Academic literature on the topic 'Physiocrats'
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Journal articles on the topic "Physiocrats"
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Bryan, Joseph D. "Nicolas Malebranche and the Physiocrats' Corporeal Critique of Commerce in 1760s France." French Historical Studies 45, no. 1 (2022): 19–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-9434852.
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Abstract In the eighteenth century the burgeoning field of political economy incorporated an array of economic, social, moral, and historical themes. This article argues that the Physiocrats' application of Nicolas Malebranche's work reveals a critical corporeal component of political economy. The Physiocrats and Malebranche both feared the corrosive effects on the human body of unmitigated commerce and overconsumption. François Quesnay and his Physiocratic acolytes reproduced and expanded on Malebranche's argument that the cognitive faculty of the imagination could stymie epistemological processes and thus the ability to perceive what the Physiocrats understood to be the natural foundations of political economy. The expanse of Atlantic trade, the subsequent “consumer revolution,” and the growth of new social practices transformed French life and brought individual bodies into novel forms of contact. In reaction, the Physiocrats and political economists prioritized relationships between physical bodies and consumer goods. Au XVIIIe siècle, le domaine naissant de l’économie politique a incorporé un éventail de thèmes économiques, sociaux, moraux et historiques. Cet article fera valoir que l'application par les physiocrates de l’œuvre de Nicolas Malebranche révèle une dimension corporelle de l’économie politique qui s'avère essentielle. Les physiocrates et Malebranche craignaient les effets corrosifs sur le corps humain du commerce et de la surconsommation. Quesnay et ses acolytes physiocratiques ont reproduit et élargi l'argument de Malebranche selon lequel la faculté cognitive de l'imagination pouvait entraver les processus épistémologiques et donc la capacité de percevoir ce que les physiocrates considéraient comme les fondements naturels de l’économie politique. L’étendue du commerce atlantique, la « révolution des consommateurs » qui s'en est suivie et la croissance de nouvelles pratiques sociales ont transformé la vie des Français et facilité de nouvelles formes de contact corporel. En réponse, les physiocrates et les économistes politiques ont donné la priorité aux relations entre les corps physiques et les biens de consommation.
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Hobbs, Bradley K., and Nikolai G. Wenzel. "The Physiocrats: Friends or Foes of Liberty?" New Perspectives on Political Economy 14, no. 1-2 (2018): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.62374/cskf1g15.
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Were the Physiocrats friends or foes of liberty? Some classical liberal economists hail the Physiocrats as precursors of modern liberty, while others decry them for planting the seeds of mathematical economics and interventionism. Smith and Rothbard praise the Physiocrats, while Hayek, Roepke and Tocqueville damn them. While we focus on classical liberal interpretations of the Physiocrats, we also return to the secondary literature – but also to the writings of François Quesnay, founder of Physiocracy. We find a mixed bag, and both strains of classical liberalism are partially correct. The Physiocrats were early proponents of natural law, individual rights, and free trade. They also planted the roots of modern economic interventionism.
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Bowler, Richard. "Demonstrating the Natural Order: The Physiocratic Trials in Baden, 1770–1802." Central European History 52, no. 02 (2019): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000153.
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AbstractThis article examines attempts to demonstrate the truth of physiocratic principles in eighteenth-century Baden. Emphasizing the importance of the so-called net yield (produit net), a surplus product understood to be created primarily in agriculture, the physiocrats advanced a new science of material prosperity and moral welfare. Despite its alleged “self-evidence,” physiocracy invited strong criticism from those who denied the force of its abstractions. Ultimately regarded as ill-fated and unconvincing, these trials were significant for their attempt to offer an experiential demonstration aimed at persuading doubters and silencing critics. The apparent failure notwithstanding, the episode illustrates how the idiom and practice of experiment served as a powerful resource for generating conviction in the eighteenth century, even in matters extending beyond the emerging natural sciences.
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Borokh, O. N. "China in Quesnay’s doctrine: Interpretations, translations, cultural aspects." Journal of the New Economic Association 50, no. 2 (2021): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31737/2221-2264-2021-50-2-7.
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The paper analyzes the Chinese influences on the doctrine of the French physiocrat François Quesnay from the perspective of the cultural specifics of the perception of economic and political ideas. The approaches of Chinese researchers were impacted by Marxist methodology, sinocentric views and fragmentary use of primary sources. The application of the Marxist concept of socio-economic formations supported the arguments that feudal Confucianism could not influence the views of physiocrats, which reflected the emergence of capitalist relations. In the 18th century opponents of the physiocrats used the comparison of the Tableau Économique with the scheme of the Chinese Book of Changes to disqualify Quesnay’s doctrine. For Chinese researchers this comparison became a confirmation of the value of the Tableau Économique and an incentive to search for the ideas of circular flows and equilibrium in both tables. The study of Despotism in China content confirms its connection with the actual historical China. It is concluded that Chinese scholars seek to interpret the historical precedent of the influence of Confucian thought on Quesnay’s doctrine in the context of plans to increase the global clout of China’s social sciences.
