Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Phonology; Tone languages'

A central claim of Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1993a) is that phonological variation can be modeled through the variable ranking of universal constraints. In this thesis, I test this claim by examining variation in the tongue root vowel harmony system in a number of closely related yet distinct Bantu languages of Congo and Zaire. The twenty-odd languages are drawn from each of Guthrie 1967's eight Bantu C. subgroups and are shown to vary along a number of dimensions. One is morphological, related to whether or not the harmonic element in the lexical root extends to prefixes and suffixes. This variation is shown to follow from the variable ranking of constraints that seek to ALIGN the harmonic feature, [retracted tongue root] ([rtr]) with the edges of the morphological domains STEM and WORD. A second parameter of variation concerns the relationship between high vowels and [rtr]. A third dimension involves the interaction of [rtr] with the low vowel [a] under harmony. Here, three patterns involving (i) low vowel assimilation, (ii) low vowel opacity, or (iii) low vowel transparency under harmony are shown to follow from the variable ranking of a few constraints. A significant theme that emereges in the study is recognizing and characterizing the distinct morphological and phonological domain edges involved in vowel harmony. An important contribution of this study is in bringing to light a language family where phonological tongue height, in this case expressed by the feature [low], is shown to be incompatible with tongue root retraction, as expressed in the feature [rtr]. Although the gestures of tongue body lowering and tongue root retraction are sympathetic in the articulatory dimension and in their acoustic effect, they are seen to be phonologically hostile, in fact, because of the redundancy relation between them. This redundancy-based phonological incompatibility is implemented via licensing-failure: [low] fails to "license" [rtr] because lowness implies retraction (Ito, Mester and Padgett 1994).

This thesis is concerned with the perception and production of lexical tone. In the first experiment, categorical perception of asymmetric synthetic tone continua was examined in speakers of tonal (Thai, Mandarin, and Vietnamese) and non-tonal (Australian English) languages. It was observed that perceptual strategies for categorisation depend on language background. Specifically, Mandarin and Vietnamese listeners tended to use the central tone to divide the continuum, whereas Thai and Australian English listeners used a flat no-contour tone as a perceptual anchor; a split based not on tonal vs. non-tonal language background, but rather on the specific language. In the second experiment, tonal (Thai) and non-tonal (Australian English) language speaking musicians and non-musicians were tested on categorical perception of two differently shaped synthetic tone continua. Results showed that, independently of language background, musicians learn to identify tones more quickly, show steeper identification functions, and display higher discrimination accuracy than non-musicians. Experiment three concerns the influence of language aptitude, musical aptitude, musical memory, and musical training on Australian English speakers‟ perception and production of non-native (Thai) tones, consonants, and vowels. The results showed that musicians were better than non-musicians at perceiving and producing tones and consonants; a ceiling effect was observed for vowel perception. Musical training per se did not determine acquisition of novel speech sounds, rather, musicians‟ higher accuracy was explained by a combination of inherent abilities - language and musical aptitude for consonants, and musical aptitude and musical memory for tones. It is concluded that tone perception is language dependent and strongly influenced by musical expertise - musical aptitude and musical memory, not musical training as such.<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Young infants can discriminate a great variety of speech sounds both native and nonnative in their language environment. The focus of the perceptual reorganisation research to date has been on infants’ discrimination of nonnative segments, in particular, consonants and vowels. In tone languages (eg. Cantonese, Mandarin, and Thai) phonemic distinctions are signalled not only by consonants and vowels, but also by lexical tone – consisting of variations in fundamental frequency (pitch) and related features. Although such languages are spoken by over half the world’s population, the development of lexical tone perception has been relatively neglected. This thesis addresses whether perceptual reorganisation occurs for tone in infancy. Overall, the results of experiments conducted support the hypotheses and the existence of perceptual reorganisation for tone in infancy, similar to that for consonants and vowels. Implications of the results for speech perception development theories, “tone space”, tone acquisition, and early word learning are discussed, and future studies relating to these issues suggested.<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

South Kyungsang Korean is spoken in the southeastern part of Korea. The critical problems in analyzing this language are the substantial inconsistency among authors concerning tonal descriptions, and the typologically unusual tone alternation patterns, which have consequently led to vague tonal contrasts and conflicting data. Given that the majority of earlier studies on this language have been based on transcription data, there is limited physical evidence concerning these issues. This research therefore presents the phonetic realization of tonal contrasts, based on F0 production and perception experiments. It was found that there are three distinct tone classes in monosyllabic roots, and they are different in F0 height, syllable duration, and the timing of F0 peak and fall both in unsuffixed words and in suffixed words. It has been suggested, based on this acoustic evidence, that South Kyungsang Korean has three different tone contrasts in monosyllabic roots, e.g., M, H, and R, and that the different tone alternation patterns of these three tone classes in suffixed words might be the reflection of the phonetic implementation of each tone class. This work provides not only new basic facts of South Kyungsang Korean tonology, but also another way of understanding tone targets and tone alternation patterns. While clarifying the complications in a particular language, the findings in this work also contribute to debated topics of modern intonational research, concerning such as phonological and linguistic units in the F0 continuum, the temporal alignment of F0 features with segmental strings, and perception of tonal contrasts.

