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Journal articles on the topic 'Pidgin And Creole Languages'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 January 2023

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1

Ekiye, Ekiyokere. "Suggesting Creoles as the Media of Instruction in Formal Education." East African Journal of Education Studies 2, no. 1 (June 14, 2020): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajes.2.1.167.

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Creole and Pidgin languages are spoken by not less than 50 million people around the globe, but literacy is usually acquired in other languages, especially those languages introduced by the former colonial powers. This paper suggests that Pidgin and Creole languages should be elaborated for use as the media of instruction in formal education, particularly in contexts where up to 85 per cent of the population speak them. Pidgins and creoles researchers have labelled pidgin and creole languages as “developing” and they highlight their capacity to perform the same functions as their developed European lexifiers, English and French. The central argument is that pidgin and creole languages have the potential to express complex realities and function officially in formal education despite the negative attitudes towards them by their speakers. The attitudes towards pidgin and creole languages in education, the part of political and linguistic entities in adopting Nigerian Pidgin and Mauritian Kreol as the medium of teaching literacy in their respective countries are the central issues of focus.

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2

Syarfuni. "PIDGINS AND CREOLES LANGUAGES." Visipena Journal 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2011): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.46244/visipena.v2i1.39.

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A pidgin is language with no native speakers, it is not first language but it is a contact language creoles is a normal language in just about every sense. Creole has native speaker, each pidgin and Creole are well organizes of linguistic system, the sound of pidgin or creoles are likely to be a fewer and less complicated than those of related languages for example Tok pisin has only five basic vowels, Papia Kristang has seven basic vowel. The pidgin or Creole language have two theories polygenesis and relexification. The distributions of pidgin and Creole are in equatorial belt around the world, usually in place with easy success such as in the oceans and harbor.

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3

Winkler, Elizabeth Grace. "THE STRUCTURE AND STATUS OF PIDGINS AND CREOLES.Arthur K. Spears & Donald Winford (Eds.). Amsterdam: Benjamins, 1997. Pp. viii + 461. $90.00 cloth." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 22, no. 1 (March 2000): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263100231057.

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This book brings together some of the foremost scholars in pidgin and creole linguistics to address key issues confronting the field—most especially, the inability to provide generally agreed upon structural classifications of pidgin and creole languages, and in particular, less prototypical varieties like semi-creoles, post-pidgins, and post-creoles.

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4

Patrick, Peter L., and Suzanne Romaine. "Pidgin and Creole Languages." Language 65, no. 3 (September 1989): 674. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415265.

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5

Winford, Donald. "Pidgin and creole languages." Lingua 82, no. 1 (September 1990): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(90)90056-q.

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6

Kihm, Alain. "Pidgin-creoles as a scattered sprachbund." Creoles and Typology 26, no. 1 (February 17, 2011): 43–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.26.1.03kih.

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That creole languages resemble each other beyond the diversity of their lexifiers and formative environments is a fact. Similarity should not be overstated, however, as creole languages also differ from each other in important ways. Hence the fundamental issues of creole studies: why are Creoles similar and what makes them different? What kind of a language group do they constitute? A genetic family they certainly are not, nor are they a typological group: creole languages do not constitute a type of their own. Assuming universal grammar viewed as a language bioprogram (LB) to be the principle of creole similarity strongly overstates this similarity. Moreover there are reasons to doubt the reality of the LB. Actually the kind of partial similarities exhibited by creole languages looks rather like what languages in a sprachbund or linguistic area have in common. How can languages scattered all over the world constitute an area, though? An answer is proposed in this study, which rests on two assumptions. First, creole languages constitute a virtual (non-spatial) area by virtue of their very similar origins, namely strong punctuations (catastrophes in a technical sense) involving Basic Variety (pidgin) episodes. Secondly, the (by no means necessary) aftermath of the catastrophe was an exceptional and limited repairing recourse to default grammar, whereby is meant a non-innate (at least not genetically coded), usage-based organization of the sound-meaning interface ensuring semantic transparency, that is the most direct mapping possible given (a) the organization of language sound; (b) the nature of meaning; (c) human preferred ways of associating forms and notions, also relevant for drawing, tool making, and so forth. Beyond that, creole languages are free to differ according to their lexifiers, substrates, adstrates, and so forth.

