to account for the processing of speech variability taking language-specific phonological knowledge into consideration. The study demonstrated that it is important to investigate at which stage phonological inference takes place during processing.
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Chalfont, Carl R. "Automatic speech recognition : a government phonology perspective on the extraction of subsegmental primes from speech data." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285843.
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Tsay, Suhchuan Jane, and Suhchuan Jane Tsay. "Phonological pitch." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186900.
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The theory proposed in this thesis, Phonological Pitch, concerns the representation and behavior of the tone feature. It is a formally simple phonological theory constrained by a set of explicit extragrammatical principles. Phonological Pitch contains two major grammatical mechanisms. First, tone is represented with a single multivalued feature (Pitch) whose value can range from 1 to n, where n is a language-specific number with no universal upper limit. Second, the Contiguity Hypothesis states that tone groups in rules must always form contiguous sets, though these groups can vary from rule to rule. Phonological Pitch can be so simple because the power of the grammatical theory is constrained with independently necessary extragrammatical factors. Specifically, limits on the number of tone levels arise from learnability and perceptual constraints, which can be precisely formalized, that also play a role in nonlinguistic domains. Similarly, the Contiguity Hypothesis is derived from psychoacoustic constraints on discriminating between acoustically similar pitches. Other perceptual and physiological constraints explain patterns in the typology of contour tones and in the interactions of tone with other features. The empirical support for Phonological Pitch includes the following. First, languages are attested with as many as five distinct tone levels, and the number of languages with n tone levels gradually decreases as n increases, rather than dropping off abruptly at some point. An analysis using learnability and perceptual constraints can explain this gradual drop better than a universal grammatical upper limit. Second, tone rules can transpose sets of tones up or down by a fixed interval, a fact which is easier to formalize with a single multivalued feature than with a set of binary features. Third, tone groups do not form universal natural classes nor groups with noncontiguous tones, as other tone theories predict. Fourth, tone interacts not only with laryngeal features like voicing, but also with nonlaryngeal features like vowel height, and both the existence and relative rarity of tone-vowel height interactions imply that understanding tone interactions requires reference to extragrammatical physiological factors.
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Samokhina, Natalya. "Phonetics and Phonology of Regressive Voicing Assimilation in Russian Native and Non-native Speech." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194543.
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In recent years, a great deal of research on second language (L2) acquisition has been concerned with non-target production of L2 learners, addressing issues such as native language (L1) transfer into L2 and the nature and source of developmental errors. Previous studies have mostly focused on the analysis of discrete L2 segments (Flege 1987, 1999; Major & Kim 1996), rather than on L2 phonological patterns. This study, however, examines the production of sequences of sounds in Russian L1 and L2 from both the phonetic and phonological perspectives.This dissertation investigates native and non-native production of real and nonsense words containing obstruent clusters in which a phonological phenomenon known as regressive voicing assimilation is required. In Russian, forms like lodka `boat' are rendered orthographically with a voiced obstruent which is pronounced as a voiceless one when followed by a voiceless obstruent. The results of the experiments reveal several production patterns in L1 and L2 speech as well as gradiency in devoicing which are further analyzed within the stochastic Optimality Theory framework. Categorical production is accounted for by the re-ranking of L1 and L2 constraints; whereas, gradiency in production is viewed as a result of the re-ranking of constraints within phonetically detailed constraint families.
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Prunet, Jean-François. "Spreading and locality domains in phonology." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74017.
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Tourville, José. "Licensing and the representation of floating nasals." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39274.
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It is commonly agreed that phonological elements must be prosodically licensed in order to be interpreted phonetically (cf. Ito, 1986). The licensing of segments is generally assumed to follow from the Universal Association Conventions. The licensing of phonological units smaller than the segment, however, has not been fully addressed. There is no agreement on the exact licensing mechanisms at play and on what constitutes a proper anchor for the initial association of floating subsegmentals. This thesis proposes a principled account of subsegmental licensing within the theory of segmental structure known as feature geometry, as modified by Piggott (to appear). It is shown that the manifestation of nasality in Maukaka, Koyaga, Jula, and Terena result from the way licensing operates. It is argued that, universally, floating subsegmental units are licensed through mapping, which associates a unit to an available position. It is also proposed that whenever there is no proper position for the mapping of a subsegmental element, this element may be licensed by Chomsky-adjunction. This type of adjunction has played a role in syllabification but not in the organization of feature.
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Feizollahi, Zhaleh. "Two case studies in the phonetics-phonology interface evidence from Turkish voicing and Norwegian coalescence /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/649820617/viewonline.
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Pearce, Mary Dorothy. "The interaction of tone with voicing and foot structure : evidence from Kera phonetics and phonology." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2007. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1445070/.
