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1
Murphy, Emilie K. M. "Adoramus Te Christe:Music and Post-Reformation English Catholic Domestic Piety." Studies in Church History 50 (2014): 240–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001741.
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On the Feast of the Invention of the Holy Cross, 3 May 1606, Henry Garnet was hung, drawn and quartered in St Paul’s churchyard, London. In his last dying speech Garnet adapted the liturgy from the office hours of the day and he proclaimed in Latin: ‘We adore thee, O Christ and we Bless thee, because by thy Cross, thou hast redeemed the world. This sign shall appear in heaven, when the Lord shall come to judgment’. Finally, beseeching God to let him always remember the cross, he crossed his arms upon his chest and was turned off the scaffold.
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Wilson, J. Christian. "The Problem of the Domitianic Date of Revelation." New Testament Studies 39, no. 4 (October 1993): 587–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500011978.
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In the latter half of the nineteenth century no New Testament scholar in the English speaking world was more respected than J. B. Lightfoot. His New Testament commentaries and his magisterial five volume work on the Apostolic Fathers were models of the scholarly thoroughness of British erudition coupled with the humility of Anglican piety. Their influence would reach well into the twentieth century.
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McHardy, A. K. "Superior Spirituality Versus Popular Piety in Late-Medieval England." Studies in Church History 42 (2006): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003867.
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When K. B. McFarlane wrote his biography of John Wycliffe he was surprised to find that the hero who emerged was not Wycliffe himself but his implacable opponent, William Courtenay, the archbishop of Canterbury from 1381 to 1396. ‘Justice has never been done to Courtenay’s high qualities, above all to the skill and magnanimity with which he led his order through the crisis that now threatened it’, he wrote admiringly, adding by way of explanation that, ‘Since the reformation his has been the unpopular side.’ The impression McFarlane gave is that there were two ecclesiastical camps in late fourteenth-century England: heretical and orthodox. The fabric of English church life was fractured then, for ever, by the beliefs and work of Wycliffe and his adherents; was not McFarlane’s biography entitled John Wycliffe and the Beginnings of English Nonconformity? Yet McFarlane’s assessment of heresy was that this was far from being a monolithic movement; indeed, in a private letter he wrote, ‘Wycliffe was merely an extremist in a widespread reform movement.’
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Goodman, Glenda. "“The Tears I Shed at the Songs of Thy Church”: Seventeenth-Century Musical Piety in the English Atlantic World." Journal of the American Musicological Society 65, no. 3 (2012): 691–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2012.65.3.691.
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Abstract This essay reconsiders the role of seventeenth-century psalmody in Puritans' religious lives, drawing on a rich yet little-discussed cache of writings about music from New and Old England to show that, contrary to popular belief, Puritans were deeply invested in the affective power of psalm singing as an expression of personal piety. Importantly, treatises about music circulated transatlantically, thus imbricating psalmody in a broader Atlantic-world discourse about the significance of sacred singing. The essay first examines the nature of Puritans' personal piety, an interior and individual experience of faith and communion with God. Then it delves into the theological justification for singing psalms and the method for selecting tunes. Attuning to the importance of individual affective experience brings about a reevaluation of the significance of early American psalmody's “decline” in the early eighteenth century. By tracing the contours of puritan musical thought on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean, this essay also puts forth “Atlantic musicology” as an illuminating approach to early modern music and ultimately challenges the historiographical tendency to view psalmody as the departure point for an exceptional American music history.
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Safiyyeh, Jasir Abu. "Ikhbāt in the Qur'an: A Semantic Study." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 1, no. 1 (April 1999): 238–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.1999.1.1.238.