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7

Siegel, Jeff. "Literacy in Melanesian and Australian Pidgins and Creoles." English World-Wide 19, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.19.1.07sie.

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Recent descriptions of literacy in the English-lexified pidgins and Creoles of Melanesia and Australia have described it as being imposed by outsiders, irrelevant to speakers of these languages and unsuitable for use in formal education. This article presents an opposing point of view. First it outlines recent developments in the region, showing that while literacy may have been introduced from the outside, it has been embraced by many pidgin and creole speakers and used for their own purposes, including education. Second, it describes research findings refuting claims that using a pidgin or creole as a language of education will cause confusion among students and interfere with their acquisition of English.

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8

Tuyte, Ye, М. Marat, R. Saltanmurat, and L. Kadyrova. "Pidgin and creolian languages as a means of communication." Bulletin of the Karaganda University. Philology series 99, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31489/2020ph3/52-57.

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In a certain social environment, the need for communication is increasing. This communication is based on natural or artificial languages. The main goal of both natural and artificial languages is to satisfy the interests of the speaker, to establish feedback, that is, the implementation of language communication. The article discusses the basics of the emergence of artificial languages - pidgin and creole, for what purpose they are used, the process of converting pidgin into Creole languages. The number of Creole languages is considered, how many people speak them, in what area they are distributed. The common features and distinctive features of the pidgin and Creole languages are determined, as well as the languages that served as the basis for the creation of Creole languages, the influence of their vocabulary and grammar in the process of formation of artificial languages. The purposes of using pidgin as a language invented for temporary communication are described, as well as some linguistic uses used for communication between Russian and Chinese languages, the reasons for the emergence of these languages, the conditions for further development are explained. Examples are given regarding to the characteristics of the royal languages in some regions.

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9

Nash, Joshua. "The Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Language Structures/The Survey of Pidgin and Creole Languages." Australian Journal of Linguistics 34, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 426–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07268602.2014.926581.

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10

Alshammari, Wafi Fhaid. "Tense/Aspect Marking in Arabic-Based Pidgins." Sustainable Multilingualism 18, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 14–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sm-2021-0002.

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Summary The earliest stages of pidgin formation show a preference for analytic and morphologically reduced grammatical constructions relative to their lexifier or substrate languages, where the apparent morphological marking, if found, seems to be fossilized. Structural relations, therefore, are mostly expressed externally. Tense/aspect categories are marked through temporal adverbials or inferred from the context. Creole languages, however, are said to develop such categories through grammaticalization. This study examines tense/aspect marking in five Arabic-based pidgins: Juba Arabic, Turku Pidgin, Pidgin Madame, Romanian Pidgin Arabic, and Gulf Pidgin Arabic. Using Siegel’s (2008) scale of morphological simplicity, from lexicality to grammaticality, this study concludes that tense/aspect marking is expressed lexically through temporal adverbials or inferred from the context in the earliest stages of Arabic-based pidgins, which only later—in stabilized pidgins—develops into grammaticalized markers when certain criteria are met.

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11

Siegel, Jeff. "Literacy in Pidgin and Creole Languages." Current Issues in Language Planning 6, no. 2 (May 15, 2005): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664200508668278.

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12

Nylander, Dudley K. "Irrealis in Pidgin and Creole Languages." Studies in Language 11, no. 2 (January 1, 1987): 435–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.11.2.08nyl.

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13

Pratika, Dellis. "The existence of Indonesian language: Pidgin or creole." Journal on English as a Foreign Language 6, no. 2 (September 27, 2016): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.23971/jefl.v6i2.397.

