Academic literature on the topic 'Physical burglary'

Article is devoted to the nature and content of the crime under art. 279 "Theft with penetration" of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Poland. The author emphasizes that this crime is a qualified corpus delicti, which is selected taking into account the method of theft of property. The author also notes that the essence of penetration is to overcome obstacles to access to property, which is contrary to the clear will of the victim, who uses them to protect their belongings, and which must be effective and real. Such obstacles can be not only physical but also informational. The means of protection established by the owner to protect his movable property from theft will be considered effective and real even when they do not require significant physical effort, but have the appropriate knowledge, skills or means. Analyzed issues related with the content of the concept of penetration, court practice on this issue, as well as separating the main aspects which must be taken into account by the court when establishing the presence or absence of the crime. The author emphasizes that the Polish legislator did not establish a clear "framework" about the object into which penetration can occur and the fact that it is to overcome both physical and informational obstacles. As for the object that can be penetrated, the author emphasizes that the Polish legislator has not established a clear "framework" in this matter. Therefore, intrusion is considered to be intrusion into a dwelling or other premises intended for living, as well as intrusion into any other protected facility. The author also emphasizes the main aspects of the concept of theft, as the basis of the concept of theft. the concept of theft, which should be understood as taking possession of someone else's thing, which consists in removing the thing from the possession of the owner.

To date there has been little Australian research on repeat victimisation. This is a study of repeat burglary in an area of Brisbane using police calls for service data. We demonstrate: (a) the prevalence of residential repeat victim addresses (‘hot dot’) is of a similar magnitude to that found in studies in the United Kingdom; (b) the time distributions of revictimisation are identical with those found in studies in the UK and elsewhere; (c) ‘hot spots’ (small areas with high crime density) can be identified by statistical analyses of spatial concentrations of incidents; (d) unstable hot spots tend to be temporary aggregations of hot dots, whereas stable hot spots seem to reflect more the social and physical characteristics of certain localities; and (e) the overall incidence of burglary could be reduced by at least 25 per cent if all repeat victimisation could be eliminated. There are a number of areas where concepts and techniques for repeat victim research could potentially be strengthened: (a) clarifying the connections between hot dots and hot spots, particularly through exploration of the concept of a ‘near repeat address’; (b) applying survival analysis to the data on the time periods between victimisations; and (c) using moving average techniques to examine changes in the spatial distributions of burglary over time.

Previous research has recognized the importance of edges to crime. Various scholars have explored how one specific type of edges such as physical edges or social edges affect crime, but rarely investigated the importance of the composite edge effect. To address this gap, this study introduces nightlight data from the Visible Infrared Imaging Radiometer Suite sensor on the Suomi National Polar-orbiting Partnership Satellite (NPP-VIIRS) to measure composite edges. This study defines edges as nightlight gradients—the maximum change of nightlight from a pixel to its neighbors. Using nightlight gradients and other control variables at the tract level, this study applies negative binomial regression models to investigate the effects of edges on the street robbery rate and the burglary rate in Cincinnati. The Akaike Information Criterion (AIC) of models show that nightlight gradients improve the fitness of models of street robbery and burglary. Also, nightlight gradients make a positive impact on the street robbery rate whilst a negative impact on the burglary rate, both of which are statistically significant under the alpha level of 0.05. The different impacts on these two types of crimes may be explained by the nature of crimes and the in-situ characteristics, including nightlight.

This article explores how the subject becomes a professional criminal, setting out the life experiences of a group of (ex-)offenders in Turkey who have desisted from crime for 15 years. By analysing the socially-individuated trajectories of offenders, it analytically traces out how the primary habitus inherited from lower-class, migrant, doorkeeper cosmology fits in with the secondary criminal habitus: a bodily-mental, informally-trained capacity to carry out burglary. The formation of criminal habitus is dissected into conative, cognitive and affective components to demonstrate how specialist (physical) breaking and entering skills, maintaining composure, self-confidence, resourcefulness and fluency in the Turkish subcultural language of the street are developed in such a way as to professionalise the modus operandi of burglary. Undertaking the dispositional theory of action, the primary contribution lies in exploring the formative principles of the bodily and mental dispositions necessary to commit a criminal action in a non-Western context.