楊建芬.<br>"2013年9月".<br>"2013 nian 9 yue".<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 284-304).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstract in Chinese and English.<br>Yang Jianfen.

本文主要探讨苏州话的连续变调，研究范围限定为音译词和复合词这两类多音节词。通过对苏州话语料的详细考察，本文总结出苏州话多音节词连读变调存在三层变调行为：（i）首音节尽量保留原调;（ii）第二个音节的变调与首音节的单字调有关;（iii）其余音节负载一个低平调.<br>本文针对舒声调为首音节的多音节词的变调规律，回答了如下问题：（i）苏州话连续变调为何存在三层变调行为，而非两层或者四层？（ii）首音节保持原调的变调行为及它较高的负载声调的能力是由什么决定的？（iii）其余音节所负载的变调是如何决定的？<br>经过分析，我们将苏州话的变调域确认为韵律词，其内部结构如下：每个韵律词的头两个音节构成一个左重双拍音步，剩余的音节不构成音步因而直接被韵律词所管辖。由此苏州话的三层变调行为可以通过这三类音节在韵律词中的不同地位来解释，即：（i）首音节是左重双拍步中的强音节; （ii）第二个音节是左重双拍步中的弱音节; （iii）其余音节因不属于音步而被韵律词直接管辖。<br>基于对苏州话韵律结构的分析，本文以优选论为框架从理论上统一解释苏州话的连续变调。首先忠实性制约条件“禁止删除强音节单字调和“禁止强音节单字调变化 解释了首音节尽量保留原调的变调行为。其次，“禁止复杂仄调“，“禁止升调“和“禁止弱音节负载仄调这些简约性制约条件解释了现今苏州话连读变调模式中不允许出现复杂仄调，升调和非首音节仄调的现象。再次，“尾音节连接低调解释了连读变调后韵律词尾音节所负载的低平调。<br>本文通过对音译词和复合词的分类考察，补充了前人对苏州话连读变调现象的描述。而且在以往理论研究的基础上，本文论证了苏州话的连读变调是由它的韵律结构所决定的，由此补足了苏州话变调现象的理论解释。最后，本文对苏州话的分析也进一步印证了韵律结构的层级关系和韵律单位是人类语言所共有的，但韵律单位的构建在不同语言中则各有不同。<br>This thesis presents an optimality-theoretic account of Suzhou tone sandhi from a prosodic perspective. By investigating transliterations and compounds, we find a three-way distinction of tone sandhi behavior within a tone sandhi domain: (i) the initial syllable has the ability to retain its citation tone; (ii) the second syllable carries a sandhi level tone related to the citation tone in the initial syllable; and (iii) the remaining syllables carry a low level tone.<br>Focusing on the tone sandhi patterns with initial long tones, we answer the following research questions: (i) what determines the existence of a three-way distinction of tone sandhi behavior, rather than a two-way or four-way one? (ii) what determines the tone stability and the greater tone-bearing ability of the initial syllable? and (iii) how are the sandhi tones in the non-initial syllables determined?<br>The tone sandhi domain in Suzhou Chinese is identified as the prosodic word, which contains a single left-headed binary foot and unfooted syllables. The three-way distinction is then captured by the three prosodic states in a prosodic word: (i) the strong syllable in the left-headed binary foot within the prosodic word, (ii) the weak syllable in this foot, and (iii) the syllables which are unfooted and immediately dominated by the prosodic word.<br>Based on the analysis of Suzhou prosodic structure, our account of Suzhou tone sandhi is formulated within the framework of Optimality Theory. First, ranking the positional faithfulness constraints with reference to strong syllables higher than the context-free faithfulness constraints guarantees the tone stability of the initial syllables. Second, the undominated markedness constraints which require no complex contour tone and no rising tone trigger contour tone reduction and tone redistribution. Another undominated markedness constraint which requires no contour tone in weak syllables ensures no contour tones in a weak syllable, i.e. a non-initial syllable in Suzhou Chinese. Third, the final low level tone in the sandhi patterns is determined by the markedness constraint which requires low tone assignment in the rightmost syllable of a prosodic word.<br>This thesis complements the descriptive studies on Suzhou tone sandhi, by adding the data of transliterations and investigating compounds according to the morphological relations. It also confirms the idea in previous theoretical studies on Chinese languages that prosodic structure governs tone sandhi, including the tone stability in strong syllables and the greater tone-bearing ability of strong syllables. This thesis further corroborates the idea in Prosodic Phonology that the prosodic hierarchy and its constituent are universal, though the precise shape of the constituent are language-specific.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Shi, Xinyuan.<br>"November 2012."