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<p>Indonesian language or sometimes called <em>Bahasa</em> is the national language of Indonesia. It was derived from Malay language and established as a national language in 1928. Until now, the Indonesian language keeps borrowing words from other languages. It was questioned whether the language was actually a pidgin that authorized into a creole since it was not only contained of Malay language but also languages that it was made contact with since colonialism eras, such as Dutch, English, Arabic, and other languages. This research used library study to find the data since it was not possible to trace the data in the field. This study was aimed to determine whether the Indonesian language was categorized into pidgin or creole. The result of the study revealed that Indonesian was not either pidgin or creole since the characteristics features did not meet any of them. It is believed that the Indonesian language was one of the means to achieve independence, but it is opened to receive lexicons from other foreign languages as the words keep increasing each year that can be seen in <em>Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia</em> (KBBI).</p><p><br /><em></em><strong></strong></p>

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14

Kirom, Makhi Ulil. "اللغة الهجين واللغة المولدة." LUGAWIYYAT 3, no. 2 (November 21, 2021): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/lg.v3i2.14022.

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Language is speech, as Ibn Jinni defined it. This definition goes to the growth of the spoken language in society. It is well known that the spoken language is more developed and used than the written language. This research aims to explain the conditions of the spoken language and its changes. First of all, we divide this spoken language into two parts, pidgin language and creole language. While a pidgin language arises from efforts to communicate between speakers of different languages, a creole language is born from the natural language that develops from the simplifying and mixing of different languages into a new one. This phenomenon is found in many languages, including Arabic. The pidgin language in Arabic is spoken by workers from outside the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia from India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, the Philippines and other countries. They try to converse among themselves in Arabic according to their ability and understanding, this is where the pidgin language originates. And there are many languages was established among peoples for a long time, and the frequent circulation of it among them made it natural to them, so this language became a creole language.

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15

Mousa, Ahmed. "Phonotactics in L2 and Pidgin/Creole Languages." International Journal of English Linguistics 10, no. 3 (May 20, 2020): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v10n3p247.

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This study investigates the production of English initial consonant clusters by Arabic L1 learners of English and speakers of the Broad Jamaican Creole. The clusters Stop + /r/, /S/ + nasal, /S/ + stop, in addition to the production of vowel-initial words are focused on. It was found out that whereas Arab learners produced initial Stop + /r/ and /S/ + nasal words with epenthesis and /S/ + stop words with prosthesis as well as epenthesis, speakers of the Broad Jamaican Creole produced Stop + /r/ and /S/ + stop clusters according to the RP norm and /S/ + nasal with epenthesis. As for vowel-initial words, both groups resorted to the strategy of onset filling (Itô, 1989). Specifically, Arab learners produced these words with glottal stop /ʔ/ before the initial vowel, whereas the Jamaican informants inserted glottal fricative /h/ in the same position. Furthermore, the performance of the two groups was additionally analyzed in light of Optimality Theory.

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16

Mousa, Ahmed. "English /r/ in L2 and Pidgin/Creole Languages." International Journal of English Linguistics 10, no. 2 (February 23, 2020): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v10n2p367.

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This study aims to investigate how Arab L1 learners of English and speakers of the Broad Jamaican Creole cope with the production of the approximant /r/ preconsonantly, post vocalically and in Stop+/r/ clusters, according to the RP norm. To this end, a list of words containing the approximant in the above three environments was given to the two groups, to read. Their production was tape recorded and transcribed. The approximant was nearly totally produced as trill in the three environments by the Arab learners, though one learner managed to produce an American-like /r/ in addition to the trill. On the other hand, the Jamaican informants produced the approximant according to the RP norm and as an American-like /r/. Whereas Lass’s (1984) assumption regarding the preference for trills proved to be true for the Arab learners, it was not the case with the Jamaican informants, in whose production trill was entirely absent. The study also provided further support to the view that phonological acquisition is achieved by gradual reinforcement of motor patterns.

