Journal articles: 'Physiologus'

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Karasszon, Dénes. "From the “Physiologus” to Physiology." Acta Physiologica Hungarica 100, no. 2 (June 2013): 246–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aphysiol.100.2013.2.11.

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Salvador-Bello, Mercedes, and Mar Gutiérrez-Ortiz. "The Cambridge and the Exeter Book Physiologi: Associative Imagery, Allegorical Circularity, and Isidorean Organization." Anglia 136, no. 4 (November 9, 2018): 643–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2018-0059.

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Abstract The Physiologus has survived in some twenty-four manuscripts, two of which are of English origin: Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 448, and Exeter, Cathedral Library, 3501. The latter codex, also known as the Exeter Book, contains a verse Physiologus (fols. 95v–98r) in Old English. In turn, the Cambridge manuscript provides a Latin prose Physiologus (fols. 88r–89r). These two texts bear witness to the knowledge of the Physiologus in the late Anglo-Saxon period and constitute the central piece of evidence extant for the dissemination of this work in England. Even though the two versions are formally and stylistically different, the manuscripts in which they occur are roughly contemporary and both of them are of Southern provenance. Each of these Physiologi comprises three chapters describing three animals: lion, unicorn and panther in the case of the Cambridge Physiologus, and panther, whale and an unknown bird – whose identification is problematic due to a textual gap – in the Exeter codex. Despite these striking affinities, no scholarly work has offered a comparative study of the two Physiologi, with the exception of Andrea Rossi-Reder’s unpublished PhD dissertation (1992), and only passing reference has been made to the Cambridge Physiologus in discussions of the better‑known Exeter text. In order to remedy this critical neglect, the present article offers a detailed analysis of both Physiologi, together with a first edition of the Latin text. As we will show, the Cambridge and the Exeter Physiologi share the same cultural background and apply similar compilation criteria. In both cases, the zoological motifs were selected according to organizational principles based on Isidore’s Etymologiae, such as the animals’ unclean character and size. In both, too, the creatures described are interconnected by means of recurrent associative imagery and an allegorical circular design. This combination of encyclopedic criteria and the sensory characterization of the animals discloses remarkable parallelisms in the structure and the compositional technique of these two Physiologi. Moreover, this analogous organizational method offers additional evidence to support Michael D. C. Drout’s hypothesis that the bird described in the fragmentary third chapter of the Exeter version is the phoenix instead of the partridge, as some other scholars had traditionally maintained. Our reading also effectively harmonizes with the eschatological and anagogic elements which have been pointed out for the third chapter of the Exeter Physiologus, as well as with the allegorical and tropological roles of the panther and the whale.

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Gorla, Silvia. "Some Remarks about the Latin Physiologus Extracts Transmitted in the Liber Glossarum." Mnemosyne 71, no. 1 (January 23, 2018): 145–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342198.

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AbstractThis paper is aimed at describing the presence of the Latin Physiologus in the Liber Glossarum. After a brief introduction to the Latin Physiologus and a census of the Liber Glossarum items drawn on it, two noteworthy attitudes of the Liber Glossarum are outlined: distrust in the Physiologus stories, clearly expressed at least for the items up to section FE, and no interest in allegorical and moral comments. Finally, a couple of Liber Glossarum entries from the Latin Physiologus (AS 171 Aspides, PE 217 Pelicanus) are analysed in comparison with the text given directly by the existing versions of the Latin Physiologus: the Liber Glossarum comes out as an important means of transmission of ancient stages of the Latin Physiologus text which would be otherwise lost.

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Scully, Jason. "Redemption for the Serpent: The Reception History of Serpent Material from the Physiologus in the Greek, Latin, and Syriac Traditions." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 22, no. 3 (November 27, 2018): 422–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2018-0038.

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Abstract The Physiologus is a patristic text containing allegorical interpretations of animals. This article examines the Greek, Latin, and Syriac reception history of the serpent material from the Physiologus and concludes that while Greek and Latin authors repeated serpent material from the Physiologus, John the Solitary and Isaac of Nineveh, in the Syriac tradition, furthered the allegorical sense of this text by adding an ascetical layer of interpretation. In particular, they both use the serpent material from the Physiologus to explain the transformation from the outer man to the inner man. Two additional conclusions are offered. First, this article shows that the Physiologus became a standard resource for a “redeem the snake” tradition that emerged sometime in the fourth and fifth centuries due to a renewed interest in classical zoology and due to an increase in biblical commentary on Matt 10:16, where Jesus encourages his followers to be as wise as serpents. Second, this article shows that some of the serpent analogies from the Physiologus circulated independently from the rest in a no-longer-extant form of the Physiologus or else as part of a separate work, possibly another natural history compendium. This conclusion has repercussions for dating the Physiologus.

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Hoad, T. F., Ann Squires, and Ruth P. M. Lehmann. "The Old English Physiologus." Yearbook of English Studies 21 (1991): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3508511.

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Wilkes, K. V. "Nemo psychologus nisi physiologus." Inquiry 29, no. 1-4 (January 1986): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00201748608602085.

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Evdokimova, Ludmilla. "Deux traductions du Physiologus." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 11 (November 15, 1998): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.11.05evd.