<br>Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013.<br>Includes bibliographical references.<br>Abstracts also in Chinese.<br>ABSTRACT --- p.I<br>ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.I<br>Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1<br>Chapter 1.1 --- OVERVIEW --- p.1<br>Chapter 1.2 --- PRELIMINARY: PHONETIC INVENTORIES OF SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.2<br>Chapter 1.3 --- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: OPTIMALITY THEORY --- p.6<br>Chapter 1.3.1 --- Basic principles --- p.6<br>Chapter 1.3.2 --- Conflicts between markedness and faithfulness --- p.9<br>Chapter 1.3.3 --- Alignment constraints --- p.9<br>Chapter 1.4 --- ORGANIZATION --- p.10<br>Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- INVESTIGATION OF TONE SANDHI PATTERNS IN SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.11<br>Chapter 2.1 --- DESCRIPTIVE STUDIES ON TONAL PHONOLOGY OF SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.11<br>Chapter 2.1.1 --- Citation tones --- p.11<br>Chapter 2.1.2 --- Tone sandhi --- p.15<br>Chapter 2.1.3 --- Interim summary --- p.21<br>Chapter 2.2 --- TONE SANDHI PATTERNS IN SUZHOU CHINESE: THE CURRENT INVESTIGATION . --- p.22<br>Chapter 2.2.1 --- Tone sandhi patterns in transliterations --- p.22<br>Chapter 2.2.1.1 --- Tone sandhi patterns beginning with long tones --- p.23<br>Chapter 2.2.1.2 --- Tone sandhi patterns beginning with short tones --- p.28<br>Chapter 2.2.2 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds --- p.32<br>Chapter 2.2.2.1 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds I: modification --- p.34<br>Chapter 2.2.2.2 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds II: coordination --- p.38<br>Chapter 2.2.2.3 --- Tone sandhi patterns in compounds III: other morphological relations --- p.40<br>Chapter 2.2.2.4 --- Intra-variations in disyllabic compounds: [HL.L]~[HL.H] --- p.42<br>Chapter 2.2.2.5 --- Inter-speaker variations in compounds: [LL.H]~[LH.H] --- p.44<br>Chapter 2.2.2.6 --- Tone sandhi in a group of frequently used compounds --- p.46<br>Chapter 2.2.3 --- Tone sandhi in fast tempo --- p.50<br>Chapter 2.3 --- SUMMARY --- p.53<br>Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- PREVIOUS STUDIES OF TONE SANDHI IN CHINESE LANGUAGES --- p.57<br>Chapter 3.1 --- STUDIES OF THE REPRESENTATION OF TONE WITHIN THE SPE FRAMEWORK --- p.57<br>Chapter 3.1.1 --- Wang’s (1967) ground-breaking proposal of tone features --- p.58<br>Chapter 3.1.2 --- Woo’s (1969) proposal of decomposing contour tones --- p.59<br>Chapter 3.1.3 --- Yip’s (1980) proposal of two pitch heights in each register --- p.61<br>Chapter 3.1.4 --- Interim summary --- p.63<br>Chapter 3.2 --- STUDIES OF TONE SANDHI IN NORTHERN WU WITHIN THE METRICAL-AUTOSEGMENTAL FRAMEWORK --- p.64<br>Chapter 3.2.1 --- Duanmu’s (1990) moraic analysis of tone re-association in New Shanghai --- p.65<br>Chapter 3.2.2 --- Ao’s (1993) identification of tone sandhi domain in Nantong Chinese --- p.66<br>Chapter 3.2.3 --- Interim summary --- p.69<br>Chapter 3.3 --- STUDIES OF TONAL DISTRIBUTION WITHIN OT FRAMEWORK --- p.71<br>Chapter 3.3.1 --- Jiang-King’s (1996) tone-syllable weight correlation in Northern Min --- p.71<br>Chapter 3.3.2 --- Zhang’s (2001) tone-duration correlation in typological survey --- p.73<br>Chapter 3.3.3 --- Interim summary --- p.74<br>Chapter 3.4 --- SUMMARY --- p.76<br>Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- AN OPTIMALITY THEORETICAL ACCOUNT OF TONE SANDHI IN SUZHOU CHINESE --- p.77<br>Chapter 4.1 --- IDENTIFYING THE TONE SANDHI DOMAIN --- p.78<br>Chapter 4.1.1 --- Identifying prosodic word as the tone sandhi domain --- p.78<br>Chapter 4.1.1.1 --- Brief introduction of the prosodic hierarchy --- p.78<br>Chapter 4.1.1.2 --- Prosodic categories relevant to Suzhou tone sandhi --- p.80<br>Chapter 4.1.1.3 --- Construction of prosodic word in