Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Pidgin-English (langue) Pidgin-English (langue) Pidgins (langues)'

Ce travail analyse le pidgin des domestiques singhalaises qui travaillent au Liban, et essaie d'en tirer quelques hypothèses sur les facteurs déterminants dans la construction des langues de contact. Le premier chapitre expose les contextes sociologique et linguistique de ce contact entre un groupe de femmes domestiques et des employeurs arabophones au Liban, ainsi que le corpus sur lequel l'analyse s'est appuyée. Le second chapitre présente une esquisse descriptive des deux langues en contact, l'arabe libanais et le singhalais oral, sur les plans phonologique et morphosyntaxique. Le troisième chapitre décrit d'abord (chapitre III. A) les traits caractéristiques du pidgin. Les principales caractéristiques phonologiques sont recensées. Le lexique et la morphosyntaxe de ce pidgin, présentent des caractéristiques plus particulières : parallèlement au mécanisme classique d'interférence avec le substrat, un phénomène que nous avons appelé " mimétisme " commande la formation du pidgin. Ce " mimétisme " consiste à reproduire les fragments les plus souvent entendus de la langue lexifiante, en assimilant leur désinence désémantisée comme une partie intégrante du fragment. Enfin (chapitre III. B), nous avons tenté de situer le pidgin arabe des domestiques singhalaises sur le continuum des langues de contact, comme un cas particulier où l'on peut observer effacement de la norme dans un contact où il n'y a qu'un seul substrat. Une bibliographie thématique est proposée. Des extraits du corpus sont présentés en annexe avec une étude détaillée. Un Cd-rom accompagne la thèse
This study analyses the pidgin spoken by the Sinhalese female domestic workers in Lebanon, whereof it derives certain hypotheses regarding the determining factors in the process through which contact languages are formed. The first chapter presents the sociological and the linguistic context of this contact between a group of Sinhala speaking female domestic workers and Lebanese Arabic speaking employers, as well as the “corpus” on which the study is based. The second chapter sketches a description of the two languages that are in contact, Lebanese Arabic and spoken Sinhalese, on both the phonological and morphosyntactical levels. The third chapter described first (chapter III. A) the characteristic features of the pidgin. The main phonological characteristics are listed. The lexical and in morphosyntactical structures present the most peculiar aspects of this of this pidgin: in parallel to the classic mechanism of interference from the substrate, a phenomenon that we called “mimetism” commands the formation of the pidgin. This “mimetism” consists in reproducing the most frequently heard fragments of the lexifying language, assimilating their inflexional endings, deprived of their significance, as an integral part of the fragment. Finally, we tried (chapter III. B) to situate the Arabic Pidgin of the Sinhalese domestic workers on the continuum of contact languages as a special case where we can observe the withdrawal of the norm in a contact where only one substrate is implied. A thematical bibliography is proposed. Some extracts of the corpus are presented in annex with a detailed study. A CD-Rom is also included in the thesis

Cette these traitement sociolinguistique et description linguistique est une etude du pidgin english camerounais, en abrege p. E. C, qui est une langue parlee principalement dans les provinces occidentales, du littoral et du centre du cameroun. Le pidgin english camerounais souffre d'une image devalorisee comme le terme << pidgin >> l'indique car il est percu comme une langue de communication elementaire. Notre propos est de montrer que le pidgin english camerounais est une langue a part entiere ne meritant pas son statut sociolinguistique pejore. Car elle est en train d'acquerir outre ses fonctions premieres, les autres fonctions d'une langue de grande communication. Dans la premiere partie la these est une etude sociolinguistique de cette langue camerounaise. Elle fait appel a des concepts et theories divers pour tenter de resoudre sa complexite derriere l'apparente simplicite qu'on attache d'ordinaire a la notion meme de << pidgin >>. Nous proposons le concept de << bilingualite >> qui est une relation entre le psychologique et le sociologique c'est a dire entre les rapports sociaux manifestes par les usages de la langue et les attitudes psychologiques ou l'image mentale des sujets parlants devant leur langue. La these montre que les attitudes des sujets sont plus contrastees mais elles sont beaucoup plus positives qu'on ne le pense en general. Nous avons etudie les attitudes << psychosociologiques >>, concept dela << bilingualite >> a travers une enquete menee a la fois au cameroun et dans les milieux camerounais de lyon. La deuxieme partie est une description phonologique, grammaticale et lexicale du pidgin english camerounais. Il a un systeme stable derriere ses apparentes variations. Phonologiquement ce dernier fonctionne avec 43 phonemes. On assiste ainsi a l'emergence d'un systeme tonal. En grammaire, la phrase repose sur un fonctionnement syntaxique relativement stable et contraignant. Apres avoir mis en exergue un systeme nominal relativement stabilise, nous etudions le verbe qui repose sur un systeme de marqueurs verbaux pour lesquels nous proposons le terme d' << adpredicat. L'etude lexicale met en evidence le role respectif des rapports anglais et africains ainsi que leurs interferences.