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Résumé Je compare le "Bestiaire" de Pierre de Beauvais (version courte) et le "Bestiaire" de Guillaume le Clerc afin de comprendre quelle dépendance existe entre la forme-vers ou la forme-prose du bestiaire et son contenu au début du XIIIe s. A mon avis, ce sont deux textes différents par leur niveau de difficulté. Ils s'opposent par une quantité plus ou moins grande de mots et de noms propres difficiles, de citations de la Bible. En suivant le texte latin, la traduction en prose recrée les allégories complexes et hiérarchisées; le poète n'en conserve que les éléments séparés. Ces bestiaires divergent dans leurs visées: d'une part, spécialement didactique et, peut-être, directement pédagogique, d'autre part, didactique et distrayante en même temps. Ils s'opposent aussi par la manière d'utiliser les descriptions, le vocabulaire abstrait ou concret. Les caractéristiques mentionnées forment des ensembles cohérents dans l'un et l'autre cas. Elles sont liées à la nature même du vers ou de la prose, choisis par des traducteurs, ou bien à la fonction sociale de leurs oeuvres.

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Schneider, Horst. "DAS IBIS-KAPITEL IM PHYSIOLOGUS." Vigiliae Christianae 56, no. 2 (2002): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720260190785.

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Scott, Alan. "The Date of the Physiologus." Vigiliae Christianae 52, no. 4 (1998): 430–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007298x00281.

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Cavell, Megan. "Spiders Behaving Badly in the Middle English Physiologus, the Bestiaire Attributed to Pierre de Beauvais and Odo of Cheriton’s Fables." Neophilologus 104, no. 4 (May 4, 2020): 567–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11061-020-09645-7.

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Abstract Two remarkably similar depictions of spiders survive in Middle English and French sources from the middle of the thirteenth century. Both of these vernacular versions of the Physiologus deviate so wildly from their sources when it comes to describing these creatures that their editors have declared these passages to be entirely original. And yet, the spiders who survive in the Middle English Physiologus and the long version of the Bestiaire attributed to Pierre de Beauvais perform such similar work that their originality may be called into question. The Physiologus’ and Bestiaire’s descriptions of spiders’ violent hunting methods were likely informed by the burgeoning of natural history writing that accompanied the recovery of Aristotle’s History of Animals, but for these texts’ allegorical interpretations I argue that we should look to Odo of Cheriton’s Latin fables from earlier in the thirteenth century. There is an explicit link between Odo’s fables and the Middle English Physiologus and implicit connections with the French Bestiaire. Together, these analogues demonstrate a small but coherent tradition of emphasizing the diabolical violence of spiders in the multilingual environment of thirteenth-century England and France.

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Moffat, Douglas. "The Middle English "Physiologus.". Hanneke Wirtjes." Speculum 69, no. 1 (January 1994): 275–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2864883.

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Stroppa, Marco. "The Physiologus and the Greek Papyri." Reinardus 28 (2016): 168–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.28.11.str.

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In Greek literary papyri coming from Egypt we can find only a few evidences of works about animals, for example fragments of Aristotelian works or works linked to the scientific production. Only in recent years two papyri were published that contained a “bestiary” in a broad sense. The first papyrus is a fragment of the Physiologus, one of the most important ancient Greek treatises devoted to the animals: it is a fragment small in size, but of great importance since it testifies the spreading of this work. The second papyrus full of animal figures is the so-called Artemidorus Papyrus, which on one side bears the drawings of many animals. In some cases it is possible to trace them back to the animals described in the chapters of the Physiologus, and determine connections between such different products, an illustrated scroll belonging to the first century AD and a Christian essay of the third century AD.

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Stroppa, Marco. "The Physiologus and the Greek Papyri." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 28 (December 31, 2016): 168–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.28.11str.

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In Greek literary papyri coming from Egypt we can find only a few evidences of works about animals, for example fragments of Aristotelian works or works linked to the scientific production. Only in recent years two papyri were published that contained a “bestiary” in a broad sense. The first papyrus is a fragment of the Physiologus, one of the most important ancient Greek treatises devoted to the animals: it is a fragment small in size, but of great importance since it testifies the spreading of this work. The second papyrus full of animal figures is the so-called Artemidorus Papyrus, which on one side bears the drawings of many animals. In some cases it is possible to trace them back to the animals described in the chapters of the Physiologus, and determine connections between such different products, an illustrated scroll belonging to the first century AD and a Christian essay of the third century AD.

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Macé, Caroline. "The manuscript Π of the Greek Physiologus." Scriptorium 71, no. 1 (2017): 121–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/scrip.2017.4431.

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One of the most important manuscripts of the Greek Physiologus, discovered by A. Karneev in 1894, manuscript Π (11th cent.), has been erroneously called «Sin. gr. 432 » (Vladimir 317) by Karneev and in all subsequent publications until now. In fact, manuscript Π is, without any doubt, MS Moskva, GIM, Sin. gr. 467 (Vladimir 318).

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15

Kay, Sarah. "Rigaut de Berbezilh, the Physiologus Theobaldi, and the opening of animal inspiration." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 28 (December 31, 2016): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.28.06kay.