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Charles, Loïc, and Christine Théré. "CHARLES RICHARD DE BUTRÉ: PIONEER OF MATHEMATICAL ECONOMICS." Journal of the History of Economic Thought 38, no. 3 (2016): 311–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1053837216000353.
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Historians of economics have acknowledged the significant role François Quesnay and the Physiocrats played in the early development of mathematical economics. It is, however, important to note that although the Tableau économique could well be translated into algebra, Quesnay never did it. As part of our research on Charles Richard de Butré, an obscure collaborator of François Quesnay, we have uncovered documents that show that he was one Physiocrat who did use algebra to explain his theoretical conceptions. In two texts written at the end of 1766 and the beginning of 1767, Butré systematically used algebra as an aid for economic reasoning. Our argument is that these texts provide very interesting insights into the development of early mathematical economics.
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Whatmore, Richard, and Gabriel Sabbagh. "The physiocrats and empire." History of European Ideas 46, no. 6 (2020): 898–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2020.1717101.
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Platon, Mircea. "Simon-Nicolas-Henri Linguet’s Eighteenth-Century Perspectives on the Intimate Relationship between a Free Market Economy, the Rise of the “Big Government,” and the Creation of a Police State." Social and Education History 4, no. 1 (2015): 49–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4471/hse.2015.03.
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As a lawyer, economist and journalist of European stature, Linguet argued that the political and economic ideas advocated by the “economic philosophes,” or the physiocrats, were bound to lead to a dangerous revolution undertaken without a clear idea of the true principles of a new and better society. Linguet's opposition to the physiocrats and his support for the guilds stemmed from a radical populism that prompted him to accuse the philosophes and the physiocrats of talking about humanity while neglecting the sufferings of real human beings. Linguet warned during the 1770s and 1780s that the systematic laissez-faire theories of the philosophes and Turgot's suppression of the guilds would dissolve the traditional ties of society and lead to a conflict between a mass of unemployed people and an oppressive police state. Linguet argued that only a politics of subsistence, welfare, and preventative nurture would prevent the coming revolution. Linguet's clashes with the physiocrats would prompt him to develop a theory of underconsumption as well as a historicist understanding of political economy and of the legal system that would have a deep influence upon the history of humanist economy.
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Ross, Ian. "THE PHYSIOCRATS AND ADAM SMITH*." Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 7, no. 2 (2008): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-0208.1984.tb00086.x.
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Eltis, W. "L'Abbe de Condillac and the Physiocrats." History of Political Economy 27, no. 2 (1995): 217–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-27-2-217.
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Wallmann, Elisabeth. "All Production Is Reproduction." History of Political Economy 54, no. 1 (2022): 75–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-9548330.
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The aim of this article is to probe the connections between two key fields of knowledge of the French Enlightenment: political economy and natural history. It does so by analyzing the uses of reproduction, a term that eighteenth- century political economists imported from natural history. While historians of knowledge have demonstrated the crucial role played by political and economic concerns in the practices of naturalists, intent on improving their nation, the significance of natural history for the development of political economy has not been sufficiently analyzed. Studying side-by-side the works of the period’s most famous school of political economy, the physiocrats, and one of its most influential naturalists, the Comte de Buffon, the paper demonstrates that the physiocrats adopted not only the term from natural historians but also the conceptual baggage that accompanied it. Buffon radically reconceptualized the reproduction of living beings as a process governed by natural laws and not divine intervention. As the paper argues, the physiocrats’ political-economic system was based on precisely such a conception of the natural laws of reproduction, which they extended from the world of the living to the entire economy of the nation.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Physiocrats"
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van, den Berg T. G. "Dissident physiocrats : value, surplus and distribution in the economic writings of Le Trosne, Turgot, Morellet and Isnard." Thesis, De Montfort University, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/10750.
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The economic writings of G.-F. Le Trosne (1727-1780), AR.J. Turgot (1727-1781), A Morellet (1727-1819) and AN. Isnard (1749-1803) can be understood as attempts to develop F. Quesnay's seminal conception of the economy as a reproductive system. The idea that the economy annually produces a 'net product' or surplus, above the reproductive requirements of the economy elicits questions such as "what is the 'origin' of the surplus?", and "how is the surplus normally distributed among the social classes?". These and other questions are treated by this younger generation of writers in an original manner. The rejection by Isnard of the physiocratic doctrine of the exclusive productivity of agriculture or Turgot's notion of profit as a return on capital are amendments, rather than rejections, of Quesnay's basic economic model. The later developments in physiocratic theory evince that it was an auspicious approach to economic theory.