Nigerian Pidgin English is widely spoken in different parts of the country and “has been called the native language of a substantial population of people in the Niger Delta, particularly in the Sapele and Warri areas” (Igboanusi, 2008: 68). According to Balogun (2012: 90), “Nigerian Pidgin English has emerged as the most widely spoken language of inter and intra communication among Nigerians and across diverse ethnic groups that do not share a common language”. The language plays a major role in youth culture and most Nigerians speak the language. There is a general belief by some Nigerians that Nigerian Pidgin English is a colloquial form of English that is mostly spoken by those whose Standard English proficiency has not fully developed (Agheyisi, 1971:30). The government has continued to ignore it “despite the fact that Nigerian Pidgin is in most respects the most logical choice for a national language [and] official attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin remain negative, perpetuating erroneous notions inherited from the colonial period that Nigerian Pidgin is some form of ‘broken English’” (Faraclas 1996: 18). Also, the general attitudes held by Nigerians regarding the language can be described as ambivalent with majority leaning towards the negative attitude more. This project investigated if the Nigerians who find themselves in a different geographical space like Cape Town still hold negative attitudes towards Pidgin English and whether they abstained from speaking the language or speak it freely. The study also sought to establish if those who may have held negative attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin English while in Nigeria now hold a different attitude since being in Cape Town. The study employed both quantitative and qualitative methods in form of online questionnaires and semi structured interviews involving 38 participants to investigate the uses of and attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin English. The findings revealed that the attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin English do not show significant difference from that held by Nigerians within Nigeria. The participants in this study held negative attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin English in formal domains and positive attitudes towards the language in informal domains. These same attitudes were obtainable among Nigerians living in Nigeria. The data analysis revealed that the Nigerians in this study use the language in their daily activities for different purposes. The hegemonic perspective on Pidgins being an informal language that can serve only informal purposes was also present among some of the Nigerians that formed part of this study. Although some thought that the language can go beyond informal domains, the majority thought otherwise. All the participants use Nigerian Pidgin English mainly to communicate with their friends, family members and other Nigerians they encounter despite living far away from home where other languages exist. Also, the analysis revealed that all the participants considered the language to be an important aspect of their Nigerian identity and togetherness in the diaspora. This indicates a significant difference between those in the diaspora and those in Nigeria, because those in the diaspora appreciate and think there is a greater need for Nigerian Pidgin English outside the country. The data suggested that the reason for this shift in attitude is because speaking the language bridges the gap between home and abroad.

This research is located within media studies and draws on the Cultural Studies approach. It is an audience study, which uses the mixed methods of focus group discussions and an online survey to examine the importance of the use of Nigerian Pidgin as a broadcast language in investigating the rising popularity of Pidgin English radio in a multi-ethnic and multi-lingual Nigeria. The study focuses on Wazobia FM, a radio station in Lagos, and the first pidgin station in Nigeria. It seeks to determine whether the station’s audience engaged with the station’s programming based on its prioritisation of NigP and the linguistic identity it offers them. The study foregrounds the marginalised status of NigP within the politics of language in Nigeria. It traces the language’s evolution through popular and oppositional expressions in broadcasting and in music. It also seeks to establish the place of Pidgin English within the role that language plays in the formation of the Nigerian identity. This study thus adopts the ‘emic’ perspective, which underpins qualitative methodology, and views social life in terms of processes as opposed to static terms. The theoretical framework of this research revolves around culture, language and identity. Pertinent concepts in post-colonial studies, together with conceptual frameworks in Cultural Studies, such as popular culture, representation, hegemony and counter-culture have been used to make sense of the popularity of NigP radio stations.