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In two of his songs (421.1 and 421.2) the troubadour Rigaut de Berbezilh aspires to sing in response to a voice that is bestial yet somehow metaphysical. Scholars have attributed these animal images to the influence of the Physiologus, but Rigaut’s likeliest source in that tradition has not yet been identified. This article proposes to fill that lacuna by contending that the bestiary redaction closest to Rigaut’s imagery is the Physiologus Theobaldi, a verse text that unlike other bestiaries was used to teach Latin poetry and even song. In both the Physiologus Theobaldi and (though in a different way) Rigaut’s songs, animals’ breath and voice are identified with life and spirit, an identification that places these works within the wider medieval context of natural philosophical interest in pneuma. Whereas Theobaldus allegorizes his beasts in the third person, Rigaut’s first-person lyrics assume their voice, breath, life or spirit as potentially his own. He thereby opens his songs to a being that is not human. No longer anthropocentric, they enact a hybridity that we find elsewhere associated with revelation and apocalypse. The horizon of human history that opens (in Heidegger’s sense) the world of human language is thereby in turn opened up to that which it closes off, and the demarcations by which humanity defines itself are suspended.

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Bruce, Scott G. "Caroline Macé and Jost Gippert, The Multilingual Physiologus: Studies in the Oldest Greek Recension and its Translations. Turnhout: Brepols, 2021, 661 pp." Mediaevistik 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 434–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2022.01.86.

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Abstract Scholars of the European Middle Ages are well acquainted with bestiaries. These compendia of pithy stories about animal lore told in the service of catechetical instruction were especially popular in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Manuscripts of them survive in the dozens, many of them with lavish illustrations of the animals, plants, and fantastical beasts described therein. A recent exhibition of medieval bestiaries at Getty Museum in Los Angeles yielded a sumptuous catalogue (Book of Beasts: The Bestiary in the Medieval World, edited by Elizabeth Morrison and published in 2019) that provides an ideal starting point for anyone interested in this fascinating genre and its stunning illuminations. Underlying the success of the bestiary in the medieval Latin tradition is a modest Greek text from late antiquity: the Physiologus. Dating from the second or third century, this collection of forty-eight short and strange animal stories with Christian messages was probably composed in Alexandria. Untitled in the manuscript tradition, it takes its name from the anonymous natural scientist – Physiologus – whose authoritative voice narrates the text. As the volume under review makes clear, the Latin tradition was by far the most successful legacy of the Physiologus, but its reach and influence were surprisingly broad owing to the universal appeal of its charming contents, which is evident in the richness of the vernacular translations derived from the original Greek text.

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BIGGS. "THE ESCHATOLOGICAL CONCLUSION OF THE OLD ENGLISH "PHYSIOLOGUS"." Medium Ævum 58, no. 2 (1989): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/43629257.

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Safonova, Natalia V. "NARRATIVES OF THE SO-CALLED “NOTEBOOK” OF PATRIARCH MACARIUS IBN AZ-ZA’IM IN CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (18) (2021): 232–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2021-4-232-238.

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Macarius Ibn al-Za’im, primate of the Orthodox Church of Antioch, is interesting to Russian researchers first of all because of his travels to the Russian lands, which were later described by his son, and became an important source on the church history and culture of Eastern Europe. But the legacy of Macarius — his translations of Greek theological literature, made for the Arabic-speaking Antiochian flock, is an equally important source since it allows a better understanding of the Orthodox world of Syria of 17th century. The article examines several narratives from the so-called Notebook of the Patriarch, in which he included excerpts from Physiologus, that was very popular across the Christian world (a collection of allegorical stories, where descriptions of plants, minerals and animal habits, as well as mythical characters are compared with narratives from the Holy Scriptures). By this time, the Physiologus was known to the Western and Eastern Christian worlds, mainly as part of the bestiary tradition. Its entertaining stories were very often included in sermons as examples of struggle between virtues and vices and served as a source for the pictorial narrative in the temples. In some Latin and national bestiaries as well as in encyclopedias (for example, in books about Nature), allegory could be omitted, and then these stories acquired a “pseudo-zoological” character. Excerpts from Notebook of the Patriarch were first published by Nicholai I. Serikov and translated into English. We are interested here in the substantive differences of above narratives from the original Physiologus and possible borrowings from other sources.

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Dorfbauer, Lukas J. "Fortunatian von Aquileia, Origenes und die Datierung des Physiologus." Revue d'Etudes Augustiniennes et Patristiques 59, no. 2 (July 2013): 219–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rea.5.102904.

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Drout, Michael D. C. "“The Partridge” is a phoenix: revising the Exeter Book Physiologus." Neophilologus 91, no. 3 (March 20, 2007): 487–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11061-006-9014-z.

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Okubo, Masami. "Ivoire." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 12 (September 15, 1999): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.12.09oku.

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Résumé Ælred de Rievaulx élabore dans son Sermo beate Virginis l'image mariale du trône d'ivoire et la symbolique christique de l'éléphant. La description de leur nature dont l'origine remonte probablement à Pline l'Ancien et sa moralisation ont été développées à travers le Physiologus, mais aussi à travers la tradition exégétique, en particulier par les commentateurs du Cantique des Cantiques.

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Rothschild, Clare K. "Down the Rabbit Hole with Barnabas: Rewriting Moses in Barnabas 10." New Testament Studies 64, no. 3 (June 6, 2018): 410–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688518000085.