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Carvalho, Thérence. "La physiocratie dans l'Europe des Lumières : circulation et réception d'un modèle de réforme de l'ordre juridique et social." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016REN1G024.
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Au siècle des Lumières, la physiocratie constitue un paradigme attractif qui propose un modèle universel et original de réforme de la société d’Ancien Régime. À compter des années 1760, les idées portées par cette doctrine politique, économique et juridique circulent à travers tout le continent européen et sont accueillies avec plus ou moins d’attention par les souverains et les élites éclairées. Les propositions du mouvement emportent l’adhésion de certains grands d’Europe et suscitent l’enthousiasme de nombre d’intellectuels, diplomates et administrateurs étrangers. Ouverts à l’esprit du temps, plusieurs monarques et ministres de haut rang décident de recourir à la physiocratie dans le cadre de leurs réformes du droit commercial, de la fiscalité, de l’organisation du travail, de l’agriculture, de l’administration territoriale ou de l’instruction publique. De même, la théorie du despotisme légal conjuguée au triptyque jusnaturaliste « liberté, propriété, sûreté » offre un modèle propice à la régénération de l’État et à la reconnaissance des droits fondamentaux. Or, dans d’autres contrées européennes, la physiocratie est reçue avec scepticisme ou indifférence par certains princes, ministres ou penseurs souvent proches du pouvoir. Bien qu’en quête de solutions réformatrices, ces gouvernants ne recourent alors qu’avec parcimonie aux préceptes de l’école, quand ils ne les rejettent pas purement et simplement au prétexte de leurs effets pernicieux pour l’ordre social traditionnel<br>During the Age of the Enlightenment, physiocracy established an attractive paradigm which proposed an original and universal model of reform of society under the Ancien Régime. From the 1760s onwards, the ideas carried by this political, economic and legal doctrine spread across the entire continent of Europe and attracted the attention to a greater or lesser extent of sovereigns and the enlightened elites of the day. What the movement proposed had the support of a number of crowned heads and aroused the enthusiasm of many of intellectuals, diplomats and foreign administrators. Certain monarchs and ministers were very much open to the spirit of the time and they decided to use physiocracy within the framework of their reforms of commercial law, taxation, the organization of labour, agriculture, territorial administration or education. Indeed, the theory of legal despotism combined with the three natural rights of “liberty, property and security” offered a suitable model for the regeneration of the State and the recognition of fundamental rights. Yet in some European countries, physiocracy was greeted with scepticism or indifference by other princes, ministers and thinkers who were often close to those in power. Although these rulers were looking for reformist solutions, they resorted only sparingly to the precepts of the school, when they didn’t reject them outright, the pretext being the pernicious effects of such precepts on traditional social order
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Mergey, Anthony. "L'État des physiocrates : autorité et décentralisation." Orléans, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007ORLE0003.
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Surtout connue pour sa pensée économique, l’école physiocratique, née en 1757, a également développé une réflexion politique et administrative qui ambitionne de redéfinir l’État. Dans un premier temps, les physiocrates sont unanimes sur les moyens à employer pour régénérer la monarchie. S’inscrivant dans le cadre d’une monarchie de droit divin, ils font du prince un « despote légal » dont le règne doit être régi par les lois naturelles. Bénéficiant d’un pouvoir absolu mais non arbitraire, le roi doit veiller à ne pas enfreindre les normes supérieures dont l’intégrité est assurée par la magistrature. De même, une bonne monarchie nécessite un système administratif décentralisé, fondé sur une hiérarchie d’assemblées locales, pour permettre aux citoyens de participer aux affaires publiques et renforcer l’union roi-peuple. Après une lente désagrégation, l’école éclate dix ans avant la Révolution, l’unanimisme des origines laissant place à une dispersion des idées, lesquelles subissent l’influence des temps. Alors que certains restent attachés aux principes fondamentaux de la doctrine politique et administrative de l’école, d’autres, au contraire, admettent, sur le fondement de la séparation des pouvoirs, une monarchie tempérée et une nation législatrice. En revanche, la hiérarchie normative est redéfinie et approfondie ainsi que la nature des contrôles exercés par les instances compétentes. Parallèlement, l’organisation administrative du royaume est quelque peu délaissée, même si des plans de réforme ministériels et des projets doctrinaux traduisent expressément la vitalité et l’actualité de la pensée administrative des physiocrates à la fin de l’Ancien Régime.
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Mercier, Christian. "La Classe stérile chez les physiocrates." Lille : A.N.R.T, 1985. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb361056127.
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Jouve, Bernard. "Physiocratie, saint-simonisme, agrarisme, à travers la famille Petit." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040071.