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17

Alleyne, Mervyn C. "Review of Romaine (1988): Pidgin and Creole Languages." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 4, no. 2 (January 1, 1989): 305–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.4.2.17all.

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18

Winkler, Elizabeth Grace. "Pidgin and Creole Languages: A Basic Introduction (review)." Language 79, no. 4 (2003): 808–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2003.0283.

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19

Jourdan, Christine, and Roger Keesing. "From Fisin to Pijin: Creolization in process in the Solomon Islands." Language in Society 26, no. 3 (September 1997): 401–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500019527.

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ABSTRACTIn a combination of ethnohistorical records and longitudinal data gathered over a period of 30 years, the development of Solomon Islands Pijin is documented and analyzed in light of the current debate surrounding creolization theory. Using a pragmatic definition of a Creole (Jourdan 1991), the authors argue that pidgins can be very elaborate codes even before they become the mother tongue of children, and that this elaboration is the result of the linguistic creativity of adults. It is further shown that, in sociolinguistic niches where adults and children use the pidgin as their main language, the impact of the latter on the evolution of the language is of a different nature. (Creolization theory, pidgin languages, substrate influences, urbanization, Solomon Islands Pijin)

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20

Jennings, William, and Stefan Pfänder. "French Guianese Creole." Journal of Language Contact 8, no. 1 (December 17, 2015): 36–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-00801003.

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This article hypothesizes that French Guianese Creole (fgc) had a markedly different formative period compared to other French lexifier creoles, a linguistically diverse slave population with a strong Bantu component and, in the French Caribbean, much lower or no Arawak and Portuguese linguistic influence.The historical and linguistic description of the early years offgcshows, though, that the founder population offgcwas dominated numerically and socially by speakers of Gbe languages, and had almost no speakers of Bantu languages. Furthermore, speakers of Arawak pidgin and Portuguese were both present when the colony began in Cayenne.

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21

Gilbert, Glenn. "The Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages and the Society for Pidgin and Creole Linguistics, In Retrospect." Creole Language in Creole Literatures 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2005): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.20.1.09gil.

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22

Kouwenberg, Silvia, and Darlene LaCharité. "The typology of Caribbean Creole reduplication." Creoles and Typology 26, no. 1 (February 17, 2011): 194–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.26.1.07kou.

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Although many aspects of Creole languages remain relatively unexplored, the morphology of Creole languages has been especially neglected. This is largely because it is still widely believed that Creoles have very little in the way of morphology, even compared to an inflection-poor language such as English. Moreover, the morphology that Creoles do have is often assumed to be quite similar from one Creole language to another and is further thought to be predictable and transparent. However, there is an emerging body of research on Pidgin and Creole morphology showing that the hypothesis of semantic transparency and regularity in Creole morphology does not stand up to scrutiny. The purpose of this paper is to explore the typological characteristics of morphological reduplication in Caribbean Creole (CC) languages, and to assess these characteristics against this background. To this purpose, we will examine reduplication in a sample of CC languages of different lexifiers (Dutch, English, French, Portuguese and Spanish), with respect to their form, semantics and distribution. Our research confirms that morphological reduplication is not uniform across these languages. Moreover, it shows that reduplication is surprisingly complex within a single language.

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23

Lipski, John M., and Peter Muhlhausler. "Pidgin and Creole Linguistics." Language 75, no. 3 (September 1999): 616. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417088.

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24

Romaine, Suzanne. "Orthographic practices in the standardization of pidgins and creoles: Pidgin in Hawai'i as anti-language and anti-standard." Creole Language in Creole Literatures 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2005): 101–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.20.1.07rom.