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This thesis uses acoustic measurements as a basis for the phonological analysis of the interaction of tone with voicing and foot structure in Kera (a Chadic language). In both tone spreading and vowel harmony, the iambic foot acts as a domain for spreading. Further evidence for the foot comes from measurements of duration, intensity and vowel quality. Kera is unusual in combining a tone system with a partially independent metrical system based on iambs. In words containing more than one foot, the foot is the tone bearing unit (TBU), but in shorter words, the TBU is the syllable. In perception and production experiments, results show that Kera speakers, unlike English and French, use the fundamental frequency as the principle cue to 'Voicing" contrast. Voice onset time (VOT) has only a minor role. Historically, tones probably developed from voicing through a process of tonogenesis, but synchronically, the feature voice is no longer contrastive and VOT is used in an enhancing role. Some linguists have claimed that Kera is a key example for their controversial theory of long-distance voicing spread. But as voice is not part of Kera phonology, this thesis gives counter-evidence to the voice spreading claim. An important finding from the experiments is that the phonological grammars are different between village women, men moving to town and town men. These differences are attributed to French contact. The interaction between Kera tone and voicing and contact with French have produced changes from a 2-way voicing contrast, through a 3-way tonal contrast, to a 2-way voicing contrast plus another contrast with short VOT. These diachronic and synchronic tone/voicing facts are analysed using laryngeal features and Optimality Theory. This thesis provides a body of new data, detailed acoustic measurements, and an analysis incorporating current theoretical issues in phonology, which make it of interest to Africanists and theoreticians alike.
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Geng, Christian. "A cross-linguistic study on the phonetics of dorsal obstruents." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät II, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16077.
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Die vorliegende Dissertation befasst sich mit den artikulatorischen und perzeptiven Charakteristika der palatalen Artikulationsstelle, wobei der empirische Schwerpunkt auf der Untesuchung des ungarischen palatalen Obstruenten liegt. Die Motivation für diese Forschungsfrage ist der Tatsache geschuldet dass sich eine beträchtliche Anzahl instrumentalphonetischer Arbeiten sowohl aus dem Bereich Sprachproduktion als auch aus dem Bereich Perzeption mit den drei Hauptartikulationsstellen - labial, alveolar und velar - auseinandergesetzt hat. Im Vergleich dazu befasst sich vergleichsweise wenig Forschungsliteratur mit der der Klasse der Paltale. Der einleitende Teil der Arbeit fasst die theoretischen Ansätze zum Thema sowohl aus phonologischer als auch aus phonetischer Sicht zusammen. Die Ergebnisse des empirischen Teils der Arbeit demonstrieren einige durch palatale Segmente hervorgerufene instrusive Effekte, wenn diese als zusätzliche Antworkategorie zu den drei Hauptartikulationsstellen in Experimenten zur kategorialen Wahrnehmung präsentiert werden. Artikulatorische Studien mittels Elektormagnetischer Artikulographie (EMA) weisen den ungarischen Palatal als dorsopalatal mit diesbezügluch charakteristischen koartikulatorischen und biomechanischen Features aus.This dissertation presents articulatory and perceptual characteristics of the palatal place of articulation with the focus on the Hungarian palatal obstruent. This research question is motivated by the fact that a lot of instrumental research in perceptual but also articulatory phonetics has concentrated on the study of the three major - labial, alveolar and velar - places of articulation whereas substantially less attention has been devoted to segments from the palatal class. The introductory part summarises the relevant foundations from both phonetic and phonological perspectives. Empirical cross-linguistic work demonstrates some intrusive effects of the palatal segment when introduced in an experimental setup manipulating transitional parameters in a Categorical Perception study. Studies by means of Electromagnetic Articulography phonetically qualify the Hungarian palatal as a dorsopalatal with characteristic coarticulatory and biomechanic features.
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Chevrier, Natacha. "Analyse de la phonologie du bribri (chibcha) dans une perspective typologique : nasalité et géminée modulée." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2033/document.