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La découverte du fonds Petit aux Archives départementales de l’Indre a permis de suivre une famille adepte successivement de trois théories économiques du XVIIIe et du XIXe siècle : la physiocratie, le saint-simonisme et l’agrarisme. Mme Nicolas Petit, par son achat massif de terres et sa philosophie humanitaire, son fils Alexis Petit par son militantisme saint-simonien et son petit-fils Paul Petit par son appartenance efficace à l’agrarisme sont les exemples du passage entre ces trois mouvements. Les dossiers contenus dans les Archives départementales de l’Indre permettent également de suivre le parcours saint-simonien d’Alexis Petit, proche de Prosper Enfantin qu’il accompagna en Égypte à la recherche des vestiges du Canal de Suez. Alexis Petit tentera une expérience de ferme industrielle communautaire dans les vues saint-simoniennes. Paul Petit sera un militant agrarien, secrétaire de la Société d’agriculture de l’Indre. Cette thèse a pour but d’exploiter les nombreuses données sur le saint-simonisme à travers les correspondances inédites et à travers les documents que contiennent les Archives départementales de l’Indre et de donner une version nouvelle de ce mouvement. Son but est également de démontrer que Saint-Simon et les saint-simoniens sont un chaînon notable de la transmission entre la physiocratie et l’agrarisme<br>The discovery of the Petit family collection at the archive of the Indre department allowed us to follow their successive experiences of three economic theories—physiocracy, Saint-Simonianism and agrarianism— through the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Mrs Nicolas Petit (because of her massive purchase of land and her humanist philosophy), her son, Alexis Petit (through his Saint-Simonian militancy) and her grandson, Paul Petit (through his effective membership of agrarianism), are most eloquent examples of the passage from one theory to the next. The files contained in the archive of the Indre department also make it possible to follow the Saint-Simonian way of Alexis Petit, who accompanied Prosper Enfantin in Egypt in search of the remains of the Suez Canal. Alexis Petit attempted an experiment of an industrial community farm in the Saint-Simonian aspects. Paul Petit was an agrarian activist and the secretary of the Agricultural Society of Indre. This thesis aims at making the most of the numerous data on Saint-Simonianism, with unpublished correspondence, and through the documents contained in this collection, in order to present a new understanding of this movement. Its aim is also to demonstrate that Saint-Simonianism is a noteworthy link between physiocracy and agrarianism
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Prevost, Benoît. "Marché et nation : la stabilité du corps social dans l'économie politique naissante." Paris 10, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA100151.
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Marche et nation forment, a priori, deux liens sociaux fondamentalement opposes : tandis que le premier developpe indeniablement une tendance a l'universalisation, parce qu'il repose sur une conception individualiste des relations sociales, la seconde institue des groupes qui fractionnent l'humanite. Il convient donc de voir sur quel mode les premiers economistes ont pu concevoir le lien qui s'etablissait entre le developpement de la nation et celui de l'activite economique. Le mercantilisme de montchretien a redefini les hierarchies sociales a partir de l'activite economique le traite d'economie politique permet de voir comment l'unite nationale a pu etre pensee a partir d'une ebauche de circuit economique dans lequel chaque element est utile. Ainsi, l'economie refonde le lien social national et permet d'affirmer la necessite d'enrichir chaque membre de la nation. Chez francois quesnay, la nation se definie egalement a partir de l'activite economique : n'en sont membres a part entiere que ceux qui permettent une production et une reconstitution du produit net. Le marche et le libre-echange unifient la nation et bouleversent les hierarchies de l'ancien regime, en assurant la promotion des proprietaires-capitalistes. Pour adam smith, la nation preexiste au marche, et conditionne la stabilite de l'activite economique. Elle permet le developpement d'une morale qui contraint chaque individu a respecter les interets des autres. Le marche porte neanmoins en lui les ferments d'une dissension des interets individuels, en favorisant la corruption des sentiments moraux, en particulier chez les capitalistes. Les antagonismes de classes, qui se manifestent dans le partage de la valeur, remettent alors en question l'equilibre du corps social. Autrement dit, l'extension du marche si elle se solde par une dislocation de la nation et des institutions politiques qui en assurent le bon fonctionnement, ne peut qu'entrainer des conflits destructeurs.
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Jouve, Bernard. "Physiocratie, saint-simonisme, agrarisme, à travers la famille Petit." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040071.