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This article examines the role of orthography in the standardization of pidgins and creoles with particular reference to Pidgin in Hawai'i. Although linguists have generally stressed the desirability of phonemic over non-phonemic or etymological orthographies as a prerequisite for creatingAbstand‘distance’ and revalorizing pidgins and creoles as autonomous systems vis-à-vis their lexifiers, most writers in Hawai'i and elsewhere have been reluctant to use phonemic writing systems even where they exist. This is true even ofDa Jesus Book(2000), which has aimed at setting a standard for written Pidgin. Special attention is paid to the orthographic practices used in this translation of theNew Testamentcompared to those made by other writers, some of whom have explicitly disavowed standardization. These choices present a rich site for investigating competing discourses about Pidgin. Creole orthographies reflecting differing degrees and kinds of distance from those of their lexifiers are powerful expressive resources indexing multiple social meanings and identities. The orthographic practices of some Pidgin writers encode attitudinal stances that are oppositional to standard English and the ideology of standardization. Pidgin is being consciously elaborated as an anti-language, one of whose social meanings is that of Pidgin as an anti-standard. This brings to the fore varied ideological dimensions of a complex debate that has often been oversimplified by posing questions concerning orthographies for pidgins and creoles in terms of a choice between a phonemic vs. a non-phonemic orthography.

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25

Avram, A. A. "Jeff Siegel: The Emergence of Pidgin and Creole Languages." Applied Linguistics 31, no. 2 (March 19, 2010): 316–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/applin/amq008.

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26

Broch, Ingvild. "Оценка языка-пиджина руссенорск глазами современного лингвиста(Assessment of the pidgin Russenorsk (RN) seen with the eyes of a contemporary linguist)." Poljarnyj vestnik 1 (February 1, 1998): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/6.1431.

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The first linguistic description of RN was published by Olaf Broch in German in 1927 in Archiv für slavishe Philologie and in the same year also in Norwegian, at the request of the editor of the Norwegian philological journal Maal og Minne. In 1930 he published the RN texts which were known then and which he had used as a basis for the description of 1927. Broch's interest in RN was concentrated on a pure description of this phenomenon, by him characterized as "a kind of language [...] a mixture of different constituents like the ones we know from different parts of the world under more or less the same conditions». We have passed through a period of comparing RN to other pidgins, establishing RN as a grammatical system with simple morphology, with a syntax that is far from being without rules, but its syntactical possibilities are restricted, as in other pidgins. The history of RN shows that as long as RN was the only means of communication between Norwegians and Russians in Northern Norway the assessment was positive, but when Norwegian merchants started learning Russian proper, RN lost its status as "the fourth language" in Northern Norway, and was characterized in the same derogatory way as colonial pidgins. RN, however, differs from them, in having a special status as a dual-sourced pidgin, while most Atlantic and Pacific pidgin, creoloid and post-creoloid languages have a single main source.This seems to stimulate to more extensive studies into the features of the pidgin and contact languages of the Arctic and the northern regions. Such investigations can hopefully lead to important modifications and necessary redefinitions of the theoretical models employed in pidgin and creole studies.

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27

Hymes, Dell. "Pidginization and Creolization of Languages: Their Social Contexts." International Journal of the Sociology of Language 2020, no. 263 (April 28, 2020): 99–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2020-2088.

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AbstractSociolinguistic debates around the definitions and significance of “pidgin” and “creole” languages were increasing in the 1960s and the SSRC’s Committee on Sociolinguistics played a role in cultivating these discussions. This 1968 report by Dell Hymes summarizes issues raised at a conference convened by the Council at the University of the West Indies, Jamaica, to better understand the historical development, the grammatical and lexical evolutions, and the social uses of pidgin and creole languages. Though he highlights how social science can better inform research on pidginization and creolization, Hymes identifies knowledge gaps, among them the nature of the relationship between these languages and national identity, and more broadly the lack of historical and social scientific knowledge of this topic.

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28

Wurm, Stephen A. "Some contact languages and pidgin and creole languages in the Siberian region." Language Sciences 14, no. 3 (July 1992): 249–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0388-0001(92)90007-2.

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29

Siegel, Jeff. "Transfer Constraints and Substrate Influence in Melanesian Pidgin." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 14, no. 1 (August 6, 1999): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.14.1.02sie.