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This article aims to explore the meaning and Qur'anic usage of the term ikhbāt and its cognates. Lexicographers have examined this word in some detail, and have arrived at definitions which we shall look at in the context of the Qur'an. Its status as technical term in the lexicon of Sufi practice is also taken into consideration. To arrive at a contextually appropriate definition of the word ikhbāt, we need to appreciate how it is used in the Qur'an in conjunction with a number of other terms. These terms display varying degrees of synonymy to ikhbāt, and this is brought out by the definitions traditionally given by Arabic philologists, which we suggest are rendered in English as follows; taqwā: Piety / Godliness wajal: Awe / a perceived fear of God khawf: Fear rajā': Hope combined with a sense of anxiety and fear ishfāq: Solicitude / apprehension Accordingly, the mukhbitūn are those who are humble before God; whose hearts are filled with awe when His name is mentioned, those who endure patiently and whose behaviour evinces taqwā.
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Brock, Michelle D. "Internalizing the Demonic: Satan and the Self in Early Modern Scottish Piety." Journal of British Studies 54, no. 1 (January 2015): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2014.164.
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AbstractBeliefs about the Devil informed Scottish piety in a myriad of ways. This article explores, in particular, the experiential relationship between Reformed theology, the practice of introspection, and demonic belief. It locates a process of profound anxiety and self-identification as evil that occurred during inward, personal engagement with Satan. This process, loosely coined here as “internalizing the demonic,” reveals the close and consequential relationship between the clerical promotion of self-surveillance and the widely internalized belief in the Devil's natural affinity with the “evil hearts” of men and women. Through an examination of English texts circulated in Scotland and a brief comparison with Protestant groups abroad, this article suggests that internalizing the demonic was a defining component of experiential piety not just in Scotland, but also throughout the Reformed Anglophone world.
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Toorawa, Shawkat M. "Sūrat Maryam (Q. 19): Lexicon, Lexical Echoes, English Translation." Journal of Qur'anic Studies 13, no. 1 (April 2011): 25–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jqs.2011.0004.
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Q. 19 (Sūrat Maryam) – an end-rhyming, and, by general consensus, middle to late Meccan sura of 98 (or 99) verses – has been the subject of considerable exegetical and scholarly attention. Besides commentary, naturally, in every tafsīr of the Qur'an, Sura 19 has also benefited from separate, individual treatment. It has been the object of special attention by modern Western scholars, in particular those of comparative religion and of Christianity, whose attention has centred largely on the virtue and piety of Mary, on the miraculous nature of the birth of Jesus, on Jesus' ministry, and on how Jesus' time on Earth came to an end. In addition, Sura 19 is a favourite of the interfaith community. Given this sustained and multivectored scrutiny, it is remarkable how little analysis has been devoted to its lexicon. This article is a contribution to the study of the lexicon of this sura, with a particular emphasis on three features: rhyming end words, hapaxes, and repeating words and roots, some of which occur in this sura alone.
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Sheils, W. J. "The Altars in York Minster in the Early Sixteenth Century." Studies in Church History 35 (1999): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840001398x.
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Good God! what a pomp of silk vestments was there, of golden candlesticks.’ The dismissive satire of Erasmus’s pilgrim on looking down on Canterbury Cathedral not only brought traditional piety into disrepute among significant sectors of the educated, both clerical and lay, in early sixteenth-century England, but has also helped to colour the views of historians of the later medieval Church until recently. The work on parochial, diocesan, and cathedral archives since the 1960s, undertaken and inspired by the publication of A. G. Dickens’ The English Reformation, has refined that view, which saw traditional piety as something of a clerical confidence trick designed to impoverish a credulous laity, and recovered the reputation of the early sixteenth-century Church. The most recent, and most eloquent, account of the strength of traditional piety among the people is that by Eamon Duffy. His work has concentrated on the parochial context, where he has shown how intercessory prayer, through gilds, obits, and chantries, remained at the centre of a liturgical tradition which commanded great loyalty from the laity up to and, in some cases, beyond the dissolution of those institutional expressions of that devotion in 1547. The place of such devotion within a cathedral context has largely been ignored, despite the recently published histories, and this paper sets out to fill that gap a little by looking at the minor altars of York Minster and the clergy which served them.