The aim of this essay is to point out how Chinua Achebe uses different features of Igbo and Nigerian Pidgin English (NPE) in four of his novels. Firstly, there will be an explanation of the terms code switching and proverb, followed by an overview of Pidgin Languages and Nigerian Pidgin English. This study will then deal with two aspects of code-switching in Achebe’s novels: semantic, which includes intertwined Igbo vocabulary and proverbs; and syntactic, which is a study of Nigerian Pidgin English verb phrase constructions. The study will examine how the Igbo lexicon and proverbs function in the text and if/how it is possible to understand the meaning of the Igbo vocabulary. Further, it will examine how the verb constructions of the NPE dialogues are used and if they follow the norm set up by other linguists, or if Achebe alters their usage according to his own style.

Pidginspråk är kontaktspråk som uppstår under ansträngda sociolingvistiska förhållanden. De anses vara de mest reducerade språkliga system som ändå möjliggör en lyckad kommunikationinom ett specifikt socialt sammanhang. Det saknas idag forskning som undersöker hur pidginspråk bildar sina språkliga system. Den aktuella studien ska vara ett steg mot mer kunskap inom området och ämnar analysera hur pidginspråk bildar sina personliga pronomenparadigm. Förekomsten av nio olika grammatiska drag har kartlagts hos 18 pidginspråk, deras lexifierare och viktigaste substratspråk. Uppgifterna hämtades genom litteratursökningar och sammanställdes i tabeller i datorprogrammet Excel. Resultatet visar att samtliga undersökta drag förekommer bland pidginspråken men med varierande frekvens. Uppgifterna indikerar att substratspråken har en framträdande roll i processen när pidginspråken bildar sina personliga pronomenparadigm.
Pidgins are contact languages that emerge under strained sociolinguistic circumstances. They are seen as the most reduced linguistic system that can still enable successful communication in a specific social context. To this date there is a lack of research investigating how pidgins form their linguistic systems. The present study is intended to be a step towards extended knowledge within the field and aims to investigate how pidgins form their personal pronoun paradigms. The occurrence of nine different grammatical features in 18 pidgins, their lexifiers and most important substrates has been surveyed. The data was collected through literature search and compiled in tables in the computer program Excel. The results show that all surveyed features occur among the pidgins but the frequencies vary. The data indicates that the substrates have a prominent role in the process of pidgins forming their personal pronoun paradigms.

In this study, titled Learning in a language that isn't one's own - the case of Jamaica, our intention is to give a picture of what the language situation in Jamaica is like. English is the official language in Jamaica, but it is coexisting with Jamacian Creole, which is not admitted as a official language, but it is the language of the people. In this study we try to point out possible factors that have created the language situation of Jamaica. We have mostly focused on the situation at school, all teaching is supposed to be in English. We have observed attitudes among pupils and teachers to English and Jamaican Creole. We will also give general explanations of the terms Pidgin and Creole and we will give a brief history background of Jamaica.

It has been proposed that pidgin languages are similar in their marking of tense and aspect. This study wishes to answer three questions: 1) are there similarities in the marking of tense and aspect in pidgins, 2) are there similarities between the source languages and the pidgins they result in, and 3) does the development of tense aspect marking in pidgins follow the general patterns of grammaticalisation observed in other languages. Two quite different approaches are used to analyse the languages. Firstly the concept of grams is used, that is, a representation of a grammatical category in a specific language, e.g. the perfect in Swedish. Secondly the theory of prominence is used, i.e. that a particular language tends to grammaticalise one of the categories tense or aspect (or mood) rather than the other. The study looks at a sample of seven pidgin languages from around the world and compares them with regards to their marking of tense and aspect. Furthermore the tense-aspect systems of the source languages (lexifiers and substrates) of these pidgins are studied. Regarding the first question, the most obvious similarity is the fact that there is very little grammaticalised marking of tense and aspect at all. A pattern can also be discerned were a pidgin uses either a marker for perfective aspect or for past tense and that future/present markers are grammaticalised at a later stage. As for the similarities between the source languages and the pidgins, the pidginisation process has yielded languages with less grammaticalised forms than the source languages. All gram types found in the pidgins can also be found in their lexifiers. The patterns of grammaticalisation of tense and aspect markers follow universal patterns that have been described in typological studies. The semantic change of inherited or borrowed markers follow general patterns as do the innovations in the pidgin itself.