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This study examines research on transfer in second language acquisition (SLA) in order to identify situational and linguistic factors which may constrain the influence of substrate languages on the developing grammar of a pidgin or creole. A distinction is made between the earlier transfer of L1 features by individuals attempting to use the superstrate language as an L2 for wider communication, and the later retention of a subset of these features by the community during a process of leveling which occurs during stabilization. The study outlines various transfer constraints and reinforcement principles proposed in both the second language acquisition and pidgin/creole studies literature. These are evaluated using Melanesian Pidgin and its Central-Eastern Oceanic (CEO) substrate languages as a test case. Of the potential constraints on transfer proposed in the SLA literature, the need for partial or specious congruence between superstrate and substrate structures appears to account best for the particular CEO features that were transferred. Perceptual salience accounts for the kinds of forms from English that were reanalyzed to fit CEO patterns. With regard to the retention of particular transferred features, the most significant reinforcement principle appears to be frequency in the contact environment.

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30

Singler, John Victor. "Nativization and Pidgin/Creole Genesis." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 7, no. 2 (January 1, 1992): 319–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.7.2.07sin.

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31

Washabaugh, William. "Pidgin and Creole Tense-Mood-Aspect Systems.:Pidgin and Creole Tense-Mood-Aspect Systems." Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 2, no. 1 (June 1992): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlin.1992.2.1.118.

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32

Michaelis, Susanne Maria. "World-Wide Comparative Evidence for Calquing of Valency Patterns in Creoles." Journal of Language Contact 12, no. 1 (February 27, 2019): 191–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-20190001.

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Creole languages consistently show valency patterns that cannot be traced back to their lexifier languages, but derive from their substrate languages. In this paper, I start out from the observation that a convincing case for substrate influence can be made by adopting a world-wide comparative approach. If there are recurrent matches between substrate and creole structures in a given construction type, in creoles of different world regions and with different substrates, then we can exclude the possibility of an accident, and substrate influence is the only explanation. The construction types that I will look at are ditransitive constructions (Section 3), weather constructions (Section 4), experiencer constructions (Section 5), and motion constructions (Section 6). I will draw on the unique typological data source from the Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Language Structures (Michaelis et al., 2013a; 2013b). My conclusion is that the data provided in AP i CS support the claim that during creolization, valency patterns have been systematically calqued into the nascent creoles.

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33

Faraclas, Nicholas. "The Emergence of Pidgin and Creole Languages by Jeff Siegel." Journal of Sociolinguistics 14, no. 5 (November 2010): 701–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9841.2010.00460_2.x.

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34

Washabaugh, William. "A Response to Nylander's "Irrealis in Pidgin and Creole Languages"." Studies in Language 11, no. 2 (January 1, 1987): 443–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.11.2.09was.

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35

Bettina Migge. "The emergence of pidgin and creole languages (review)." Language 85, no. 4 (2009): 947–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.0.0181.

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36

Brousseau, Anne-Marie. "Issues in the Study of Pidgin and Creole Languages (review)." University of Toronto Quarterly 76, no. 1 (2007): 322–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/utq.2007.0022.

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37

Mühlhäusler, Peter. "What is the use of studying pidgin and creole languages?" Language Sciences 14, no. 3 (July 1992): 309–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0388-0001(92)90009-4.

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38

Siegel, Jeff. "The role of substrate transfer in the development of grammatical morphology in language contact varieties." Word Structure 8, no. 2 (October 2015): 160–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/word.2015.0080.