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Le bribri est une langue chibcha parlée au Costa Rica (Amérique Centrale). Les langues chibcha représentent la principale famille de l’Aire Intermédiaire (Constenla 1991), qui relie la Mesoamérique aux zones amazonienne et andine. Ce sont cependant toutes des langues en danger, encore relativement peu décrites.Cette thèse est une analyse de la phonologie du bribri (Schlabach 1974 ; Wilson 1974 ; Constenla 1981 ; Jara 2004), problématisée autour de ses caractéristiques typologiques :(i) Le système nasal : le bribri fait partie des rares langues du monde dans lesquelles la nasalité n’est pas distinctive pour les consonnes. Les consonnes nasales présentes dans l’output sont le résultat d’harmonies nasales (Cohn 1993 ; Walker 1998, 2001) et d’hypervoisement par abaissement du voile du palais (Iverson & Salmons 1996 ; Solé 2009). Alors que le premier processus avait en partie été décrit pour le bribri (Wilson 1970 ; Constenla 1982, 1985 ; Tohsaku 1987), le second n’avait pas encore été identifié.(ii) La consonne /tk/ : une unité distinctive, combinant deux lieux, sans pour autant être une consonne doublement articulée, contrairement à ce qui avait précédemment été décrit (Lehmann 1920 ; Schlabach 1974 ; Wilson 1974 ; Constenla 1981 ; Jara 2004). Je propose de l’analyser comme une géminée modulée (contour segment, Sagey 1990).La présente étude s’inscrit dans la lignée des travaux qui considèrent que les structures phonologiques doivent être expliquées par des contraintes phonétiques, comme les travaux précurseurs d’Ohala (1975, 1981, 1983). J’utilise plus particulièrement le modèle de la Phonologie Articulatoire (Browman & Goldstein 1986, 1989). Les analyses s’appuient sur des données acoustiques, récoltées dans deux communautés bribri entre 2012 et 2014 (Bajo Coen - Coroma et Amubre).En plus d’une démarche typologique et phonétique, j’adopte une approche dialectale et diachronique, afin de mieux appréhender le système phonologique de la langueBribri is a Chibchan language spoken in Costa Rica (Central America). Chibchan languages form the main family of the Intermediate Area (Constenla 1991), which links Mesoamerica to the Amazonian and the Andean regions. All of them are endangered and are still under described.This dissertation provides an analysis of Bribri phonology (Schlabach 1974; Wilson 1974; Constenla 1981; Jara 2004) problematized according to its typological characteristics:(i) The nasal system: Bribri is among the few languages in the world to lack distinctive nasal consonants. The nasal consonants present in the output result from nasal harmony (Cohn 1993; Walker 1998, 2001) and hypervoicing through velopharyngeal opening (Iverson & Salmons 1996; Solé 2009). While the first process has been partially described for Bribri (Wilson 1970; Constenla 1982, 1985; Tohsaku 1987), the second has not been individuated in the language.(ii) The consonant /tk/: the consonant /tk/ is a distinctive unit which combines two places of articulation. Contrary to what has been previously described (Lehmann 1920; Schlabach 1974; Wilson 1974; Constenla 1981; Jara 2004), it is not a doubly articulated consonant. I propose to analyse it as a contour geminate consonant (based on the concept of contour segment, Sagey 1990).Following Ohala’s pioneering work (1975, 1981, 1983), this work is based on the assumption that phonological structures must be explained by phonetic constraints. More specifically, I use the Articulatory Phonology frame (Browman & Goldstein 1986, 1989). The analysis is based on acoustic data collected among two Bribri communities, between 2012 and 2014 (Bajo Coen - Coroma and Amubre).Along the typological and phonetic approach, I have adopted a dialectal and diachronical point of view to better capture the phonological system of the language
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Kumashiro, Fumiko. "Phonotactic interactions : a non-reductionist approach to phonology /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9963655.
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Jennings, Patricia Joan. "A comparison of the phonological skills of late talking and normal toddlers." PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4082.
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In the present study, the speech of twenty-four normally speaking toddlers and twenty-eight late talking toddlers was analyzed with respect to the syllable structures produced during a speech sample. The groups were matched with regard to age, sex, and socio-economic status, all passed a hearing screening, and all scored at least 85 on the Bayley Scales of Infant Development.
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Nunes, Gisele da Paz [UNESP]. "O aproveitamento da ordem de aquisição das sílabas nas cartilhas adotadas no município de Catalão-GO." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/101410.
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É objetivo desta tese verificar se a aquisição dos padrões silábicos no processo escolar de alfabetização, no que se refere à ordem de emergência desses padrões, reflete ou não a ordem de aquisição desses padrões na linguagem oral. A ordem de aquisição dos padrões silábicos na escrita foi verificada a partir de um corpus composto de seis cartilhas adotadas no município de Catalão-GO (A toca do tatu, Língua e linguagem, Português: uma proposta para o letramento, Viver e aprender, Palavra em contexto e Nosso mundo) por ser este o instrumento de uso mais comum dos professores de Catalão-GO para ensino de língua escrita. Estruturalmente, esta tese se subdivide em quatro seções. A primeira trata de questões mais gerais sobre a alfabetização, em que discutimos também um pouco de história da cartilha, seu método e as expectativas do governo em relação à alfabetização no Brasil. Na seção 2, versamos sobre sistemas de escrita e ortografia. A terceira seção se ocupa das teorias fonológicas sobre a sílaba, necessárias para a análise das cartilhas que é feita na seção 4. Na conclusão de nosso trabalho, afirmamos que os trabalhos e pesquisas de aquisição dos padrões silábicos do português, tanto do brasileiro quanto do europeu, apontam uma ordem “natural” de emergência desses padrões na aquisição da fala que é seguida, com raras e não significativas diferenças, pelas cartilhas por nós pesquisadas. Assim sendo, os métodos que dão suporte aos livros didáticos analisados, todos calcados no conceito de sílaba ou métodos que empregam o “bá-bé-bi-bó-bu”, deveriam ser eficazes, uma vez que se baseiam em uma “ordem natural” de aquisição de padrões silábicos. No entanto, o que verificamos é que a origem do fracasso dos métodos não pode estar na ordem de apresentação dos padrões silábicos pelas cartilhas...