This study examined the differences and relationships between reported incidents of cybercrime and physical crime within U.S. society nationally. The examined period encompassed the years between 2001 and 2020. The study outcomes showed that a relationship existed between reported incidents of cybercrime and reported incidents of physical crime (p = 0.00; α = 0.05). More specifically, it appeared that relationships existed between the reported incidents of cybercrime and the reported incidents of physical crimes representing robbery rate (p = 0.01; α = 0.05), burglary rate (p = 0.00; α = 0.05), and larceny theft rate (p = 0.00; α = 0.05). It also appeared that a difference (p = 0.00; α = 0.05) existed between reported incidents of cybercrime and physical crime, wherein greater quantities of physical crime were exhibited societally during the examined period.

To identify the offender and unravel the mystery, physical evidence must be found at the crime scenes. When it is first taken from crime scenes, the relevance of some pieces of evidence is unclear or seems inconsequential, but as the investigation goes on, it seems to gain significance. Although footprints are a common physical indicator of a crime, including homicide, burglary, and sexual assault, they are frequently overlooked or dismissed as inconsequential during the early stages of an investigation. Currently, individual identification is done through gait pattern analysis based on footprints. A branch of forensic science known as forensic podiatry examines foot-related evidence in the course of a criminal investigation using specific podiatric knowledge, including the foot and lower limb. Analysis of footprints and gait is most consistent with other pattern-based forms of evidence, such as blood pattern analysis. Most cases of homicide and burglary involve the gait pattern evidence. Additionally, detectives frequently disregard crime scenes due to their familiarity. Science in podiatry is lacking. The current crime scene report, which was researched by the corresponding author (Prof. T. Nataraja Moorthy, henceforth referred to as "TN") in India, highlighted the importance of footprint and gait pattern evidence in a distinctive homicide crime scene. In India, a woman reported her husband's murder to the police, but a footprint-based gait pattern analysis proved she was the murderer, not the unidentified assailant. She committed murder while hiding the crime, which is known as "crime concealment".

Abstract: IoT refers to the structure of connected physical bias which is growing at a rapid-fire rate as a huge number of biases and objects are getting associated with the Internet. The Internet of effects can prove that technology has fleetly evolved. currently, the operation of the internet had been extensively used around the world. still, as technology advanced the need for home security systems using the Internet of effects had come more pivotal. Home security is a veritably useful operation of IoT and we're using it to produce an affordable security system for homes as well as artificial use. Besides that, the current home security system on the request was too precious due to the complexity of the bias which occasionally used a precious microcontroller or microprocessor. The Purpose of this trouble was to develop all of the Burglar Alarm system factors which were preliminarily linked and specified as a result of the system design phase conducted earlier . After a brief preface, an executive summary of the results of the development effort is presented . this is followed in a complete description of the overall Burglary Alarm System (BAS), It’s installation , operation, and the tackle details of each of the Individual Subsystems. The test proves that this system is dependable with low- cost, so it can be extensively applied to ultramodern places.

Provision of accommodation for students is one of the primary responsibilities of the managements of Federal Government owned universities in Nigeria. The designs of these students’ halls of residence are institutional in nature, possessing certain common physical design features. The study focuses on 17 halls of residence in 4 federal universities in Southwest, Nigeria. The data collected on the physical design features (hall size, dwelling floor level, corridor length and loading) were analyzed in relation to crime experienced in the halls of residence. The findings suggest that residents in larger hall sizes experienced more crime and a significant relationship established between dwelling floor level and assault/beaten-up [λ² (6, N=618) = 17.46, p= .008] and between corridor loading and burglary/break-in [λ² (2, N=567) = 8.93, p= .012]. Hence architects and other professionals should take a critical look at these physical design features when dealing with crimes in future student housing design.