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Hobson, Jacob. "National—ethnic narratives in eleventh-century literary representations of Cnut." Anglo-Saxon England 43 (November 26, 2014): 267–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026367511400009x.
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AbstractThis article takes literary representations of Cnut, the Danish conqueror of England, as a case study of the construction of English identity in the eleventh century. It traces representations of Cnut in four literary texts composed over the course of the century: the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, the Knútsdrápur, the Encomium Emmae Reginae, and Osbern of Canterbury's Translatio Sancti Ælfegi. Each of these texts constructs a politically useful national—ethnic identity through the figure of Cnut, using the mechanisms of kingship, piety and devotion, language, place and literary tradition to work through the particular exigencies faced by the audiences that they seek to address.
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Frykenberg, Robert Eric. "The Subhedar’s Son: A Narrative of Brahmin-Christian Conversion from Nineteenth-Century Maharashtra, edited by Deepra Dandekar." International Bulletin of Mission Research 45, no. 1 (June 26, 2020): 79–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939320937667.
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This son of a former local ruler, from the elite Brahman community that had presided over the fortunes of the Maratha Empire before its defeat by the British Raj, became a Christian convert and then served as a pastor of local churches in Western India for nearly forty years. His autobiography was later turned into a prize-winning novel. This rare pioneering vernacular account, reflecting the highly complex, multilayered cultural legacy of an emerging hybrid Christianity, represented a new genre of nativist devotion and piety. Subjected to a carefully contextualized and critical scholarship, we now have this work in English.
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YU, Lian. "“孝治天下”與“法治天下”——新時代的“孝文化”建設初探." International Journal of Chinese & Comparative Philosophy of Medicine 13, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/ijccpm.131580.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.“孝治天下”是中國傳統社會的治理模式，從而形成了具有中國特色的“孝文化”，但是這個文化卻在現代化的過程中遇到了質疑和批判。然而，在老齡化和養老問題突出的今天，“孝文化”重新成為社會討論的話題，由此帶來一系列的問題：我們如何回應五四新文化以來學者對所謂儒家“封建壓迫”的批判？我們如何重新構建當今時代的“孝文化”？本文探討和“孝治天下” 與“法治天下”之間的衝突與融合，提出二者互動的辯證關係。筆者認為，傳統的孝道必須與社會結構的轉型聯繫起來，從而形成一個符合現代社會的、新型的“孝文化”。“Ruling the world with filial piety” was an effective management model in traditional Chinese society, particularly during the Confucian era. However, this commitment to filial piety was powerfully challenged by China’s New Culture Movement at the beginning of the twentieth century, and disintegrated almost entirely during the Cultural Revolution approximately 50 years later. However, filial piety has recently re-emerged as a topic of debate due to the problems created by China’s aging society. In this paper, the possibility of reconstructing a culture of filial piety is investigated in relation to the rule of law, as discussed by public-policy makers. On the one hand, long-term care policies must be tailored to modern Chinese society, which has been transformed in the last few decades by changes to family structure and the relationship between family and society. On the other hand, policy makers responsible for long-term care policies must acknowledge the traditional value system that has shaped the Chinese way of thinking and moral logic.In the West, the concept of the rule of law is intrinsically connected with that of human rights. Moving away from the traditional perception of filial piety as a moral duty, it is proposed in this paper that the Confucian ideal of filial piety can be interpreted in terms of human rights. The author combines the Western principle of the rule of law with the Confucian concept of filial piety—that is, legality with morality—to show that filial piety should not be regarded merely as a virtue or a moral sentiment, but as a legallyprotected and promoted entity. The author argues that adherence to the principle of filial piety, although decreasing in modern China, remains the most important means of regulating the treatment of elderly people by their adult children, and cultivating awareness of the moral responsibility to provide elderly care.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 1148 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.
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Beier, Benjamin V. "The Subordination of Humanism: Young More’s ‘Profitable’ Work, The Life of John Picus." Moreana 47 (Number 179-, no. 1-2 (June 2010): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2010.47.1-2.4.