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Barnabas 10 offers an allegorical discussion ofkashrut. The writer addresses dietary laws in two groups of three: prohibitions against the eating of pig, vulture and eel, followed by prohibitions against eating hare, hyena and weasel. In each case, the allegorical interpretation construes diet as comportment (e.g. one should not behave like a pig, vulture etc.). Concerning the hare, readers are admonished not to emulate its corruption of children – a behaviour linked to its annual acquisition of an anus. Parallel allegorical interpretations of the Jewish food laws can be found in the Letter of Aristeas and Philo,De specialibus legibus4 and similar quasi-scientific observations about animals occur in texts ranging from the rabbis to Physiologus. However, the rabbit poses a particular problem since no known precedent exists for either its behaviour or its physiology. The present investigation thus focuses on the rabbit, attempting to reconstruct the literary and historical background for its unusual characterisation.

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KAY. "'THE ENGLISH BESTIARY', THE CONTINENTAL 'PHYSIOLOGUS', AND THE INTERSECTIONS BETWEEN THEM." Medium Ævum 85, no. 1 (2016): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26396473.

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Dias, Paula Barata. "The turtle serpent: the physiologus testimony about sea monsters and whales." Cadmo Revista de História Antiga, no. 24 (2014): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0871-9527_24_7.

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Honegger, Thomas. "'A Fox is a Fox is a Fox... ' The Fox and the Wolf Reconsidered." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 9 (December 31, 1996): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.9.06hon.

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Abstract The Middle English The Fox and the Wolf is the first piece of evidence that 'Renart' had crossed the 'linguistic channel' which separated the Anglo-Norman nobility from their English subjects. The article argues that the poet tries to take into account his audience's likely unfamiliarity with the scurrilous beast-epic hero by linking his poem with the already familiar traditions of the beast tale, the beast fable, as well as The Physiologus and the bestiary.

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Okubo, Masami. "La licorne et les prophètes." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 10 (December 11, 1997): 125–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.10.07oku.

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Résumé La façade occidentale de la cathédrale de Laon et la Nativité Jhesu Crist en prose offrent deux exemples de la licorne et des prophètes du Christ, l'un sculpté et l'autre écrit. Ces représentations remonteraient probablement à la même source: le Physiologus et le Sermo contra Judoeos, Paganos et Arianos de Quodvultdeus, qui a circulé au Moyen Age sous le nom de saint Augustin. Contrairement à ce qu'a affirmé Emile Mâle, le Speculum Ecclesiae d'Honorius Augustodunensis n'est pas l'inspiration directe de la sculpture de Laon.

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Martín Pascual, Llúcia. "La tradición de los bestiarios franceses y su influencia en la Península Ibérica." Estudios Humanísticos. Filología, no. 36 (November 29, 2014): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehf.v0i36.1147.

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ResumenEste trabajo pretende realizar, en primer lugar, una descripción de los textos de los bestiarios conservados en francés en verso y en prosa, éstos últimos tanto de temática moral como amorosa. Una vez realizada esta descripción, observaremos como se ha producido la evolución de la materia animalística, hecho que propicia el cambio de perspectiva de unos textos religioso-morales a otros amorosos. Finalmente, intentaremos demostrar que los bestiarios en prosa franceses, tanto amorosos como morales influyen en la configuración de los bestiarios toscanos, fuente a su vez de los bestiarios catalanes.Palabras clave: Bestiarios, Physiologus, tradición animalística, bestiarios franceses, bestiarios catalanes, bestiarios amorosos.Abstract This paper aims, first, make a description of texts in French bestiaries preserved in verse and prose, with moral issue and loving. After this description, we see how there has been the evolution of matter animalistic, that causes the change of perspective about moral-religious texts to other loving. Finally, it will be shown that the bestiaries in both French prose loving and moral, makes influence in shaping the Tuscan bestiaries, in turn source of Catalan bestiary.Key words: Bestiary, Physiologus, animalistic tradition, French bestiaries, Catalan bestiary, loving bestiaries.

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Pakis, Valentine A. "Contextual Duplicity and Textual Variation: The Siren and Onocentaur in the Physiologus Tradition." Mediaevistik 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 115–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/83014_115.

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Dawes, Elizabeth. "Vestiges des Bestiaires dans la Phraséologie Française." Florilegium 15, no. 1 (January 1998): 125–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.15.006.

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Les bestiaires français, comme les versions grecques et latines du Physiologus qui les ont précédés, reposent sur la tradition des compilations encyclopédiques des naturalistes anciens qui décrivaient les propriétés des animaux. Mais à la différence des encyclopédies, les bestiaires avaient comme but d'établir les correspondances entre le monde physique et le monde spirituel. Aux descriptions des animaux et de leurs comportements s'ajoutent leur symbolisme moral et religieux ainsi que les leçons que les Chrétiens doivent en tirer. Jouant sur les principes complémentaires du zoomorphisme et de l'anthropomorphisme, les bestiaires mettent constamment en parallèle les hommes et les animaux.

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Nissan, Ephraim. "Animales que Alaban a los Cielos: En Favor de la Hipótesis de un Nexo Egipto-Alejandtrino de la Alabanza a los Cielos en Pereq Shirah (Un Capítulo de los Himnos). Algunos testimonios de los Papiros Mágicos Griegos de Egipto." MHNH. Revista Internacional de Investigación sobre Magia y Astrología Antiguas, no. 14 (December 1, 2014): 167–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24310/mhnh.vi14.15665.