Suzhou Chinese --- p.82<br>Chapter 4.1.2 --- Identifying morpho-syntactic unit as the tone sandhi domain --- p.86<br>Chapter 4.1.2.1 --- Inadequacy of identifying morphological unit as the tone sandhi domain --- p.89<br>Chapter 4.1.2.2 --- The relation between tone sandhi domains and morphological units --- p.91<br>Chapter 4.1.2.3 --- Mismatch between tone sandhi domain and syntactic unit --- p.93<br>Chapter 4.1.3 --- Interim summary --- p.95<br>Chapter 4.2 --- CONSTRAINTS ON SUZHOU TONE SANDHI PATTERNS --- p.96<br>Chapter 4.2.1 --- Constraints on the structure of the prosodic word --- p.96<br>Chapter 4.2.2 --- Constraints on tone retention --- p.99<br>Chapter 4.2.3 --- Constraints on contour tone prohibition --- p.101<br>Chapter 4.2.4 --- Constraint on tonal assignment --- p.102<br>Chapter 4.3 --- PREDICTING TONE SANDHI PATTERNS BY CONSTRAINT RANKING --- p.104<br>Chapter 4.3.1 --- Predicting tone sandhi patterns in transliterations --- p.104<br>Chapter 4.3.2 --- Predicting tone sandhi patterns in compounds --- p.110<br>Chapter 4.3.2.1 --- Intra-speaker variations in compounds: [HL.L]~[HL.H] --- p.110<br>Chapter 4.3.2.3 --- Inter-speaker variations in compounds: [LL.H]~[LH.L] --- p.113<br>Chapter 4.3.2.4 --- Tone sandhi in fast speech tempo --- p.117<br>Chapter 4.4 --- SUMMARY --- p.119<br>Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- CONCLUSION --- p.120<br>LIST OF REFERENCES --- p.125

In hierdie studie word die fonologie en die morfologie van Lobedu, 'n dialek van die Noordoostelike dialekbundel van Noord-Sotho, beskryf. Historiese gegewens, soos in hoofstuk 1 weergegee, toon aan dat die Balobedu vroeer uitgebreide kontak met die Bavenda gehad het. Die vokale van Lobedu is anders as hulle standaard ewekniee op die vokaalkaart geposisioneer. In hoofstuk 2 word aangetoon dat die vokaalsisteem in sekere opsigte met 'n vyfvokaalsisteem ooreenstem, maar nogtans oor sewe foneme beskik. Tekens van 'n verskuiwing in die rigting van die meer tipiese sewevokaalsisteem is opgemerk. Die konsonante van Lobedu word gekenmerk deur veral vier a-tipiese artikulasies: dentale klanke vervang die standaard laterale sluitklanke, retroflekse sluitklanke vervang alveolere sluitklanke, oorwegend stemhebbende sluitklanke vervang tipiese Noord-Sotho se geejekteerde klanke, en affriksie by die vrylating van retroflekse plosiewe is prominent. In hoofstuk 3 word gekonsentreer op die toonpatrone wat verskillende naamwoorde en werkwoorde kenmerk. lnteressante verskille tussen standaard Noord-Sotho en Lobedu is gedokumenteer, hoewel daar uiteraard ook heelwat ooreenkomste bestaan. In hoofstuk 4 word die oorsprong van foneme diachronies nagespeur, terwyl alle geidentifiseerde klankveranderinge in hoofstuk 5 opgeneem is. 'n Uitstaande kenmerk van Lobedu is dat die kombinasie van labiale konsonante geheel en al anders as in tipiese Noord-Sotho hanteer word. In hoofstukke 6 tot 8 word die woordkategoriee morfologies beskryf en ontleed. Kenmerke van die werkwoord in die verskillende verbale subkategoriee kom ook aan die orde: Daar word na diachroniese feite verwys ten einde die voorkoms van sekere allomorfe te verklaar, terwyl die herkoms van sekere morfeme na Venda en Tsonga teruggevoer word. Hoofstuk 9 bevat 'n gedetailleerde uiteensetting van die struktuur van die verskillende kopulatiewe. In die finale hoofstuk word tot die slotsom gekom dat Lobedu wel as 'n dialek van Noord-Sotho beskou moat word, ten spyte van aansienlike Venda-beinvloeding. Die voorkoms van a-tipiese kenmerke diskwalifiseer Lobedu nie as 'n Noord-Sotho dialek nie; indien wel, moat die status van verskeie ander Noord-Sotho dialekte ook bevraagteken word. Die Balobedu beskou hulleself as Noord-Sotho manse, en die effektiewe kommunikasie tussen die Balobedu en sprekers van Noord-Sotho bewys dat onderlinge verstaanbaarheid 'n werklikheid is<br>African Languages<br>D. Litt. et Phil. (Afrikatale)