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This article revisits the often argued question of the relationship between More’s English Life of Picus and his Latin original. However, instead of emphasizing More’s transformation of his humanist model into what is essentially a work of medieval piety, the article arrives at the conclusion that humanism and faith in More’s text mutually reinforce each other. By looking in detail at some of More’s changes to Gianfrancesco’s Latin biography, especially his striking omissions of intrusive authorial comments, the paper will argue that More turns his model into a much more open and contradictory text, thus provoking his readers to reflect upon their own state of soul in comparison with Pico’s. In addition, More’s transformation of his appended material from Pico’s writings also makes it clear that his humanism remains essentially subordinate to his faith.
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Allison, A. F. "Did Creswell Write the Answer to the Proclamation of 1610? A Note on A&R 265." Recusant History 17, no. 3 (May 1985): 348–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001163.
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A work commonly attributed in bibliographies to Joseph Creswell S.J. (1556–1623) is a reply, written under the pseudonym B. D. de Clerimond, to King James I’s proclamation of 2 June 1610 ‘for the due execution of all former laws against Recusants’. The reply, published in 1611, is A&R 265: A proclamation published vnder the name of lames King of Great Britanny. With a brief & moderate answere therunto. Whereto are added the penall statutes, made in the same kingdome, against Catholikes. Togeather with a letter which sheweth the said Catholikes piety: and diuers aduertisements also, for better vnderstanding of the whole matter. Translated out of Latin into English.
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Latić, Denisa, and Hans-Georg Wolf. "A corpus-based analysis of cultural conceptualizations from the domains of family and money in Hong Kong English." Cultural Linguistic Contributions to World Englishes 4, no. 2 (December 14, 2017): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijolc.4.2.04lat.
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Abstract Hong Kong culture blends paradoxes: In it, life and death, the real and the other world coexist in the traditions of its inhabitants, which eventually surface in the variety of English spoken in this Special Administrative Region of China. Our corpus-linguistic analysis, on the basis of ICE-HK and the GloWbE (Davies 2013) corpus,1 demonstrates the centrality of the family concept and its ramifications as well as its relation to the concept of money in Hong Kong English. The conceptualization children are an investment does not only show the conceptual network family and money belong to, but also lucidly shows the dynamics within the parent-child relationship, which is governed by filial piety and elderly care when the investment bears fruit. Collocations such as ‘hungry ghost,’ ‘hell money,’ and ‘worship ancestors’ are combinations of common core English terms that underwent semantic extension under the influence of the local Hong Kong cultural context. Our data shows how tightly language and culture are linked and that culture and cultural changes are the main factors to influence language and its development.
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Boruchoff, David A. "Piety, Patriotism, and Empire: Lessons for England, Spain, and the New World in the Works of Richard Hakluyt*." Renaissance Quarterly 62, no. 3 (2009): 809–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/647349.
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AbstractThis essay examines the didactic intent of historical works that modern critics, under the influence of a later, especially Victorian, view of English history, have construed as unalloyed propaganda for Protestant England in the pursuit of empire and in its rivalry with Catholic Spain. Careful analysis of the editorial practices of Richard Hakluyt (ca. 1552–1616) reveals that he and others of his generation instead employed patriotic conceits, such as the claim to God's Providence and protection, in a more complex and circumspect manner: as both encouragement and a corrective to national endeavor and as a yardstick against which to measure what was actually done.
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Barr, Beth Allison. "“sche hungryd ryth sor aftyr Goddys word”: Female Piety and the Legacy of the Pastoral Programme in the Late Medieval English Sermons of Bodleian Library MS Greaves 54." Journal of Religious History 39, no. 1 (August 12, 2014): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.12140.
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Watenpaugh, Heghnar Zeitlian. "DEVIANT DERVISHES: SPACE, GENDER, AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF ANTINOMIAN PIETY IN OTTOMAN ALEPPO." International Journal of Middle East Studies 37, no. 4 (September 23, 2005): 535–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743805052190.