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This article shows how the psycholinguistic process of language transfer accounts for the many features of the grammatical morphology of language contact varieties that differ from those of their lexifiers. These include different grammatical categories, the use of contrasting morphological processes to express grammatical distinctions, lexifier grammatical morphemes with new functions, and new grammatical morphemes not found in the lexifier. After an introductory description of the general notion of language transfer, it presents five more specific types: transfer of morphological strategies, word order and grammatical categories, as well as direct morphological transfer and functional transfer. The article then gives some possible explanations for the distribution among different types of contact varieties of two kinds of functional transfer – functionalisation and refunctionalisation – and for the distribution of particular types of grammatical morphemes – i.e. free versus bound. The examples presented come from contact languages of the Australia-Pacific region: three creoles (Australian Kriol, Hawai‘i Creole and Tayo); an expanded pidgin (Melanesian Pidgin, exemplified by Vanuatu Bislama and Papua New Guinea Tok Pisin); a restricted pidgin (Nauru Pidgin); and an indigenised variety of English (Colloquial Singapore English).

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Parkvall, Mikael. "Motivation in pidgin and creole genesis." Language Dynamics and Change 9, no. 2 (August 8, 2019): 238–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00902005.

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Abstract Almost all creolists see creole formation as a case of (failed) second language acquisition. I argue that there are good reasons to distinguish between second language acquisition and pidginisation/creolisation, and that little is gained by equating the two. While learners have an extant language as their target, pidginisers typically aim to communicate (in any which way) rather than to acquire a specific language. In this sense, pidginisation represents, if not “conscious language change”, at least “conscious language creation”.

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Siegel, Jeff. "SUBSTRATE INFLUENCE IN CREOLES AND THE ROLE OF TRANSFER IN SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 25, no. 2 (June 2003): 185–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263103000093.

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This article discusses how research on language transfer in the field of SLA can help to explain the origins of substrate influence in creoles and provide answers to more difficult questions concerning the distribution and verification of substrate features. First, it argues against the view that both SLA and transfer are not involved in the genesis of pidgin and creole languages. Then the view is presented that, as described in the SLA literature, transfer is not just a consequence of second language learning but also of second language use, and it serves as a communication strategy when the need arises. Such a strategy may be used by speakers of either a prepidgin or an already established pidgin when its functional use is being rapidly extended. Sociolinguistic perspectives on transfer in SLA, described next, throw some light onto the question of why substrate features remain in pidgins and creoles. Research on transfer in SLA also provides important insights into the specific factors that may have affected substrate influence in creoles. Evidence is presented that some transfer constraints discovered in SLA research—rather than other proposed factors such as so-called functional expendability—still provide the best explanation for the absence of particular substrate features in creoles. Finally, it is shown that tests proposed for verifying instances of L1 influence in interlanguage could be adapted for verifying instances of substrate influence in creoles.

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Drager, Katie. "Pidgin and Hawai‘i English: An overview." International Journal of Language, Translation and Intercultural Communication 1 (January 1, 2012): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/ijltic.10.

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<strong><strong></strong></strong><p align="LEFT">T<span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: DejaVuSerifCondensed; font-size: small;">oday, most people from Hawai‘i speak Pidgin, Hawai‘i English, or both. This </span></span>paper presents a brief discussion of the history of both the creole (called Pidgin or Hawaii Creole) and the variety of English spoken in Hawai‘i referred to as Hawai‘i English. The creation of Pidgin and the prevalence of English in Hawai‘i have a complex history closely tied with various sociohistorical events in the islands, and the social hegemony established during the plantation days still persists today. While Pidgin is stigmatized and is deemed inappropriate for use in formal domains, it has important social functions, and the infl uence from diff erent languages is viewed as representative of the ethnic diversity found in the islands. This paper treats Pidgin and Hawaii English as independent from one another while commenting on some of the linguistic forms that are found in both. Lexical items, phonological forms,and syntactic structures of Pidgin and Hawai‘i English are presented alongside a discussion of language attitudes and ideologies. Recent work that attempts to address the negative attitudes toward Pidgin is also discussed.</p>

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Schwegler, Armin. "Herman Wekker (ed.), Creole languages and language acquisition. (Trends in linguistics: Studies and monographs, 86.) Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1996. Pp. vi, 205. Hb DM118.00." Language in Society 28, no. 3 (July 1999): 473–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404599313063.