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El presente estudio presta atención a algunos testimonios procedentes de los Papiros Mágicos Griegos de Egipto en relación con animales que alaban a una determinada deidad. Malachi Beit-Arié, en su importantísima Tesis Doctoral de 1966, sugirió que el texto hebreo Pereq Shirah (Un Capítulo de los Himnos), en el que hay una lista de tipos de animales y cada uno se sirve de algunos versos de la Escritura para alabar a los Cielos, debe haberse inspirado en ideas alejandrinas subyacentes en el Physiologus. Los textos egipcios en griego que propongo parecen hacer en realidad más convincente esta hipótesis

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Kormysheva, Eleonora. "The ancient egyptian roots of the image of the panther in the alexandrian Physiologus." St.Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 61 (December 31, 2019): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii201961.67-79.

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Leclercq-Marx, Jacqueline. "Le Physiologus, source d’inspiration pour l’art et la littérature du haut Moyen Âge et du Moyen Âge central." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 30 (December 31, 2018): 124–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.00018.lec.

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Abstract Que la littérature et l’art du Moyen Âge central contiennent de nombreuses références – directes ou indirectes – au Physiologus est bien connu. Il manque toutefois une vue d’ensemble et synthétique des diverses occurrences qui puisse donner la mesure de leur ampleur, de leur diversité et aussi de certaines de leurs spécificités. En outre, on ignore parfois qu’elles s’insèrent dans une tradition aussi longue que fournie, du moins au niveau textuel. Pour toutes ces raisons, on voudra bien trouver ici une mise en perspective de cette source d’inspiration importante, un certain nombre d’études de cas et d’exemples significatifs de même que quelques réflexions susceptibles de nourrir les études à venir.

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Favreau, Robert. "Références à l’Antiquité dans les inscriptions médiévales." Journal des savants 1, no. 1 (2019): 91–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/jds.2019.6411.

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Il n’est pas rare de trouver dans les épitaphes des références à de grands personnages de l’Antiquité auxquels le défunt est comparé, éloquent comme Cicéron, sage comme Caton, etc. Dans bien d’autres types d’inscriptions, coupes, tapisseries, stalles, etc., on a des renvois à ces personnages, à des sentences qui leur sont attribuées. Enfin on cite directement des passages d’auteurs de l’Antiquité ; en outre on a christianisé des oeuvres de basse antiquité, Physiologus, oracles sibyllins, qui ont eu une grande fortune. Pour qui s’intéresse à la connaissance de l’Antiquité au Moyen Âge, les sources épigraphiques ne doivent pas être négligées, d’autant plus qu’elles donnent des repères chronologiques et géographiques utiles.

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Lazaris, Stavros. "Un nouveau manuscrit grec illustré du Physiologus : au sujet d'une récente étude sur ce texte." Revue des études byzantines 58, no. 1 (2000): 279–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rebyz.2000.1999.

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Ng, Zhao. "After Physiologus: Post-Medieval Subjectivity and the Modernist Bestiaries of Guillaume Apollinaire and Djuna Barnes." symploke 29, no. 1-2 (2021): 401–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sym.2021.0021.

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Smagina, E. В. "The Questions of Theodore. Part II." Orientalistica 6, no. 3-4 (November 19, 2023): 644–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2023-6-3-4-644-668.

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The article contains a translation of the second part of the Coptic text, composed in the genre of “erotapokrisis” (question-answer) and in the form of a dialogue between the Archbishop of the Coptic Church John III and a certain presbyter named Theodore (admittedly real historical characters). The Questions reveals a number of legends and interpretations based on the biblical text; some of them find analogies in Coptic as well as in early Christian literature in other languages and in Jewish interpretations, other ones probably should be considered unique. Distortions in biblical quotations suggest that the compiler often quotes them from memory. In addition, there are a number of quotations from the Alexandrian Physiologus, which confirms the popularity of this book in Egypt.

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Dorofeeva, Anna. "Miscellanies, Christian reform and early medieval encyclopaedism: a reconsideration of the pre-bestiary Latin Physiologus manuscripts." Historical Research 90, no. 250 (August 28, 2017): 665–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.12198.

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Bello, Mercedes Salvador. "La pantera, el unicornio y la sirena: la evolución de tres motivos zoológicos a través de la literatura inglesa del periodo medieval temprano." Cuadernos del CEMyR, no. 31 (2023): 357–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.cemyr.2023.31.15.

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This article provides the results of a research of the impact that a group of English works have had on the reception of the knowledge of exotic and fantastic animals in the literature and culture of the Early Middle Ages in Europe. For this purpose, a series of descriptions of mythical or imaginary animals and beings is analyzed through a selection of texts: on the one hand, the Physiologus in the versions found in the Exeter Book (Exeter, Cathedral Library, MS. 3501) and in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 448; on other, Aldhelm’s Enigmata and the Liber monstrorum. In doing so, we examine, on the one hand, the idea of the exotic animal with the case of the panther and, on the other, the representation of fabulous creatures such as the unicorn or the mermaid in the early medieval period.

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Lehn, Waldemar H., and Irmgard I. Schroeder. "The hafstramb and margygr of the King's Mirror: an analysis." Polar Record 40, no. 2 (April 2004): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247403003255.

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Greenland and Iceland are described with unusual scientific accuracy in the King's Mirror. However this thirteenth-century manuscript contains a few ‘wonders’ that appear more mythological than rational. They include the hafstramb and the margygr, commonly translated respectively as merman and mermaid. The mermaid has a long history in western civilisation. The commonly accepted theory that it evolved from the classical Greek siren is critically examined here. The margygr is shown to be a distinct creature based on independent observation in northern Europe. The characteristics of these observations actually modified the siren of the Physiologus, a bird-woman, into the fish-woman known today. Observations of hafstramb and margygr are explained as superior mirages. These are caused by atmospheric refraction, which distorts and magnifies distant objects. Computer simulations and photographs show that mirages of an orca, a walrus, or even a boulder match almost point for point the descriptions in the King's Mirror. Thus the apparently mythical components in the Greenland account are in fact careful scientific observations.