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La découverte du fonds Petit aux Archives départementales de l’Indre a permis de suivre une famille adepte successivement de trois théories économiques du XVIIIe et du XIXe siècle : la physiocratie, le saint-simonisme et l’agrarisme. Mme Nicolas Petit, par son achat massif de terres et sa philosophie humanitaire, son fils Alexis Petit par son militantisme saint-simonien et son petit-fils Paul Petit par son appartenance efficace à l’agrarisme sont les exemples du passage entre ces trois mouvements. Les dossiers contenus dans les Archives départementales de l’Indre permettent également de suivre le parcours saint-simonien d’Alexis Petit, proche de Prosper Enfantin qu’il accompagna en Égypte à la recherche des vestiges du Canal de Suez. Alexis Petit tentera une expérience de ferme industrielle communautaire dans les vues saint-simoniennes. Paul Petit sera un militant agrarien, secrétaire de la Société d’agriculture de l’Indre. Cette thèse a pour but d’exploiter les nombreuses données sur le saint-simonisme à travers les correspondances inédites et à travers les documents que contiennent les Archives départementales de l’Indre et de donner une version nouvelle de ce mouvement. Son but est également de démontrer que Saint-Simon et les saint-simoniens sont un chaînon notable de la transmission entre la physiocratie et l’agrarisme<br>The discovery of the Petit family collection at the archive of the Indre department allowed us to follow their successive experiences of three economic theories—physiocracy, Saint-Simonianism and agrarianism— through the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Mrs Nicolas Petit (because of her massive purchase of land and her humanist philosophy), her son, Alexis Petit (through his Saint-Simonian militancy) and her grandson, Paul Petit (through his effective membership of agrarianism), are most eloquent examples of the passage from one theory to the next. The files contained in the archive of the Indre department also make it possible to follow the Saint-Simonian way of Alexis Petit, who accompanied Prosper Enfantin in Egypt in search of the remains of the Suez Canal. Alexis Petit attempted an experiment of an industrial community farm in the Saint-Simonian aspects. Paul Petit was an agrarian activist and the secretary of the Agricultural Society of Indre. This thesis aims at making the most of the numerous data on Saint-Simonianism, with unpublished correspondence, and through the documents contained in this collection, in order to present a new understanding of this movement. Its aim is also to demonstrate that Saint-Simonianism is a noteworthy link between physiocracy and agrarianism
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Herencia, Bernard. "Physiocratie et gouvernementalité : l’œuvre de Lemercier de la Rivière." Paris 10, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA100199.
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Le physiocrate Lemercier de la Rivière (1719-1801) s’attache à l’articulation de l’économique et du politique à travers la question de la construction politique que nécessite l’idéal économique physiocratique. Il est à l’origine du « despotisme légal » qui le stigmatise comme « branche particulière » de la physiocratie considérée comme école de pensée économique initiée et conduite par François Quesnay. Il mène et superpose trois carrières : juriste, administrateur colonial, écrivain. Hormis, L’Ordre naturel et essentiel des sociétés politiques, le corpus de Lemercier de la Rivière reste quasi-inexploré sauf par Richner pour y trouver des prémisses marxistes et May pour retracer la carrière de l’administrateur. La pensée de Lemercier de la Rivière produit une synthèse physiocratique complète d’une part et une construction politique post-quesnaysienne ambitieuse d’autre part avec un projet constitutionnel novateur en termes de procédures de contrôle de constitutionnalité. Lemercier de la Rivière, garde comme horizon le fonctionnement du marché et la liberté des échanges, mais concentre son travail sur la puissance publique et propose un cadre constitutionnel, fiscal et éducatif, propre à libérer les activités économiques. Il est l’auteur le plus politique de la physiocratie mais son discours politique est resté le plus souvent inaudible aux lecteurs de la physiocratie. La présente recherche est dotée d’une double aspiration : sortir de l’ombre la majeure partie des publications et manuscrits de Lemercier de la Rivière ; mettre au jour les spécificités de sa pensée à l’égard de la physiocratie. Retenant l’idée centrale que l’efficience économique et que la satisfaction des besoins des populations ne peuvent être recherchées et atteintes que dans la stabilité d’une société policée obtenue par un cadre juridico-institutionnel cohérent et pérenne, nous lions notre étude à la conception de Lemercier de la Rivière de la puissance publique. Nous nous attachons à la reconstitution des articulations fondamentales entre le politique et l’économique pour retrouver la cohérence interne de la Physiocratie telle qu’a souhaitée la produire et la faire évoluer Lemercier de