The aim of this thesis is to describe and analyze the geographical distribution of everyday criminality in the town of Borlänge during the year 2002 and to analyze which measures to be taken in the physical social planning to decrease this everyday criminality there. The term everyday criminality is here to be understood as those categories of crime that appear most frequently in the records of reports to the police every year. Here two kinds of crime have been in focus, thefts from cars and office burglary.In fulfilling this aim two main questions have been answered. The first one is how the everyday criminality was distributed geographically in the town of Borlänge during the year 2002. The second one is which measures to be taken in the physical social planning to decrease this everyday criminality in the town of Borlänge.In order to answer the first question a spatial autocorrelation analysis, Local Moran LISA has been used. This method is based on the measurement Moran´s I and shows the spatial autocorrelation for every single location. To answer the second question three different theories of crime prevention through environmental design have been studied and applied in the analysis. These are Jane Jacobs’ ideas about ”the living city”, Oscar Newman´s ideas about ”defensible space” and Ronald V. Clarke´s theories about crime prevention.The major conclusions that can be drawn from this thesis are that the risk of being exposed to thefts from cars, during the analyzed time period, was highest in Centrum and Hagalund and their surroundings. The lowest risk of being exposed to this type of crime was found in Domnarvet and Islingby, during the year 2002. The highest risk of being a victim of the crime office burglary was found in Hagalund and its surroundings and in the single area of Kvarnsveden. The corresponding lowest risk was found in Lergärdet and its surroundings and in Norra Backa and Kupolen. The measures that should be taken in order to decrease these types of criminality can be divided into overall changes and place-specific changes. When it comes to the crime thefts from cars a more attractive central business district, a better view of parking lots from nearby buildings, dividing of larger parking lot zones into smaller ones, migration of hidden parking lots and stronger access control to parking lots where problems with this kind of crime have occurred have been suggested as overall changes. The corresponding place-specific changes are to remove vegetation that is blocking the view, better lighting and to put up signs with information about increased risk of exposure to crime at parking lots with the most problems. To decrease the amount of office burglaries overall changes as to create a better view of the area from nearby surroundings, move bigger office compartments or divide them into smaller units, rebuild characteristic buildings and increase security by strengthening the access control to offices with these kinds of problems could be useful. Finally there are possibilities to decrease office burglary by using place-specific measures as surveillance cameras combined with signs containing information about these, high fences and better lighting around the buildings where a higher risk of being exposed to this kind of criminality is present.