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Syofiadisna, Panji. "MAKNA TIGA IKON GAJAH DI DALAM GEREJA SAINT PIERRE AULNAY PRANCIS." KALPATARU 29, no. 1 (July 16, 2020): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/kpt.v29i1.739.

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Abstract. Saint Pierre Aulnay Church is a Romanic-style church (Romanesque) that was built in the 12th century and is located in the Aquitaine Region, France. In this church, there are three elephant icons in the capital columns section. At the top of the icon, there is also an inscription in Roman that reads "HI SVNT ELEPHANTES" which means "this is an elephant-elephant". This unique sentence and elephant icon is not found in other Romanic-style churches in France. Elephants are not native to Europe, but elephant icons are produced in European (French) churches. During Medieval, some churches were found to have icons of animals or mythological creatures that were placed in several parts of the church. The icons of the animals are connected with the character of Jesus and are called bestiaries. The problem that will be answered in this research is what is the meaning contained in the elephant icon with the words "HI SVNT ELEPHANTES". The review in this study is the history of iconography and emphasizes the themes, concepts, styles, and meanings of icons. The theory used to analyze the problem put forward is the iconography and iconology of Erwin Panofsky. The results of this interpretation will be compared with the meaning of elephants in the archipelago at the same time. Keywords: Bestiary, Church of Saint Pierre Aulnay, Elephant Icon, Medieval, French, Physiologus, Jesus Abstrak. Gereja Saint Pierre Aulnay adalah gereja bergaya Romanik (Romanesque) yang dibangun pada abad ke-12 dan terletak di Region Aquitaine, Prancis. Di dalam gereja ini terdapat tiga ikon gajah pada bagian capital columns. Pada bagian atas ikon terdapat pula inskripsi dalam bahasa Romawi yang bertuliskan “HI SVNT ELEPHANTES” yang artinya “ini adalah gajah-gajah”. Uniknya kalimat dan ikon gajah ini tidak ditemukan pada gereja bergaya Romanik lain di Prancis. Gajah bukan hewan asli Eropa namun ikon gajah diproduksi di gereja Eropa (Prancis). Pada masa Medieval memang didapati sejumlah gereja memiliki ikon-ikon hewan atau makhluk mitologi yang ditempatkan pada beberapa bagian gereja. Ikon dari hewan-hewan itu terhubung dengan karakter Yesus dan dinamakan bestiary. Masalah yang akan dijawab pada penelitian ini yaitu apa makna yang terkandung pada ikon gajah dengan tulisan “HI SVNT ELEPHANTES”. Tinjauan dalam penelitian ini bersifat sejarah ikonografi dan ditekankan pada tema, konsep, gaya, serta makna dari ikon. Teori yang dipakai untuk menganalisis masalah yang dikemukakan adalah ikonografi dan ikonologi dari Erwin Panofsky. Hasil dari pemaknaan ini akan dibandingkan dengan makna gajah di nusantara pada masa yang sama. Kata kunci: Bestiary, Gereja Saint Pierre Aulnay, Ikon Gajah, Medieval, Physiologus, Yesus

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Wille, Clara. "Le Tigre dans la tradition latine du Moyen Age." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 22 (December 16, 2010): 176–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.22.11wil.

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‘Tigris’, en latin, désigne un animal rare et farouche, c’est le plus grand et le plus puissant des félins. Dans l’Antiquité, en Orient, c’était un présent qu’on offrait aux rois et aux princes. Les Romains l’ont introduit en Europe pour servir aux jeux de cirque, mais aussi pour en faire un animal domestique. Il est décrit par Pline et Solin, par exemple, mais ne fait pas partie du catalogue classique des animaux du Physiologus. Après la chute de l’Empire Romain, cet animal reste presque inconnu en Europe jusqu’au XVe siècle, mais entre–temps il s’est fait une réputation fabuleuse de bête sauvage et dangereuse. Dans la littérature, le terme ‘tigris’ devient sémantiquement vague et peut désigner divers animaux par allusion à leur couleur. De plus, issue de la tradition grecque et latine, l’histoire du nom de ce fauve est double. Il en résulte que nous trouvons, dans les bestiaires médiévaux, deux animaux au caractère féroce plus ou moins légendaires et exotiques. Enfin, au Moyen Age, dans l’iconographie, sa robe varie et est tantôt tachetée tantôt unie. Cet article se propose de suivre l’évolution des diverses représentations du tigre dans les textes et l’iconographie de la tradition latine.

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Wailes. "The Function of gi-Present Verbs in the Old High German and Early Middle High German Physiologus." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 114, no. 3 (2015): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jenglgermphil.114.3.0341.

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Classen, Albrecht. "Sherry C. M. Lindquist and Asa Simon Mittman. With a Preface by China Miéville, Medieval Monsters: Terrors, Aliens, Wonders. New York: The Morgan Library & Museum, 2018, 175 pp., more than 90 colored ill." Mediaevistik 31, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med012018_284.