la Rivière pour construire une gouvernementalité, au sens de Foucault, une « conduite des conduites » des hommes en jouant de leur autonomie, de leur liberté, un art de gouverner pouvant s’instrumentaliser dans et par la loi. Il s’agit ainsi d’étudier les rationalités qui sous-tendent les pratiques de gouvernement, notamment celle par laquelle l’art de gouverner est structurée par les intérêts du prince. Enfin, une gouvernementalité centrée sur la rationalisation de la puissance publique structurée par un droit positif conforme au droit naturel et par la volonté d’énoncer « les connoissances nécessaires à l’état de Citoyen, [qui] sont précisément les regles de conduite auxquelles chaque Citoyen est tenu de se conformer ». Une première phase de dégage les terreaux de la réflexion de Lemercier de la Rivière (trajectoire d’administrateur colonial, écriture et entrée en physiocratie) pour écrire sa biographie intellectuelle. Une seconde phase étudie les contours et l’organisation de la puissance publique dans sa pensée politique ; il s’agit d’établir comment le physiocrate missionne la puissance publique, en termes de champs et de moyens d’actions. La troisième et dernière phase de notre étude restitue les propositions constitutionnelles de Lemercier de la Rivière, notamment pour les confronter aux modèles alternatifs de Montesquieu et de Rousseau et d’en évaluer la portée dans le dernier quart du XVIIIe siècle<br>The physiocrat Lemercier de la Rivière (1719-1801) dealt with the articulation of economics and politics around the issue of political construction that the Physiocratic economic ideal required. He is the instigator of « despotisme légal » that designates him as a « branche particulière » of Physiocracy which is regarded as a school of economic thought initiated and led by Francois Quesnay. He had three overlapping careers: as a lawyer, a colonial administrator, and a writer. Apart from, L’Ordre naturel et essentiel des sociétés politiques, the corpus of Lemercier de la Rivière remains virtually unexplored except by Richner who was looking for some Marxist premises and May who recounted his career as an colonial administrator. The thinking of Lemercier de la Rivière produced on the one hand a Physiocratic synthesis and on the other hand an ambitious post-Quesnay political structure with a draft constitution with innovative procedures for constitutional review. Lemercier de la Rivière kept, as an horizon, the functioning of the market and free trade, but he focused his work on the power of the State and he provided a constitutional, tax and educational framework, that freed up economic activities. He was the most political author of Physiocracy but his political discourse has remained mostly inaudible to the students of Physiocracy. This research has a double aspiration: to bring out of the shadows most of Lemercier de la Rivière’s publications and manuscripts; and to reveal the specifics of his thinking with respect to Physiocracy. Holding on to the central idea that economic efficiency and the satisfaction of the needs of populations can be sought and achieved only in the stability of a controlled society obtained within a consistent and sustainable legal-institutional framework, we will link our study with Lemercier de la Rivière’s conception of the power of the State. We will focus on the reconstruction of basic articulations between politics and economics to find the internal coherence of the physiocracy that Lemercier de la Rivière wished to produce and wanted to transform to build a governmentality, as Foucault expressed it, a « conduite des conduites » of men using their autonomy, their freedom, as an art of government which can be instrumentalized in and by the law. It will study the rationalities that underlie the practices of government, including that the art of government is structured by the interests of the prince. Finally, a governmentality focused on the rationalization of the power of the State structured by a positive law in conformity with natural law and with the will to state “ les connoissances nécessaires à l’état de Citoyen, [qui] sont précisément les regles de conduite auxquelles chaque Citoyen est tenu de se conformer”. A first phase will identify the origins of the reflection of Lemercier de la Rivière (his time as a colonial administrator, his writing and entering into Physiocracy) to write his intellectual biography. A second phase will explore the contours and organization of power of the State in his political thinking; it will establish how the physiocrat defined government in terms of fields and means of action. A third phase will examine Lemercier de la Rivière’s constitutional proposals, especially to compare them with the alternative models of Montesquieu and Rousseau, and assess their influence in the last quarter of the eighteenth century
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Gaudebout, Jean-Claude. "L'influence de la pensée physiocratique dans les écrits pré-révolutionnaires de Condorcet." Thesis, Paris 10, 2019. http://faraway.parisnanterre.fr/login?url=http://bdr.parisnanterre.fr/theses/intranet/2019/2019PA100019/2019PA100019.pdf.