Fondée sur une approche contrastive, cette étude a quatre objectifs : (a) considérer l'inférence des langues en contact dans le développement diachronique de l'anglais et bâtir une hypothèse sur l'origine de l'emploi périphrastique de DO ; (b) s'appuyer sur les faits avérés en diachronie et en étymologie pour montrer que la grammaticalisation de DO n'est pas le résultat d'un processus de désémantisation ; (c) partir d'une démarche fondée sur l'invariance pour montrer que tout comme sa contrepartie lexicale, la forme auxiliée de DO a bien une signification en langue naturelle ; (d) formuler une analyse critique des acceptions courantes en terme de catégorisation binaire ou ternaire entre le lexical et l'auxiliaire ; ce qui permet de montrer d'une part que la proforme DO SO peut effectivement reprendre des prédicats statifs purs, et d'autre part qu'en tant qu'opérateur de ‘thèse', DO a une fonction énonciative qui rend compte non seulement de son occurrence, mais aussi de sa non-occurrence dans le linéaire.

ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the use of the pidgin Fanakalo as a trade language in rural KwaZulu-Natal: its birth under certain historical circumstances; its spread; its apparent growth, post-1990, as new immigrants continue to enter the country and acquire and use Fanakalo out of expediency; and the reasons why Fanakalo continues to thrive in certain contexts. It focuses specifically on similarities between the relations between Gujarati traders and their customers in the 19th century and the relations that exist between Gujarati and Pakistani traders and their Zuluspeaking customers today. Data was collected primarily through semi-structured interviews with nine Gujarati traders – two born in South Africa and the others recent immigrants – five Pakistani traders and ten Zulu speakers, of which two were employees of traders while the others were customers. The results of the data analysis suggest the principles of expediency and non-intimacy may provide a space where Fanakalo can continue to flourish. Pidgins are a neglected element in the study of intercultural communication and the study endeavours to provide pointers for further research in this field.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die gebruik van die kontaktaal Fanakalo as ‘n handelstaal in nie-stedelike KwaZulu-Natal: die ontstaan daarvan onder sekere historiese omstandighede; die verspreiding daarvan; die waarskynlike groei daarvan, na 1990 met die arrivering van nuwe immigrante wat Fanakalo aanleer en gebruik uit gerief; en die redes waarom Fanakalo voortbestaan en floreer in sekere kontekste. Die spesifieke fokus is die soortgelyke verhoudinge tussen Gujarati-handelaars en hulle klante in die negentiende eeu, en tussen Gujarati- en Pakistani-handelaars en hulle Zoeloesprekende klante vandag. Inligting is hoofsaaklik deur semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude ingewin met nege Gujarati-handelaars – twee in Suid-Afrika gebore en die ander onlangse immigrante – vyf Pakistani-handelaars en tien Zoeloesprekendes, waarvan twee werknemers van handelaars en agt klante was. ‘n Analise van die gegewens dui daarop dat die beginsels van gerief of doelmatigheid, en ongemeensaamheid ‘n ruimte mag skep waarin Fanakalo sal voortbestaan. Die studie van kontaktale behoort meer aandag te geniet in die veld van interkulturele kommunikasie, en hierdie tesis poog om ‘n bydrae daartoe te lewer.