This thesis aims to verify whether the order of presentation of syllabic patterns in literacy books is or is not in accordance with the order of emergence of these patterns in oral language acquisition. Because didactical books named cartilhas are still the most important instrument for literacy teachers in Brazil, the corpus is composed by six cartilhas, adopted in the city of Catalão - GO: A toca do tatu, Língua e Linguagem, Português: uma proposta para o letramento, Viver e aprender, Palavra em contexto and Nosso Mundo. Our research shows that this natural order is followed with no significant differences by literacy books, in the school programmes for written language acquisition. From this point of view, this method is expected to be efficient; unfortunately, it does not happen to be true. Since the cartilhas follow the natural order of emergence for syllabic patterns, the cause of the failure of the method must be somewhere else, probably in the fact that our literacy methods consider the syllable as the ideal unit of representation for teaching our writing system, although our writing system is not syllable-based in its essence.
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Osborne, Aidan Lee. "Presence of Late 8 Phonemes among Adolescents and Young Adults with Down syndrome." OpenSIUC, 2020. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/2699.
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The purpose of this study was to describe the phonetic repertoire of late 8 phonemes among adolescents and young adults with Down syndrome and then determine the relationship between age and presence of the latest developing phonemes as well as their impact on intelligibility. This study also described the stimulability profile for those late 8 phonemes that were produced in error. The Arizona Articulation and Phonology Scale was administered to individuals with Down syndrome between the ages of 12 – 21;11 to obtain a phonetic profile. Among those participants included in the study, on average, 87.5% of the late 8 phonemes were present. Seven of eight participants were stimulable for all phonemes that were misarticulated. Results did not indicate a significant correlation between either age or intelligibility and the presence of late 8 phonemes.
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Hillyard, Lisa Wittenberg. "A dialect study of Oregon NORMs." PDXScholar, 2004. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3628.
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The pioneers and settlers of the Oregon Territory were not of one ilk. They came from various places and brought their separate speech patterns with them. This study sought to identify which major North American English dialect was present in the first half of the 20th century in Oregon. Analysis relied on the descriptions for the Southern, Northern, Midlands, and Western dialects. Some dialect features have acoustic measurements attached to their descriptions, and others do not. The analytical process was based on acoustic measurements for vowel classes and individual tokens, as well as global observations about the place of a particular class means within the larger vowel system. Findings indicate weak presence of Southern and Western speech patterns. The Northern and Midlands dialects were present, but they were not advanced. No single dialect predominated. Part of the process attempted to find a dialect diagnosis to help determine a one-step indicator as to which dialect may be present. Observations implied that the front/back relation of /e/ and /o/ is a reliable dialect indicator.
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Ahn, Hyunkee. "Post-release phonatory processes in English and Korean : acoustic correlates and implications for Korean phonology /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Lee, Kaitlyn E. "The Perception of Creaky Voice: Does Speaker Gender Affect our Judgments?" UKnowledge, 2016. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/ltt_etds/17.
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This study focuses on the phonetics of creaky voice saliency and the perceptual sociolinguistic indexes that are evoked during creaky voice use. This study consists of two experiments: the first a listener judgment based Likert scale, the second an AXB study. The first experiment used modal and creaky voice statement-of-fact tokens to determine whether the speaker is or isn’t x characteristic (intelligent, feminine, educated, masculine, hesitant, and confident). This study found that both male and female speakers were found to be less intelligent, less educated, less feminine, more masculine, less confident, and more hesitant when using creaky voice phonation as compared to the modal register. Participants also rated male and female speakers as statistically different. During the second experiment the participants listened to continuums that went from modal register to extreme creaky voice (based on F0 levels). Participants performed an AXB task to determine ability at distinguishing levels of creaky voice along the continuum. This study found that participants were less able to correctly detect the level of creaky voice in the female speaker for the lower half of the continuum when compared to the male speaker.