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Condorcet (septembre 1743-mars 1794), mathématicien et académicien, est entré en politique bien avant la Révolution. Installé à Paris dès 1762, il commence par se consacrer principalement aux mathématiques, jusqu'à son entrée en 1769 à l'Académie des sciences, au moment même où le gouvernement applique des réformes inspirées de la physiocratie (liberté du commerce des grains, réforme municipale de Laverdy) entre 1764 et 1769. Deux périodes caractérisent l'activité politique de Condorcet avant la Révolution.Turgot, nommé contrôleur général des finances en août 1774 par Louis XVI, en fait un de ses conseillers, avec Dupont de Nemours et Morellet, et le nomme inspecteur des monnaies. Il n'a alors de cesse, durant tout le ministère de Turgot (août 1774-mai 1776) de soutenir les réformes entreprises par Turgot (liberté du commerce intérieur des grains, abolition de la corvée) avec des écrits largement inspirés de la doctrine physiocratique, sans jamais s'en revendiquer ouvertement. Après la chute de Turgot, il reprend part aux débats politique liés à la création d'assemblées représentatives à partir du ministère de Calonne (1783-1787). C'est alors qu'il défend, dans tous ses écrits de la période jusqu'à la Révolution, les assemblées provinciales qu'il reprend largement du projet de municipalités de Dupont de Nemours (1775), marquant son opposition nette à la convocation des États généraux. Ne pouvant les empêcher, en même temps qu'il propose une Déclaration des droits, il essaie finalement de s'y faire élire député de la noblesse, sans succès<br>Condorcet (september 1743-march 1794), mathematician and academician, entered politics well before the french Revolution. Installed in Paris from 1762, he begins by focusing mainly on mathematics, until his entry into 1769 at the Academy of Science, at the very time when the government is implementing reforms inspired by the Physiocraty (freedom of trade in grains, municipal reform of Laverdy) between 1764 and 1769. Two periods characterize the political activity of Condorcet before the french Revolution.Turgot, appointed controller general of Finance in August 1774 by Louis XVI, calls him as one of his advisors, with Dupont de Nemours and Morellet, and appoints him as currency inspector. Then, he did not cease, throughout the ministry of Turgot (august 1774-may 1776), to support the reforms undertaken by Turgot (freedom of the internal trade of grains, abolition of the chore), in writings largely inspired by the Physiocratic doctrine, without ever openly claiming it.After the fall of Turgot, he takes part in the political debates related to the creation of representative assemblies, from the Ministry of Calonne (1783-1787). It was then that he defended, in all his writings from the period up to the Revolution, the provincial assemblies that he largely reiterates the project of municipalities of Dupont de Nemours (1775), marking his clear opposition to the call for the Estates General. Unable to prevent them, at the same time as he proposes a bill of rights, he finally tries to get elected deputy of the nobility, without success
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Piguet, Marie-France. "Le vocabulaire de la division sociale et la formation du concept de classe : 1758-1828." Paris 3, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA030035.
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Comment,a la suite de quels processus linguistiques et sociolinguistiques,le mot classe est-il devenu le terme generique de la division sociale au 19eme siecle,l'element lexical sur lequel le concept s'est fixe? pour repondre a cette question,on a reuni plusieurs importants corpus de textes,en particulier dans la base de donnees frantext, et etudie le mot classe selon une methodologie qui associe la semantique lexicale a des approches discursives plus larges. On a cherche d'abord le contexte d'emergence du sens moderne de classe. Puis repere les modalites de sa diffusion tout au long du 18eme siecle, et suivi son insertion dans le discours historique de la restauration, jusqu'aux premieres formulations du syntagme lutte(s) de(s) classes. En meme temps, on a degage les deux premieres strates du concept, chez les physiocrates et chez le comte de saint-simon<br>Which linguistic and socio-linguistic processes have led the word classe to become the generic word of social division during the 19th century,the lexical element which expressed the concept of classe? to answer this question,we have collected several textual corpus,in part in the database frantext,and analysed the word classe according to a methodology which associates lexical semantics with larger discurives approches. Firstly,we have looked for the context where the modern meaning of the word has emerged. Afterwards,we have located the modes of its diffusion all along the 18th century,and followed its integration in the historical papers during restauration period till the first formulations of the syntagm lutte(s) de (s) classes. In the same time we have distinguished between the two first strata of the concept,in the phyiocrates's and the comte of saint-simon's texts
Books on the topic "Physiocrats"
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Morilhat, Claude. La prise de conscience du capitalisme: Économie et philosophie chez Turgot. Méridiens Klincksieck, 1988.
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2
Corinne, Beutler, ed. La physiocratie à l'aube de la Révolution, 1781-1792. Editions de l'Ecole des hautes études en sciences sociales, 1985.
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Colloque international de Saint-Cloud (23-24 septembre 1993). La Diffusion internationale de la physiocratie (XVIIIe-XIXe): Actes. Presses universitaires de Grenoble, 1995.
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Janina, Rosicka, and Akademia Ekonomiczna w. Krakowie, eds. Fizjokratyzm wczoraj i dziś: Ekonomia-filozofia-polityka. Akademia Ekonomiczna w Krakowie, 1996.
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Longhitano, Gino. Il progetto politico di François Quesnay: Materiali e note per una riconsiderazione dell'agrarismo fisiocratico. CUECM, 1988.
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Meissner, Herbert. Die Physiokraten als wirtschaftspolitische Wegbereiter der Französischen Revolution. Akademie-Verlag, 1990.
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Lluch, Ernest. Agronomía y fisiocracia en España, 1750-1820. Institución Alfonso el Magnánimo, 1985.
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Danylovych, Rudenko Mykola. Enerhii͡a︡ prohresu: (narysy z fizychnoï ekonomiï). Vyd-vo "Molodʹ", 1998.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Physiocrats"
1
Vaggi, G. "Physiocrats." In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95121-5_1861-1.
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d’Abadal, Lluis Argemí. "The Physiocrats." In Handbook of the History of Economic Thought. Springer New York, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-8336-7_5.
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Scheuerer, Gerhard. "Physiocrats and Laws of Population." In Physiocracy, Antiphysiocracy and Pfeiffer. Springer New York, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-7497-6_7.