Postkolonial teori har skiftat intresset från västerländska diskurser till frågor som ideologi, ojämlika maktförhållanden och etik. I samband med översättningsvetenskapens kulturella vändning på 1980-talet, började översättningsvetare ifrågasätta översättningsstrategier som antingen assimilerar (domesticering) eller stereotypiserar (exotisering) källkulturen. Newmark (1981) föreslår en semantisk, källtextorienterad översättningsprincip och menar att så länge den åstadkommer en likvärdig effekt, är en ordagrann översättning inte bara den föredragna, utan den enda godtagbara översättningsmetoden. Denna uppsats är en kommentar till min egen översättning av de första 17 kapitlen i romanen Welcome to Lagos, skriven av den nigerianska författaren Chibundu Onuzo. Källtexten har översatts med hjälp av en semantisk översättningsstrategi. Kommentaren fokuserar på tre aspekter som krävde särskild uppmärksamhet under översättningsarbetet, eftersom de utgör betydande utmaningar för semantiska överföringssätt: kulturspecifika begrepp, stilfigurer och talspråksmarkörer. I kommentaren framförs att den semantiska översättningsstrategin fungerade bra på den övergripande textnivån; även om specifika översättningsproblem ibland fick angripas med ett mer kommunikativt förhållningssätt för att åstadkomma en idiomatisk måltext med likvärdig effekt i målkulturen.
Postcolonial Studies shifted the interest from Western discourses to issues of ideology, power inequality, and ethics. As a consequence of the cultural turn in translation studies in the 1980s, scholars started questioning translation strategies that either assimilate (domestication) or stereotype (exoticization) the source culture. Proposing a semantic, source-text oriented translation principle, Newmark (1981) argues that as long as an equivalent effect can be achieved, literal translation is not just the preferred, but the only acceptable procedure. This paper comments on my own translation of the first 17 chapters of the novel Welcome to Lagos, written by Nigerian writer Chibundu Onuzo. The source text was translated using a semantic translation strategy. The commentary focuses on three key aspects that demanded particular attention during the translation process, due to the fact that they present significant challenges to semantic transfer methods: culture-specific items, stylistic devices, and spoken language markers. As the commentary suggests, the semantic translation strategy worked well on the global text level; occasionally, however, specific translation problems had to be dealt with using a more communicative approach in order to produce an idiomatic target text with an equivalent effect in the target culture.

Die Arbeit behandelt die beiden Übersetzungsversionen des Lukasevangeliums ins Caló, die George Borrow 1837 und 1872 anfertigte. Sie hat mehrere Zielstellungen. Der erste Teil geht der Frage nach: Wie kam es zu den beiden Schriften? Er legt dar, welche Einflussfaktoren das authentische Caló im Spanien der 1830er Jahre herausgeprägt haben konnten und welche Einflüsse durch den Übersetzer George Borrow auf die Übersetzungen wirkten. Als extralinguistische Faktoren wird dafür die (Kultur-)Geschichte der Gitanos herangezogen, werden Borrows Biographie sowie seine Sprachkenntnisse untersucht und werden die Aufsätze namhafter Autoren über die Entstehung des Calós diskutiert und gegeneinander abgewogen. So entsteht zum ersten Mal eine komplexe Zusammenfassung der Vorgeschichte des Calós der Evangelien. Der zweite Teil der Arbeit ist einerseits eine Anleitung, die das Caló anhand von Textbeispielen für Hispanisten lesbar macht, und prüft andererseits, ob und wie die Aussage zutrifft, dass Borrows Purifizierungsbestrebungen in der zweiten Übersetzungsversion ein Caló schufen, das einen wesentlich geringeren Anteil an spanischer Sprache hat als in der ersten Version. Die Frage nach der Purifizierung erscheint vor dem Hintergrund der damaligen verklärenden Zigeunermode, der Afición, in Spanien sowie angesichts des Polyglotten Borrow bedeutsam. Um ihr nachzugehen, werden die ersten siebeneinhalb Kapitel beider Übersetzungen mit Hilfe von Textanalyseprogrammen wortartenspezifisch untersucht. Das Ergebnis bestätigt die Annahme bei zehn von sechzehn Wortarten und zeigt auf, dass besonders bei den Autosemantika Purifizierungsversuche unternommen wurden. Wahrscheinlich war aber schon die erste Übersetzungsversion purifiziert. Die Arbeit liefert einen ersten detaillierten linguistischen Vergleich eines Teiles der beiden Versionen und stellt das Caló der Evangelien in einem sehr umfassenden Kontext vor, wodurch sich eine Vernetzung linguistischer, kulturwissenschaftlicher und literaturwissenschaftlich interessanter Aspekte ergibt.