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This wonderfully illustrated book accompanied an exhibition that took place at the Morgan Library & Museum, New York, from June 8 to September 23, 2018, authored by two well established and respected art historian*s, who provide us with a sweeping view of the world of monsters and many other related creatures in medieval fantasy. While previous research mostly focused on monsters in the narrow sense of the word, i.e., grotesque and oversized human-like creatures normally threatening ordinary people in their existence, Lindquist and Mittman pursue a much broader perspective and incorporate also many other features in human imagination, including wonders, aliens, Jews, Muslims, strangers in general, the femme fatale, sirens, undines, mermaids (but there is no reference to the Melusine figure, though she would fit much better into the general framework), devils, and evil spirits. However, I do not understand why ‘gargoyles’ have been left out here. This vast approach allows them also to address the beasts from the Physiologus tradition, then natural wonders, giants, and then, quite surprisingly, religious scenes in psalters (148), depictions of nobles playing chess (150; where are the wild men alleged surrounding the players?), the whore of Babylon (153), figures from the Apocalypse, and anything else that smacks of wonder.

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Schneider, Horst. "Stavros Lazaris, Le Physiologus grec. Vol. 1: La réécriture de l’histoire naturelle antique. (Micrologus’ Library, 77/1.) Firenze, SISMEL – Edizioni del Galluzzo 2016." Historische Zeitschrift 308, no. 3 (June 5, 2019): 770–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2019-1204.

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Piñero Moral, Ricardo. "Aesthetics of Evil in Middle Ages: Beasts as Symbol of the Devil." Religions 12, no. 11 (November 2, 2021): 957. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12110957.

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Since the very origin of art, human beings have faced the challenge of the representation of Evil. Within the medieval Christian context, we may find many beings which have attempted to convey the power of the devil. Demonic beings, terrifying beasts, fallen angels or even Satan himself can be frequently found and appear in many forms. They can be seen in chapitols, stained glass windows, codices … Our aim is to evaluate different creatures, animals and monstruous hybrids, which represent the efficient presence of the devil. We base our evaluation on some bestiaries, natural history books and encyclopedias from the XII and the XIII century, like the Bestiaire from Philippe de Thaon, Pierre de Beauvais, Guillaume le Clerc, or the so-called Cambridge Bestiary as well as the one from Oxford, the Livres dou Tresor from Brunetto Latini, the Liber monstrorum de diversis generibus, L’image du Monde from Gossuin, the Bestiario moralizzato di Gubbio, and of course, the Physiologus. Natural beings acquire a supernatural dimension in bestiaries and in natural history books. We will present the reader with a satanic bestiary, a short selection of these evil-related beings. In this, we will distinguish between those beasts representing evil through their ability to deceive and those which are able to generate not only fear, but also death.

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Fomichev, Sergei A. "VLADIMIR IVANOVICH DAL AND MEDIEVAL RUSSIAN LITERATURE." Texts and History Journal of Philological Historical and Cultural Texts and History Studies 2 (2022): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31860/2712-7591-2022-2-62-80.

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The topic of folklore in Vladimir Dal’s work is well studied. In contrast, the original and persistent connection of his work with the style, plots and genres of medieval and early modern Russian literature still remains unexplored. Plots of Dal’s first tales often followed popular lubok prints and books. They were published in large number of copies for that time and, for that matter, populated not only chivalric romances, but also the lives of saints and folk satire, like Dal’s “Tale of Shemyaka’s Judgement”. Dal’s tales made a strong impression with their virtuoso language and cascades of prefaces, where he usually used the stylistic device of amplification filled with everyday features. Dal was well acquainted with medieval manuscript books. As a result, his writings contain numerous echoes of medieval Russian texts, including The Tale of Igor’s Campaign. Among Dal’s writings there are also texts that especially correspond to genres of medieval Russian literature. Dal was the first to compose a systematically ordered monthly folk calendar and to use the Herbal and the Physiologus books in his lexicological research. Dal acknowledged that the study of twelfth-century texts written in Old East Slavic (Old Russian) strengthened his intention to compile the Explanatory Dictionary of the Living Great Russian Language. This work is no less important in the history of Russian culture than the legacy of Russian classics.

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Crommelinck, M. "Physiologie des regulations (Physiology of regulations)." Behavioural Processes 31, no. 1 (February 1994): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0376-6357(94)90043-4.

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Modaresi, Mehrdad, and Mansoureh Emadi. "The Effects of Rosemary Extract on Spermatogenesis and Sexual Hormones of Mice under Heat Stress." Trends Journal of Sciences Research 3, no. 2 (September 7, 2018): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31586/physiology.0302.02.

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Gauthey, Thomas. "L’éléphant en Inde et en Afrique dans les écrits de voyage occidentaux, du XIIIe au début du XVIe siècle." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 27 (December 31, 2015): 112–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.27.06gau.