L’insuffisance rénale est une maladie chronique, qui, parvenue à un certain stade, nécessite au patient qui en est atteint, d’avoir recours à un traitement de suppléance permettant de pallier les défaillances de la fonction du rein. Une de ces techniques, l’hémodialyse, comprend trois étapes importantes dans le parcours de la personne malade: l’annonce de la maladie, la création d’un abord vasculaire, le passage au traitement. L’annonce de l’insuffisance rénale a souvent lieu quelques années avant l’intervention de la fistule artério-veineuse et donc bien en amont de la mise en dialyse. Une étude longitudinale aurait permis de procéder au suivi complet de la personne insuffisante rénale à partir de la découverte de la maladie mais les contraintes de temps m’ont conduit à me limiter aux effets après coup de l’annonce et à me concentrer sur les retentissements du traumatisme au moment de la première effraction (création de la fistule artério-veineuse) et de seconde effraction (la mise en dialyse). Au regard des théories psychanalytiques du traumatisme, j’ai cherché à mettre en évidence la portée des effractions corporelles sur l’unité psychosomatique de la personne atteinte d’insuffisance rénale qui se différencie de celle de l’effraction psychique du traumatisme excluant une blessure physique. J’ai repris l’hypothèse de Freud concernant les névroses de guerre qui stipule que l’atteinte physique protège de la névrose traumatique, mais j’ai proposé de modifier la teneur de ses propos en les adaptant à la situation de maladie grave. Par conséquent, la visée de cette recherche est d'étudier le parcours de l'insuffisant rénal à trois temps traumatiques de la maladie dans ses dimensions à la fois psychique et somatique. Afin d'éprouver mes hypothèses, un entretien clinique est proposé lors de la première entrevue, puis des tests projectifs (TAT et Rorschach) accompagnés d'un entretien clinique sont proposés lors de la seconde rencontre. Ma population se compose de huit patients âgés de 22 à 60 ans que j’ai rencontré une première fois lors de la création de la fistule artério veineuse, un moment durant lequel j’ai pu relever que l'annonce de l'insuffisance rénale n’avait pas joué le rôle d'une angoisse signal d'alarme dans l'économie psychique. Car en effet, à l’arrivée de ce nouveau corps étranger, un débordement pulsionnel affleure mettant à jour une fantasmatique de type traumatique. La seconde phase se situe au début des séances de dialyse lors desquelles la sensorialité et les sensations sont mises au service d'une « détresse somato-psychique » convoquant un sentiment d'inquiétante étrangeté et une difficulté de délimitation des frontières corporelles.D’une part, l’analyse au cas par cas des résultats dévoile que la valeur préventive de l’annonce de la maladie quelques années avant l’intervention a été amoindrie par la violence des effractions corporelles D’autre part, l’analyse des tendances générales a mis en évidence une fragilisation de l’investissement narcissique et des repères objectaux à trois niveaux : sensoriel, sensuel, de la représentation. Plusieurs réponses ou couples de réponses face à l’évènement traumatique pouvant appartenir aux dimension régrédiente et/ou progrédiente s’inscrivant dans une histoire singulière et s’exprimant au travers d’un fonctionnement psychique propre à chacun, ont pu être dégagées comme : l’inhibition de la pensée, la rationalisation et l’intellectualisation, le masochisme (mortifère ou gardien de vie), le déni et le clivage non structurel du Moi, les processus névrotiques, les solutions opératoires (répression affective) et les solutions inadaptées.Enfin, l’examen du fonctionnement psychique aux tests projectifs ne permet pas d’établir de lien direct entre l’organisation mentale et les potentialités de réorganisation suite à l’impact du traumatisme comprenant une atteinte physique
The renal insufficiency is a chronic disease, which, reached certain stage requires to the patient who is affected, to resort to a treatment of substitution allowing to mitigate the failures of the function of the kidney. One of these techniques, the hemodialysis, includes three important stages in the route of the sick person: the announcement of the disease, the creation of a vascular access, the passage in the treatment. The announcement of the renal insufficiency often takes place some years before the intervention of the artério-venous fistula and thus good upstream to the stake in dialysis. A longitudinal study would have allowed to proceed to the complete follow-up of the renal insufficient person from the discovery of the disease but the constraints of time drove me to limit me to the effects afterward of the announcement and to concentrate on the echoes of the trauma at the time of the first burglary (creation of the artério-venous fistula) and of second burglary (the stake in dialysis). Towards the psychoanalytical theories of the trauma, I tried to bring to light the impact of the physical burglaries on the psychosomatic unity of the person affected by renal insufficiency which differs from that of the psychic burglary of the trauma excluding a physical wound. I took back the hypothesis of Freud concerning the war neurosises which stipulates that the physical achievement protects from the traumatic neurosis, but I suggested modifying the content of its comments by adapting them to the situation of serious illness. Consequently, the aim of this research is to study the cours) of insufficient renal in three time traumatic of the disease in its at once psychic and somatic dimensions. To feel my hypotheses, a clinical consultation is proposed during the first interview, then projective tests (TAT and Rorschach) accompanied with a clinical consultation are proposed during the second meeting. My population consists of eight patients from 22 to 60 years old that I met first time during the creation of the fistula venous artério, one moment in the course of which I was able to raise that the announcement of the renal insufficiency had not played the role of an anxiety alarm in the psychic economy. Because indeed, upon the arrival of this new foreign body, an impulsive overflowing appears updating a fantastical of traumatic chap. The second phase is situated at the beginning of the sessions of dialysis when the sensoriality and the sensations are put in the service of a "somato-psychic distress " a feeling of disturbing strangeness and a difficulty of demarcation of the physical borders. On one hand, the individual analysis of the results reveals that the preventive value of the announcement of the disease some years before the intervention was decreased by the violence of the physical burglaries. On the other hand, the analysis of the general tendencies brought to light an embrittlement of the narcissistic investment and the objectals marks at three levels: sensory, sensual, of the representation. Several answers or couples of answers in front of the traumatic event which can belong in regredient and\or progredient dimensions joining a singular story and expressing himself through a psychic functioning appropriatefor each, were able to be brought out as: the inhibition of the thought, the rationalization and the intellectualization, the masochism (mortiferous or guard of life), the denial and the not structural split(cleavage) of the Me, the neurotic operating processes, the solutions ( emotional repression) and the unsuitable solutions.Finally, the examination of the psychic functioning in the projective tests does not allow to establish of direct link between the mental organization and the potentialities of reorganization further to the impact of the trauma understanding a physical achievement