This dissertation presents the first full grammatical description of unprompted (spontaneous) speech in pidgin Chinook Jargon [synonyms Chinúk Wawa, Chinook]. The data come from a dialect I term ‘Kamloops Chinúk Wawa’, used in southern interior British Columbia circa 1900. I also present the first historical study and structural analysis of the shorthand-based ‘Chinuk pipa’ alphabet in which Kamloops Chinúk Wawa was written, primarily by Salish people. This study is made possible by the discovery of several hundred such texts, which I have transliterated and analyzed. The Basic Linguistic Theory-inspired (cf. Dixon 2010a,b) framework used here interprets Kamloops Chinúk Wawa as surprisingly ramified in morphological and syntactic structure, a finding in line with recent studies reexamining the status of pidgins by Bakker (e.g. 2003a,b, forthcoming) among others. Among the major findings: an unusually successful pidgin literacy including a widely circulated newspaper Kamloops Wawa, and language planning by the missionary J.M.R. Le Jeune, O.M.I. He planned both for the use of Kamloops Chinúk Wawa and this alphabet, and for their replacement by English. Additional sociolinguistic factors determining how Chinuk pipa was written included Salish preferences for learning to write by whole-word units (rather than letter by letter), and toward informal intra-community teaching of this first group literacy. In addition to compounding and conversion of lexical roots, Kamloops Chinúk Wawa morphology exploited three types of preposed grammatical morphemes—affixes, clitics, and particles. Virtually all are homonymous with and grammaticalized from demonstrably lexical morphs. Newly identified categories include ‘out-of-control’ transitivity marking and discourse markers including ‘admirative’ and ‘inferred’. Contrary to previous claims about Chinook Jargon (cf. Vrzic 1999), no overt passive voice exists in Kamloops Chinúk Wawa (nor probably in pan-Chinook Jargon), but a previously unknown ‘passivization strategy’ of implied agent demotion is brought to light. A realis-irrealis modality distinction is reflected at several scopal levels: phrase, clause and sentence. Functional differences are observed between irrealis clauses before and after main clauses. Polar questions are restricted to subordinate clauses, while alternative questions are formed by simple juxtaposition of irrealis clauses. Main-clause interrogatives are limited to content-question forms, optionally with irrealis marking. Positive imperatives are normally signaled by a mood particle on a realis clause, negative ones by a negative particle. Aspect is marked in a three-part ingressive-imperfective-completive system, with a marginal fourth ‘conative’. One negative operator has characteristically clausal, and another phrasal, scope. One copula is newly attested. Degree marking is largely confined to ‘predicative’ adjectives (copula complements). Several novel features of pronoun usage possibly reflect Salish L1 grammatical habits: a consistent animacy distinction occurs in third-person pronouns, where pan-Chinook Jargon 'iaka' (animate singular) and 'klaska' (animate plural) contrast with a null inanimate object/patient; this null and 'iaka' are non-specified for number; in intransitives, double exponence (repetition) of pronominal subjects is common; and pan-Chinook Jargon 'klaksta' (originally ‘who?’) and 'klaska' (originally ‘they’) vary freely with each other. Certain etymologically content-question forms are used also as determiners. Kamloops Chinúk Wawa’s numeral system is unusually regular and small for a pidgin; numerals are also used ordinally in a distinctly Chinook Jargon type of personal name. There is a null allomorph of the preposition 'kopa'. This preposition has additionally a realis complementizer function (with nominalized predicates) distinct from irrealis 'pus' (with verbal ones). Conjunction 'pi' also has a function in a syntactic focus-increasing and -reducing system.
Graduate