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In the letters he wrote from Aleppo in 1600, the British merchant William Biddulph described the daily life of this dynamic center of the East–West trade, the city where spices and silks from India and Iran were exchanged for English broadcloth and New World silver in one of the world's largest covered bazaars. He also presented Muslim practices and religious beliefs, emphasizing those features that seemed to him most unusual and reprehensible. His contempt fell firmly on a fixture of the early modern Islamic street, the ecstatic, antinomian Muslim saint: They also account fooles, dumbe men, and mad men,…Saints. And whatsoever such mad men say or doe…or strike them, and wound them, yet they take it in good part, and say, that they shall have good lucke after it. And when such mad men die, they Canonize them for Saints, and erect stately Monuments over their graves, as we have here many examples, especially of one (who being mad) went always naked, whose name was Sheh Boubac…they…erected an house over his grave, where…they are Lampes burning night and day, and many idle fellows (whom they call Darvises) there maintained to looke unto his Sepulchre…
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McGiffert, Michael. "Henry Hammond and Covenant Theology." Church History 74, no. 2 (June 2005): 255–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700110236.
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Henry Hammond (1605–60), the learned and practical English priest who during the Interregnum did as much as any man and a good deal more than most to reinforce and renew the ideational underpinnings of his Church, is a familiar figure in seventeenth-century Anglican studies. Historians speak of his captaincy of a circle of Anglican divines. One names him the “oracle of the High Church party”; another sees him as the principal transformer of Anglicanism. The Independent John Owen likened him to a clerical Atlas bearing on his shoulders “the whole weight of the episcopal cause.” The scholars just quoted call Hammond a “Laudian” but are uneasy with the label and loath to defend it. He appears in their work as an exemplary High Churchman standing for de jure episcopacy, Prayer-Book piety, the Eucharist, and royal headship of the Church. His intransigent Churchmanship contrasts in some degree with his character and temperament. He comes down to us as “the spokesman of those who would make no concession,” yet Richard Baxter, who thought him “the fons et origo of the prelatical bigotry of his day, wrote that he “took the death of Dr. Hammond … for a very great loss; for his piety and wisdom would sure have hindered much of the violence” of the Restoration.
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PARNHAM, DAVID. "John Cotton Reconsidered: Law and Grace in Two Worlds." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 64, no. 2 (April 2013): 296–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046912000693.
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Scholarly accounts of John Cotton's pre-migration divinity focus upon its legalism. Cotton's Old-World voice speaks with the law-mindedness of the ‘precisianist’ and the ‘experimental predestinarian’. Cotton, moreover, is said to have made a ‘radical change’ when, in Massachusetts, he renounced the law's ‘power’. Legalist therein becomes solifidian. Such a view fails to account for the very particular nature of Cotton's Old-World evocations of the moral law. Cotton was a diffident legalist in old Boston. A flirtation with the covenant of works momentarily roused the power of the moral law, but this was atypical of Cotton's English divinity. It was in Massachusetts that Cotton made bold pastoral use of the law's power. And, with this, he coupled a theological revision that cut through the roots of Old-World piety: placing unusual stress on the passivity of faith, he rejected the ‘evidentiary’ value of the Puritan holy walk.
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Osborne, John. "Politics and Popular Piety in Fifteenth-Century Yorkshire: Images of "St" Richard Scrope in the Bolton Hours." Florilegium 17, no. 1 (January 2000): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.17.001.
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The starting point for this investigation is an early fifteenth-century English book of hours, known as the "Bolton Hours," lavishly illustrated with some 47 full-page images, and now in the possession of York Minster Library (Add. MS 2). In addition to the principal written texts—notably the Hours of the Virgin and the Hours of the Cross—which were common to this genre of devotional manuscript and gave rise to its popular name, the Bolton Hours contains some unusual texts and images which have no known parallels in late medieval England. The aim of this article is to connect these unique words and pictures with contemporary political events, and in particular to the cult of "St" Richard Scrope, the Archbishop of York (1398-1405) who was convicted of treason against King Henry IV and beheaded outside the walls of his city On 8 June 1405.