L’insuffisance rénale est une maladie chronique, qui, parvenue à un certain stade, nécessite au patient qui en est atteint, d’avoir recours à un traitement de suppléance permettant de pallier les défaillances de la fonction du rein. Une de ces techniques, l’hémodialyse, comprend trois étapes importantes dans le parcours de la personne malade: l’annonce de la maladie, la création d’un abord vasculaire, le passage au traitement. L’annonce de l’insuffisance rénale a souvent lieu quelques années avant l’intervention de la fistule artério-veineuse et donc bien en amont de la mise en dialyse. Une étude longitudinale aurait permis de procéder au suivi complet de la personne insuffisante rénale à partir de la découverte de la maladie mais les contraintes de temps m’ont conduit à me limiter aux effets après coup de l’annonce et à me concentrer sur les retentissements du traumatisme au moment de la première effraction (création de la fistule artério-veineuse) et de seconde effraction (la mise en dialyse). Au regard des théories psychanalytiques du traumatisme, j’ai cherché à mettre en évidence la portée des effractions corporelles sur l’unité psychosomatique de la personne atteinte d’insuffisance rénale qui se différencie de celle de l’effraction psychique du traumatisme excluant une blessure physique. J’ai repris l’hypothèse de Freud concernant les névroses de guerre qui stipule que l’atteinte physique protège de la névrose traumatique, mais j’ai proposé de modifier la teneur de ses propos en les adaptant à la situation de maladie grave. Par conséquent, la visée de cette recherche est d'étudier le parcours de l'insuffisant rénal à trois temps traumatiques de la maladie dans ses dimensions à la fois psychique et somatique. Afin d'éprouver mes hypothèses, un entretien clinique est proposé lors de la première entrevue, puis des tests projectifs (TAT et Rorschach) accompagnés d'un entretien clinique sont proposés lors de la seconde rencontre. Ma population se compose de huit patients âgés de 22 à 60 ans que j’ai rencontré une première fois lors de la création de la fistule artério veineuse, un moment durant lequel j’ai pu relever que l'annonce de l'insuffisance rénale n’avait pas joué le rôle d'une angoisse signal d'alarme dans l'économie psychique. Car en effet, à l’arrivée de ce nouveau corps étranger, un débordement pulsionnel affleure mettant à jour une fantasmatique de type traumatique. La seconde phase se situe au début des séances de dialyse lors desquelles la sensorialité et les sensations sont mises au service d'une « détresse somato-psychique » convoquant un sentiment d'inquiétante étrangeté et une difficulté de délimitation des frontières corporelles.D’une part, l’analyse au cas par cas des résultats dévoile que la valeur préventive de l’annonce de la maladie quelques années avant l’intervention a été amoindrie par la violence des effractions corporelles D’autre part, l’analyse des tendances générales a mis en évidence une fragilisation de l’investissement narcissique et des repères objectaux à trois niveaux : sensoriel, sensuel, de la représentation. Plusieurs réponses ou couples de réponses face à l’évènement traumatique pouvant appartenir aux dimension régrédiente et/ou progrédiente s’inscrivant dans une histoire singulière et s’exprimant au travers d’un fonctionnement psychique propre à chacun, ont pu être dégagées comme : l’inhibition de la pensée, la rationalisation et l’intellectualisation, le masochisme (mortifère ou gardien de vie), le déni et le clivage non structurel du Moi, les processus névrotiques, les solutions opératoires (répression affective) et les solutions inadaptées.Enfin, l’examen du fonctionnement psychique aux tests projectifs ne permet pas d’établir de lien direct entre l’organisation mentale et les potentialités de réorganisation suite à l’impact du traumatisme comprenant une atteinte physique
The renal insufficiency is a chronic disease, which, reached certain stage requires to the patient who is affected, to resort to a treatment of substitution allowing to mitigate the failures of the function of the kidney. One of these techniques, the hemodialysis, includes three important stages in the route of the sick person: the announcement of the disease, the creation of a vascular access, the passage in the treatment. The announcement of the renal insufficiency often takes place some years before the intervention of the artério-venous fistula and thus good upstream to the stake in dialysis. A longitudinal study would have allowed to proceed to the complete follow-up of the renal insufficient person from the discovery of the disease but the constraints of time drove me to limit me to the effects afterward of the announcement and to concentrate on the echoes of the trauma at the time of the first burglary (creation of the artério-venous fistula) and of second burglary (the stake in dialysis). Towards the psychoanalytical theories of the trauma, I tried to bring to light the impact of the physical burglaries on the psychosomatic unity of the person affected by renal insufficiency which differs from that of the psychic burglary of the trauma excluding a physical wound. I took back the hypothesis of Freud concerning the war neurosises which stipulates that the physical achievement protects from the traumatic neurosis, but I suggested modifying the content of its comments by adapting them to the situation of serious illness. Consequently, the aim of this research is to study the cours) of insufficient renal in three time traumatic of the disease in its at once psychic and somatic dimensions. To feel my hypotheses, a clinical consultation is proposed during the first interview, then projective tests (TAT and Rorschach) accompanied with a clinical consultation are proposed during the second meeting. My population consists of eight patients from 22 to 60 years old that I met first time during the creation of the fistula venous artério, one moment in the course of which I was able to raise that the announcement of the renal insufficiency had not played the role of an anxiety alarm in the psychic economy. Because indeed, upon the arrival of this new foreign body, an impulsive overflowing appears updating a fantastical of traumatic chap. The second phase is situated at the beginning of the sessions of dialysis when the sensoriality and the sensations are put in the service of a "somato-psychic distress " a feeling of disturbing strangeness and a difficulty of demarcation of the physical borders. On one hand, the individual analysis of the results reveals that the preventive value of the announcement of the disease some years before the intervention was decreased by the violence of the physical burglaries. On the other hand, the analysis of the general tendencies brought to light an embrittlement of the narcissistic investment and the objectals marks at three levels: sensory, sensual, of the representation. Several answers or couples of answers in front of the traumatic event which can belong in regredient and\or progredient dimensions joining a singular story and expressing himself through a psychic functioning appropriatefor each, were able to be brought out as: the inhibition of the thought, the rationalization and the intellectualization, the masochism (mortiferous or guard of life), the denial and the not structural split(cleavage) of the Me, the neurotic operating processes, the solutions ( emotional repression) and the unsuitable solutions.Finally, the examination of the psychic functioning in the projective tests does not allow to establish of direct link between the mental organization and the potentialities of reorganization further to the impact of the trauma understanding a physical achievement