Die Arbeit behandelt die beiden Übersetzungsversionen des Lukasevangeliums ins Caló, die George Borrow 1837 und 1872 anfertigte. Sie hat mehrere Zielstellungen. Der erste Teil geht der Frage nach: Wie kam es zu den beiden Schriften? Er legt dar, welche Einflussfaktoren das authentische Caló im Spanien der 1830er Jahre herausgeprägt haben konnten und welche Einflüsse durch den Übersetzer George Borrow auf die Übersetzungen wirkten. Als extralinguistische Faktoren wird dafür die (Kultur-)Geschichte der Gitanos herangezogen, werden Borrows Biographie sowie seine Sprachkenntnisse untersucht und werden die Aufsätze namhafter Autoren über die Entstehung des Calós diskutiert und gegeneinander abgewogen. So entsteht zum ersten Mal eine komplexe Zusammenfassung der Vorgeschichte des Calós der Evangelien. Der zweite Teil der Arbeit ist einerseits eine Anleitung, die das Caló anhand von Textbeispielen für Hispanisten lesbar macht, und prüft andererseits, ob und wie die Aussage zutrifft, dass Borrows Purifizierungsbestrebungen in der zweiten Übersetzungsversion ein Caló schufen, das einen wesentlich geringeren Anteil an spanischer Sprache hat als in der ersten Version. Die Frage nach der Purifizierung erscheint vor dem Hintergrund der damaligen verklärenden Zigeunermode, der Afición, in Spanien sowie angesichts des Polyglotten Borrow bedeutsam. Um ihr nachzugehen, werden die ersten siebeneinhalb Kapitel beider Übersetzungen mit Hilfe von Textanalyseprogrammen wortartenspezifisch untersucht. Das Ergebnis bestätigt die Annahme bei zehn von sechzehn Wortarten und zeigt auf, dass besonders bei den Autosemantika Purifizierungsversuche unternommen wurden. Wahrscheinlich war aber schon die erste Übersetzungsversion purifiziert. Die Arbeit liefert einen ersten detaillierten linguistischen Vergleich eines Teiles der beiden Versionen und stellt das Caló der Evangelien in einem sehr umfassenden Kontext vor, wodurch sich eine Vernetzung linguistischer, kulturwissenschaftlicher und literaturwissenschaftlich interessanter Aspekte ergibt.:o. Vorwort & Danksagung i. Einleitung i.i. Begriffsbestimmung i.ii. Zielsetzung der Arbeit Teil I: Die Ursachen der Sprachinterferenz in den Lukasevangelien I.1. Die Geschichte der Gitanos bis ins 19. Jahrhundert I.1.1. Die prähispanische Phase I.1.2. Die erste Phase von 1425 bis 1499 I.1.3. Die zweite Phase von 1499 bis 1783 I.1.4. Die dritte Phase im 19. Jahrhundert I.2. Die Genese des Calós bis ins 19. Jahrhundert I.2.1. Denkmäler des Calós vor den Evangelien I.2.2. Die Debatte um die Genese des Calós I.2.2.1. Caló versus Pidgin-/ Kreolsprachen: Boretzky (1985) und Romero Yantorno I.2.2.2. Code-Switching, Pogadisierung, Geheimsprachen und Language Intertwining: Bakker & van der Voort (1991) I.2.2.3. Archaismen, kryptische Formationen, andalusische Merkmale und unabhängige Lexikentwicklung: Bakker (1995) I.2.2.4. Das katalonische Romaní als Indiz für die zeitliche Einordnung: Boretzky (1992) I.2.2.5. Das Caló als Alltagssprache und im Vergleich mit anderen Romaní-Dialekten: Boretzky (1998) I.2.2.6. Von der Alltagssprache zum geheimsprachlichen Vokabular: Bakker (1998) I.2.2.7. Zusammenfassung der Debatte I.3. George Henry Borrow I.3.1. Kurzbiographie I.3.2. Borrows Romaní-, Spanisch- und Caló-Kenntnisse Teil II: Der Anteil des Spanischen in den Lukasevangelien II.1. Texterschließung für Hispanisten II.1.1. Wörterbücher II.1.2. Grammatik II.1.2.1. Caló-Deklinationssuffixe II.1.2.2. Caló-Hilfsverben II.1.3. Textausschnitte II.1.3.1. Textausschnitt 1: Titelseiten und Vorworte Borrows II.1.3.2. Textausschnitt 2: Lukas 15, 1 - 4 . II.2. Wortartenspezifische Analyse des Anteils des Spanischen II.2.1. Vorgehen II.2.2. Auswertung II.3. Schluss Anhänge Anhang 1: Vergleich des Anteils des Spanischen an den Lukasevangelien 1 - 8,25 auf Caló von 1837 und 1872 in wortartenspezifischen, systematisierten und kommentierten Wortfrequenzlisten A.1. Flektierbare Wortarten A.1.1. Die Artikel A.1.2. Die Substantive A.1.3. Die Eigennamen A.1.4. Die Pronomina A.1.4.1. Die Personal- und Reflexivpronomina A.1.4.2. Die Demonstrativpronomina A.1.4.3. Die Possesivpronomina A.1.4.4. Die Relativpronomina A.1.4.5. Die Indefinitpronomina A.1.5. Die Adjektiva A.1.6. Die Verba A.1.7. Die Numeralia A.2. Unflektierbare Wortarten A.2.1. Die Adverbien A.2.2. Die Präpositionen A.2.3. Die Interrogativa A.2.4. Die Konjunktionen A.2.5. Die Interjektionen Anhang 2: Paralleltexte: Die Lukasevangelien 1 - 8,25 auf Caló von 1837 und von 1872 und das spanische Lukasevangelium 1 - 8,25 übersetzt von Scío Abbildungsverzeichnis Quellenverzeichnis Tabellenverzeichnis