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Parsons, Sarah. "The ‘Wonders in the Deep’ and the ‘Mighty Tempest of the Sea’: Nature, Providence and English Seafarers’ Piety, c. 1580–1640." Studies in Church History 46 (2010): 194–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000590.
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The religious beliefs of seafarers have not received a great deal of attention over the years. Contemporaries of early modern English seafarers stereotyped them as superstitious and irreligious, prone to turning to God only in times of danger. The Puritan William Perkins preached about ‘the Mariner, who is onely good in a storme’. The association of seafarers, irreligion and superstition was also reflected in popular literature. Edmund Spenser, in The Faerie Qveene, wrote of ‘the glad merchant, that does vew from ground / His ship far come from watrie wildernesse, / He hurles out vowes, and Neptune oft doth blesse’. These stereotypes have coloured the historiography of maritime religion, which has drawn a division between ‘superstition’ and religion in seafaring culture. However, recent work on religion and provi-dentialism on land shows this to be a faulty paradigm.
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Ye, Zhengdao. "The meaning of “happiness” (xìngfú) and “emotional pain” (tòngkŭ) in Chinese." "Happiness" and "Pain" across Languages and Cultures 1, no. 2 (October 28, 2014): 194–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijolc.1.2.04ye.
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This paper undertakes detailed meaning analyses of xìngfú, a concept central to contemporary Chinese discourse on “happiness,” and its opposite tòngkŭ (‘emotional anguish/suffering/pain’). Drawing data from five Chinese corpora and applying the semantic techniques developed by Natural Semantic Metalanguage (NSM) researchers, the present study reveals a conceptualization of happiness that is markedly different from that encoded in the English concept of happiness. Particularly, the analysis shows that the Chinese conception of xìngfú is relational in nature, being firmly anchored in interpersonal relationships. Loosely translatable as ‘a belief that one is loved and cared for’, xìngfú reflects the Chinese idea of love, which places emphasis on actions over words and is intrinsically related to other core cultural values, such as xiào (‘filial piety’). The paper relates semantic discussion directly to recent research on happiness and subjective well-being involving Chinese subjects, highlighting and problematizing the role of language in the emergent and fast-growing field of happiness research and stressing the important role of culture in global “happiness research”.
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Olesiejko, Jacek. "TREASURE AND SPIRITUAL EXILE IN OLD ENGLISH JULIANA: HEROIC DICTION AND ALLEGORY OF READING IN CYNEWULF’S ART OF ADAPTATION." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 48, no. 2-3 (December 1, 2013): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/stap-2013-0007.
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ABSTRACT The present article studies Cynewulf’s creative manipulation of heroic style in his hagiographic poem Juliana written around the 9th century A.D. The four poems now attributed to Cynewulf, on the strength of his runic autographs appended to each, Christ II, Elene, The Fates of the Apostles, and Juliana are written in the Anglo-Saxon tradition of heroic alliterative verse that Anglo- Saxons had inherited from their continental Germanic ancestors. In Juliana, the theme of treasure and exile reinforces the allegorical structure of Cynewulf’s poetic creation. In such poems like Beowulf and Seafarer treasure signifies the stability of bonds between people and tribes. The exchange of treasure and ritualistic treasure-giving confirms bonds between kings and their subjects. In Juliana, however, treasure is identified with heathen culture and idolatry. The traditional imagery of treasure, so central to Old English poetic lore, is inverted in the poem, as wealth and gold embody vice and corruption. The rejection of treasure and renunciation of kinship bonds indicate piety and chastity. Also, while in other Old English secular poems exile is cast in terms of deprivation of human company and material values, in Juliana the possession of and preoccupation with treasure indicates spiritual exile and damnation. This article argues that the inverted representations of treasure and exile in the poem lend additional strength to its allegorical elements and sharpen the contrast between secular world and Juliana, who is an allegorical representation of the Church.