The rate of residential break and enters in Canada has been declining according to official statistics, but has increased according to self reports of victims. Since the 1970s, considerable attention has been given to preventing break and enters by altering the physical environment. However, studies that assess the effects of physical design have produced mixed results. The data for this study were drawn from Guelph Police Service break and enter records, and property site assessments were performed using Google Earth and Street View. Drawing from rational choice and routine activities perspectives, physical and social features of burgled and non-burgled single detached dwellings were assessed to determine which features predicted break and enter victimization. Results suggest little empirical support for place-based crime prevention strategies such as Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design.

Arthur J. Raffles, fictional ‘cracksman’ by night and England cricketing star by day, burst onto the literary scene in 1898. Created by Ernest William Hornung, brother-in-law of Sherlock Holmes’ author Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, Raffles was Holmes’ antithesis: the fun-loving master thief. Embodying the ‘pleasure culture’ surrounding the burglar, Raffles’ physical attractiveness and athleticism blurred the lines between moral virtue and romantic allure. As the original novels were continually remade in theatre and film and their characters reincarnated in those media, newspapers began to label real burglars ‘Raffles’. This chapter examines how, where criminality was concerned, distinguishing between fact and fiction presented unnecessary (and unheeded) complications to commercial success. Espying an opportunity, ex-criminals appropriated this sympathetic ‘Raffles’ title for themselves, using the idea of ‘real-life Raffles’ to fashion glamorous celebrity personae through lucrative autobiographical writings. The character became an international phenomenon, beloved by audiences across Europe and America who flocked to see his exploits at the cinema and continually identified the burglar as an English ‘hero’, akin to Robin Hood. Yet Raffles was no philanthropist. Keeping the jewels for himself and glorifying in escaping capture by police, Raffles was a figure of danger for many contemporaries, who identified the longevity of his success as a harbinger of popular unrest caused by economic depression that might seduce generations of young people into a life of crime. The chapter historicizes how cultural responses to romanticized versions of burglary were conditioned by critiques of poverty and the habits of the wealthy.

Abstract Constables were not regularly drawn into daytime surveillance. Night was a different matter. It had been recognized for centuries that the coming of darkness to the unlit streets of a town brought a heightened threat of danger, that the night gave cover to the disorderly and immoral, and to those bent on robbery or burglary or who in other ways threatened physical harm to people in the streets and in their houses.