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This slender, neatly typeset volume contains a selection of the papers presented at an international three-day workshop on creole languages and language acquisition, held at the University of Leiden in 1990. Entitled “The logical problem of language acquisition,” the workshop set out to investigate the acquisition of parts of the grammar by children and adults. The purpose of the Leiden gathering was to bring together linguists from essentially two fields (language acquisition theory and pidgin/creole studies) in order to “solve the ‘logical problem of language acquisition’ from as many perspectives as possible” (p. 6).1 The central issue examined during the workshop was whether the specific circumstances of the genesis of a creole language have implications for theories of language acquisition in general. Conversely, the organizers and participants hoped that their discussions would shed new light on the early history of existing creole languages.

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Bakker, Peter. "A Basque Nautical Pidgin." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 2, no. 1 (January 1, 1987): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.2.1.02bak.

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The paper deals with a Basque Nautical Pidgin from which a number of sentences have been preserved in a seventeenth century Basque-Icelandic word list. These sentences are interesting for several reasons. First, Basque may throw an interesting light on the pidginization process because it is not an Indo-European language and has several unusual features. Second, although the sentences come from a Basque word list compiled by an Icelander, there are also some words from other languages, of which English is the most prominent. It is suggested that the knowledge of an English Nautical Pidgin played a role in the formation of this pidgin. Third, in the current debate on the origin of fu and similar markers as complementizers, many claims have been made. In this Basque Pidgin, twelve of the fifteen sentences contain the lexical item for in diverse functions. The use of for in the pidgin is compared with similar lexical items in four other pidgins. It is argued that there was some transmission of the use of for in these pidgins to the for in creoles.

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McWhorter, John. "What multiethnolects reveal about creole genesis." Language Dynamics and Change 9, no. 2 (August 8, 2019): 220–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105832-00902004.

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Abstract Recent theories of creole genesis propose that creole languages did not emerge via the expansion of pidgin varieties (DeGraff, 2001; Mufwene, 2001, 2008). This paper argues that the multiethnolects that have formed in many European cities constitute a demonstration case of the genesis scenario these new creolist theories reconstruct. Crucially, however, the multiethnolects, while displaying a modest degree of grammatical simplification and restructuring, exhibit this to nothing approaching the degree that creoles do. This supports the idea that creoles form from a break in transmission rather than simply hybridization.

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Ayafor, Miriam. "Serial verb constructions in Kamtok (Cameroon Pidgin English)." English Today 32, no. 2 (February 15, 2016): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078415000644.

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Kamtok, an English-based expanded pidgin/creole in Cameroon, has many of the grammatical structures of its lexifier language. However, there are certain grammatical structures in this contact language which are not so obvious in its lexifier, though they may exist sparingly in spoken forms of the production of some native speakers. One of these is the serial verb construction (SVC). SVCs are ‘a series of two (or more) verbs [that] have the same subject and are not joined by a conjunction … or a complementiser … as they would be in European languages (Holm, 1988: 183).

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Washabaugh, William, and Glenn Gilbert. "Pidgin and Creole Languages: Essays in Memory of John E. Reinecke." Language 65, no. 1 (March 1989): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/414847.

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McWhorter, John. "Review of Siegel (2008): The Emergence of pidgin and creole languages." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 27, no. 2 (August 13, 2012): 389–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.27.2.08mcw.

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Seiler, Walter. "Review of Siegel (2008): The Emergence of Pidgin and Creole Languages." English World-Wide 30, no. 3 (September 25, 2009): 360–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.30.3.11sei.

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Todd, Loreto. "Pidgin and Creole languages: Essays in memory of John E. Reinecke." Journal of Pragmatics 14, no. 2 (April 1990): 348–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0378-2166(90)90090-z.

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Smith, Ian. "Review of Siegel (2008): The Emergence of Pidgin and Creole Languages." Diachronica 27, no. 1 (June 2, 2010): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.27.1.08smi.

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