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Braund, Susanna. "TABLEAUX AND SPECTACLES: APPRECIATION OF SENECAN TRAGEDY BY EUROPEAN DRAMATISTS OF THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES." Ramus 46, no. 1-2 (December 2017): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2017.7.
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Did Sophocles or Seneca exercise a greater influence on Renaissance drama? While the twenty-first century public might assume the Greek dramatist, in recent decades literary scholars have come to appreciate that the model of tragedy for the Renaissance was the plays of the Roman Seneca rather than those of the Athenian tragedians. In his important essay on Seneca and Shakespeare written in 1932, T.S. Eliot wrote that Senecan sensibility was ‘the most completely absorbed and transmogrified, because it was already the most diffused’ in Shakespeare's world. Tony Boyle, one of the leading rehabilitators of Seneca in recent years, has rightly said, building on the work of Robert Miola and Gordon Braden in particular, that ‘Seneca encodes Renaissance theatre’ from the time that Albertino Mussato wrote his neo-Latin tragedy Ecerinis in 1315 on into the seventeenth century. The present essay offers a complement and supplement to previous scholarship arguing that Seneca enjoyed a status at least equal to that of the Athenian tragedians for European dramatists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. My method will be to examine two plays, one in French and one in English, where the authors have combined dramatic elements taken from Seneca with elements taken from Sophocles. My examples are Robert Garnier's play, staged and published in 1580, entitled Antigone ou La Piété (Antigone or Piety), and the highly popular play by John Dryden and Nathaniel Lee entitled Oedipus, A Tragedy, staged in 1678 and published the following year.
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Purvis, Zachary. "Transatlantic Textbooks: Karl Hagenbach, Shared Interests, and German Academic Theology in Nineteenth-Century America." Church History 83, no. 3 (July 31, 2014): 650–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714000596.
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The rise of German academic institutions in the nineteenth century considerably altered the landscape of American higher education. American students of theology looked to Germany to develop their discipline, where they found model textbooks that gave directives in learning and piety, transforming academic and theological practice. With sensitivity to the history of the book and the history of the rich cultural traffic across the Atlantic, this article focuses on the reception in English translation of the important and widely read Swiss-German church historian Karl Rudolf Hagenbach, whose textbooks enjoyed a considerable audience in the United States by crossing ideological boundaries and unseating obdurate assumptions. By examining this reception in the United States and Britain and investigating those “transatlantic personalities” who played pivotal roles in bringing his ideas from the “Old World” to the “New,” this article demonstrates Hagenbach's lasting influence on the changing fields of history, church history, and academic theology in America. An “Atlantic” perspective on these themes offers new insights for our understanding of religion in the modern academy, the movement and translation of theological ideas in an age of steamship travel, and the surfacing of commonalities among ostensibly mismatched, if not outright conflicting, Protestant religious cultures.
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Walsham, Alexandra. "Wholesome milk and strong meat: Peter Canisius’s catechisms and the conversion of Protestant Britain." British Catholic History 32, no. 3 (April 21, 2015): 293–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2015.3.
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AbstractThis article examines the vernacular translations of the famous catechisms prepared by the Dutch Jesuit Peter Canisius which circulated in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Britain. The various editions and adaptations of Canisius produced for English, Scottish, Welsh and Irish readers are texts in which anti-Protestant identity formation converges with the task of basic indoctrination. These include Laurence Vaux’s popular catechism of 1567, the traditionalist character of which is reassessed. Shedding light on the reception and domestication of the literature of the European Counter Reformation, these books illustrate how catechesis was revived and harnessed as a clerical tool for cultivating polemical resistance and as a device for inculcating saving knowledge and redeeming piety in those young in faith as well as in years. Recusant clergy, seminary priests and Jesuits tackled the task of restoring England to its traditional allegiance to Rome as if they were planting the faith in a pagan land and they utilised the same techniques and strategies as their colleagues in the newly discovered world. A study of Canisius’s catechisms highlights the fluid boundary between conversion and reconciliation in contemporary minds; illuminates the intertwining of the histories of evangelical mission and confessionalisation in the context of the British Isles; and helps to reintegrate minority Catholic communities back into our picture of the global movement for religious outreach and renewal.