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Lai, Cheng-chung, and Tai-kuang Ho. "The Physiocrats and Law of Nature." In History of Economic Ideas in 20 Talks. Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-4506-9_4.
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Backhaus, Jürgen G. "The Physiocrats, The Antiphysiocrats, and Pfeiffer in Particular." In Physiocracy, Antiphysiocracy and Pfeiffer. Springer New York, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-7497-6_1.
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Lefaivre, Liane, and Alexander Tzonis. "From the Physiocrats and Rousseau to Goethe's Regionalist Architecture." In Architecture of Regionalism in the Age of Globalization. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367281182-5.
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Vaggi, G. "Physiocracy." In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95121-5_1861-2.
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Perrotta, Cosimo. "Physiocracy." In Unproductive Labour in Political Economy. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315620893-3.
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Vaggi, G. "Physiocracy." In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95189-5_1861.
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Einaudi, Luca, Riccardo Faucci, and Roberto Marchionatti. "The Optimal Tax as a Neutral Tax, in the Physiocrats, in Smith and the Italian Catastisti of the Eighteenth Century." In Luigi Einaudi. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230522978_17.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Physiocrats"
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Kobzev, Artem. "THE FIRST INFORMATION ABOUT THE YI-JING IN RUSSIA." In 9th International Conference ISSUES OF FAR EASTERN LITERATURES. St. Petersburg State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/9785288062049.27.
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The first information in Russia about the Yi-jing (易經, Canon of Changes) was published by the first Russian sinologist, German historian and philologist-polyglot G. S. Bayer in the two-volume Museum Sinicum (St. Petersburg, 1730) in Latin. In Russian, the primary information about Yi-jing became available to the reader half a century later thanks to the coryphaeus of Russian sinology of the 18th century A. L. Leontiev. In 1782, he published an illustrated and commented translation of a fragment from Yi-jing (named Convenient Base) as an appendix to his translation of the Manchu text of the Statutes of the Great Qing (大清會典, Dai-Qing hui-dian). A. L. Leontiev called the French abbot, who visited St. Petersburg in 1769, the initiator of his appeal to the Yi-jing, but did not indicate his name. P. E. Skachkov after V. S. Kolokolov decided that he was the famous French Jesuit missionary and versatile scientist A. Gaubil. However, he died ten years earlier. Most likely the interlocutor of A. L. Leontiev was a well-known theologian and economist-physiocrat, French abbot N. Baudeau, who held confidential negotiations with Catherine II in 1769 in St. Petersburg about the situation in Poland. The secrecy of this mission on the eve of the first partition of Poland fully explains the concealment of his name in 1782, when he was still alive and brewing the second partition. Apparently, a look at the Yi-jing of the French enlighteners and physiocrats, reported by N. Baudeau to A. L. Leontiev, prompted him to link the ancient canon with Statutes of the Great Qing.
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Chen, Anqi, and Qiaohua Ren. "On Natural Value Theory of Physiocracy: A Perspective of Marxrs Ecological Economics." In 2018 2nd International Conference on Management, Education and Social Science (ICMESS 2018). Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icmess-18.2018.30.
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Crispino, Domenico. "The Hameau de la Reine at Versailles and the reproduction of vernacular architecture." In HERITAGE2022 International Conference on Vernacular Heritage: Culture, People and Sustainability. Universitat Politècnica de València, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/heritage2022.2022.15154.
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The proposed paper analyses the system of small buildings that compose the Hameau de la Reine in the Petit Trianon gardens in the park of the royal palace of Versailles. The complex of architectural artefacts, built at the end of the 18th century, emulates the features of vernacular architecture typical of the villages of Normandy. The main interest lies in the analysis of the masonry which reproduces the signs of wear caused by the salty coastal climate of northern France using the trompe-l'oeil technique. The study of the architectural elements found in this part of the park of Versailles, using the tools of the restoration discipline, makes possible the highlighting of the specific qualities that confer recognizability on both the vernacular architecture and its reproductions. The design of this section of Queen Marie-Antoinette's Domaine identifies an ideological root in eighteenth-century Enlightenment thinking from which came the physiocratic theories expressed by Quesnay and the Marquis de Mirabeau. The contribution intends to underline, through the analysis of the method of imitation of vernacular architecture, the importance that this architectural typology assumes in the process of rediscovery and fruition of the territory. The analysis of the Hameau complex testifies how vernacular architecture, not yet codified according to this terminology, was already identified at the end of the 18th century as an example of high quality value that found its effective collocation within the boundaries of the royal park of Versailles. The characteristics of this architecture allow it to find an effective place even inside the perimeter of the royal park of Versailles. It is possible to identify the prodromes of the modern architectural sensibility that recognizes and codifies the values of vernacular architecture within the site studied by this paper proposal.