Abstract A good deal is now known about the effects of crime on adult victims. In 1984, the British Crime Survey included, for the first time, questions about the impact of crime on the general population.1 As well as general studies of the effects of victimization,2 studies of the impact of specific types of crime have also been carried out, for example concerning burglary victims,3 and victims of violence.4 These studies have shown the effects of crime on adult victims to be highly complex and variable, and largely unpredictable. None the less researchers have attempted to identify and categorize the main types of effect experienced. Shapland et al., in a study of nearly 300 victims of assault, robbery, and rape, identified eight main groups of effects.5 These were direct effects of physical injury and financial and property losses, and also effects on home and social life, on work, and on attitudes and feelings. Of these, the most frequently mentioned effects were those involving attitudes and feelings. Indeed most studies broadly agree that psychological distress is the central, dominant reaction of crime victims, though the degree of distress suffered varies greatly according to the severity of the crime and the personal characteristics of the victim. Whilst property offences might be thought less likely to have a profound psychological impact, Maguire found that many victims of burglary suffered considerable distress. The emotional impact of the burglary seemed to be more important to the victims in his sample than the financial loss incurred.

Abstract In this essay I introduce a paradox in much current thinking about physics. The paradox is that physics (and indeed any human thought) never identifies causes—real causes. It may give us causal explanations, but these are only ways of pointing toward the real causes, or features in virtue of which effects follow causes. The paradoxical conclusion is that the predicates we use do not express or refer to the causally powerful properties or states. We can head toward the engine room, perhaps, but never get there. I diagnose current eliminativism in the philosophy of mind as largely the upshot of the paradoxical way of thinking. If I am right, its proponents have done a great service, giving us an outward and visible sign of an inner spiritual tangle. I start by saying a little about eliminativism, by way of introducing the way of thinking about physics that, according to me, it depends upon, and thence identifying the paradox.

Automated Teller Machine (ATM) is a kiosk that is being used widely for money transaction across the globe. Several banking sectors have showed interest in deploying ATM. The cash dispenser system manages the transaction services with less manual effort. When it comes to deploy an ATM, two methods are being under practice: Onsite ATM and Offsite ATM. Safeguarding cash kept inside the ATM is a challengeable one. Researchers suggested several built-in security measures to secure the money in ATM. Nevertheless, the burglars handle new techniques to loot the money. Some widely used looting methods include Card Skimming, Cash Trapping and Phishing etc. One amongst is the physical attack to it by using explosives and tools to break a standalone ATM at highways. So, it is time, to give intelligence for the ATM itself to react to the situation. Proposed is a system that implements the idea of making machine to identify the situation and performs the action accordingly. This mechanism is not only about giving intelligence to it, but also a cost effective one.

Along with its numerous benefits, the Internet also created numerous ways to compromise the security and stability of the systems connected to it. In 1995, 171 vulnerabilities were reported to CERT/CC © while in 2003, there were 3,784 reported vulnerabilities, increasing to 8,064 in 2006 (CERT/CC©, 2006). Operations, which are primarily designed to protect the availability, confidentiality, and integrity of critical network information systems are considered to be within the scope of security management. Security management operations protect computer networks against denial-of-service attacks, unauthorized disclosure of information, and the modification or destruction of data. Moreover, the automated detection and immediate reporting of these events are required in order to provide the basis for a timely response to attacks (Bass, 2000). Security management plays an important, albeit often neglected, role in network management tasks. Defensive operations can be categorized in two groups: static and dynamic. Static defense mechanisms are analogous to the fences around the premises of a building. In other words, static defensive operations are intended to provide barriers to attacks. Keeping operating systems and other software up-to-date and deploying firewalls at entry points are examples of static defense solutions. Frequent software updates can remove the software vulnerabilities, which are susceptible to exploits. Firewalls provide access control at the entry point; they therefore function in much the same way as a physical gate on a house. In other words, the objective of a firewall is to keep intruders out rather than catching them. Static defense mechanisms are the first line of defense, they are relatively easy to deploy and provide significant defense improvement compared to the initial unguarded state of the computer network. Moreover, they act as the foundation for more sophisticated defense mechanisms. No system is totally foolproof. It is safe to assume that intruders are always one step ahead in finding security holes in current systems. This calls attention to the need for dynamic defenses. Dynamic defense mechanisms are analogous to burglar alarms, which monitor the premises to find evidence of break-ins. Built upon static defense mechanisms, dynamic defense operations aim to catch the attacks and log information about the incidents such as source and nature of the attack. Therefore, dynamic defense operations accompany the static defense operations to provide comprehensive information about the state of the computer networks and connected systems.