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Le sens du mot “éléphant” ne semble, a priori, guère problématique pour les clercs médiévaux. Pourtant, jusqu’au début du XIIIème siècle, la réalité qu’il recouvre n’est connue que par des héritages antiques et le passage d’un unique éléphant dans la ménagerie de Charlemagne. La paix mongole et l’ouverture de la route de l’Inde permettent l’essor d’une littérature qui lui laisse une part majeure: la littérature de voyage. L’éléphant est d’une certaine manière une incarnation animalière de la démesure orientale, comme le sous-entend le vocabulaire emphatique qui lui est associé; certains auteurs se montrent ainsi particulièrement admiratifs de cet animal, qualifié de “mirabile” par Jordan Catala de Séverac, qui sert à la fois d’instrument militaire et de force de travail. Mais l’animal, si singulier, est difficile à décrire, surtout à un public qui n’en a vraisemblablement jamais vu. Il convient de relever, également, l’importance que revêt la couleur de l’animal et surtout le fait qu’il est décrit à la fois comme un animal domestique et sauvage. Ces écrits, de fait, précisent les connaissances scientifiques rapportées depuis l’Antiquité, et même les infirment: l’éléphant cesse d’être considéré comme exclusivement asiatique (ce qui était le cas depuis Isidore de Séville), on rapporte que ses pattes sont bel et bien flexibles (alors que le Physiologus affirmait le contraire), et, enfin, la chasteté exemplaire qui lui était prêté dans les écrits paléochrétiens est mise à mal par les récits de capture de l’animal.

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Stoykova, Ana. "Митът за феникса в православнославянската литературна традиция. Съдържание и интерпретации." Slavia Meridionalis 14 (November 27, 2014): 48–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2014.003.

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The myth of the phoenix in Orthodox Slavic literary tradition. Symbolism and interpretationLike the majority of medieval literature, the myth of the phoenix entered the Orthodox Slavic world through translations of Byzantine works. A survey of the texts preserved in the Slavic manuscript tradition shows that there are no works of ancient authors among them, and all works containing the story of the phoenix have an entirely Christian orientation. Not counting particular references to the phoenix in some medieval writings, which in most cases are excerpts or paraphrases made on Slavic soil, the complete story of its life, customs, death and renewal is attested in four main versions found in different types of books. These are the two earlier recensions of Physiologus – the Alexandrian and the Byzantine, a fragment of the Hexameron of Pseudo‑Eustathius and a text from the Tolkovaia Paleia. They differ in some details of their content as well as in their explanations. The function of each version of the myth of the phoenix corresponds to the specific context in which it is placed. The way in which the symbolic meaning of the wonderful bird changed over the centuries can be seen in the four variants of the story.In the Alexandrian version of the Physiologus, it refers directly to Jesus Christ and contains the most abstract Christological ideas of Christian dogma – the Incarnation of God, his death and resurrection. The phoenix of the Byzantine version embodies the idea of God’s resurrection and serves as a proof of its authenticity. In the fragment of Pseudo-Eustathius’ work, the bird symbolises the eschatological resurrection of the flesh, confirming the extension of God’s mercy to people. The phoenix in the Tolkovaia paleia refers to the new life in Heaven that awaits martyrs of Christianity. The Slavic versions of the myth of the phoenix reflect both themes focusing on its symbolism – the renewal of the time by starting a new epoch in human history, and the renewal of life after death which is both an end and a beginning.Mit o feniksie w słowiańskiej prawosławnej tradycji piśmienniczej. Symbolika i interpretacjaJak większość zabytków piśmiennictwa średniowiecznego mit o feniksie wszedł do słowiańskiego świata prawosławnego za pośrednictwem przekładów dzieł bizantyjskich. Analiza tekstów zachowanych w słowiańskiej tradycji rękopiśmienniczej pokazuje, że nie występują tu dzieła autorów starożytnych, zaś wszelkie teksty zawierające historię feniksa mają orientację całkowicie chrześcijańską. Nie licząc szczególnych odniesień do feniksa w niektórych pismach średniowiecznych, w większości przypadków stanowiących fragmenty lub parafrazy powstałe na gruncie słowiańskim, pełna historia jego życia, zwyczaje, śmierć i odrodzenie są poświadczone w czterech podstawowych wersjach znajdujących się w różnych typach ksiąg. Są to: dwie wcześniejsze redakcje Fizjologa – aleksandryjska i bizantyjska, fragment Hexameronu Pseudo-Eustachego i tekst z Tolkovaia Paleia (Paleja komentowana). Różnią się one szczegółami w treści oraz jej objaśnieniach. Funkcja każdej z wersji mitu o feniksie odpowiada kontekstowi, w jakim został on umieszczony. Dzięki czterem tym wariantom można zobaczyć, w jaki sposób zmieniało się na przestrzeni wieków znaczenie symboliczne tego wspaniałego ptaka.Wersja z aleksandryjskiej redakcji Fizjologa odnosi się bezpośrednio do Jezusa Chrystusa i zawiera najbardziej abstrakcyjne idee chrystologiczne chrześcijańskiej dogmatyki – wcielenie Boga, Jego śmierć i zmartwychwstanie. Feniks w wersji bizantyjskiej ucieleśnia ideę zmartwychwstania Boga i służy jako dowód prawdziwości tego wydarzenia. W fragmencie dzieła Pseudo-Eustachego eschatologiczny ptak symbolizuje zmartwychwstanie ciała, potwierdzające rozciągnięcie miłosierdzia Bożego na ludzi. Symbolika feniksa w Tolkovaia paleia (Paleja komentowana) odnosi się do nowego życia w niebie, czekającego na chrześcijańskich męczenników. Wersje słowiańskie mitu o feniksie zawierają oba wątki koncentrujące się na jego symbolice – odnowienie czasu poprzez rozpoczęcie nowej epoki w historii ludzkości i odnowę życia po śmierci, będącej zarówno końcem, jak i początkiem.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Physiologus'

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