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Komandakov, Maria S., and Tatyana L. Andreev. "Verbalization of Theomorphic Features of the Concept "Imagination"." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 21, no. 2 (July 8, 2019): 521–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2019-21-2-521-528.
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The research was conducted within the framework of the cognitive linguistics. It implies the study of mental concepts which are significant for the culture of a certain nation through their verbalization in the language of this ethnic group. The paper features an analysis of the theomorphic features of the concept "imagination" and the ways of their verbalization in the worldview of the English. The concept under discussion remains understudied. However, the high frequency of its features in the language indicates the importance of this mental unit for the corresponding culture. "Imagination" is a concept of the inner world. Its structure is represented by several groups and subgroups of cognitive features. We consider the group of figurative features to be structurally the most complex one. It includes the following subgroups – features of inanimate nature and features of animate nature. Within the group of inanimate nature, we distinguish a micro group of theomorphic features. The theomorphic features of the concept reflect the ideas and the perception of the God, piety, divinity, etc. and of religious group. At the same time, the analysis of contexts shows that some of the revealed features are considered to be typical of all religious groups of the cultural community, while others can be quite specific. As a rule, the first type of features is verbalized in the language more often than the second.
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Pearson, Andrea. "English Aristocratic Women and the Fabric of Piety, 1450–1550. Barbara J. Harris. Gendering the Late Medieval and Early Modern World 2. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2018. 266 pp. €84.99." Renaissance Quarterly 74, no. 3 (2021): 1006–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2021.156.
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Coppa, Francesca. "Kenneth Tynan: A Life. By Dominic Shellard. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003; pp. 399. $35.00 cloth." Theatre Survey 46, no. 2 (October 25, 2005): 319–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557405250202.
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Pity the scholar asked to review a biography of Kenneth Tynan; one finds oneself frantically searching one's pockets for aphorisms, witticisms, or—at the very least—a shocking obscenity or two. After all, Tynan was the critic who so memorably dismissed a popular musical as “a world of woozy song”; met the question, “Who are the new English playwrights?” with the sarcastic rejoinder, “Who were the old ones?”; and who cried out for new playwrights to invade the British theatre because he would “rather be a war correspondent than a necrologist.” Then, of course, there is the famous first use of the word “fuck” on television and the staging of Oh, Calcutta! and the magnificent New Yorker profiles, not to mention the nearly singlehanded reshaping of British drama through the powerful combination of exhortation and satire. All in all, it is a lot for a reviewer to live up to, and while I have neither Tynan's wit nor ability to provoke, I do find myself able to produce one single Tynanesque observation about Dominick Shellard's Kenneth Tynan: A Life. This is that the book has been shockingly missubtitled.
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Hopkins, Amanda, and Roger Dalrymple. "Language and Piety in Middle English Romance." Yearbook of English Studies 33 (2003): 332. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3509036.
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CHAVASSE, RUTH. "Latin lay piety and vernacular lay piety in word and image: Venice, 1471-early 1500s." Renaissance Studies 10, no. 3 (July 18, 2008): 319–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.1996.tb00393.x.
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Chavasse, Ruth. "Latin Lay Piety and Vernacular Lay Piety in Word and Image: Venice, 1471-Early-1500s." Renaissance Studies 10, no. 3 (September 1996): 319–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-4658.00211.
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ZHANG, Ellen Y. "自殺與儒家的生死價值觀: 以《列女傳》為例." International Journal of Chinese & Comparative Philosophy of Medicine 7, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24112/ijccpm.71480.
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LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.本文以《後漢書˙列女傳》為例，探討女性在節死問題上的道德取向及對自殺行為的道德詮釋。筆者認為，《列女傳》所體現的價值取向屬於儒家道德的大傳統，同時由於其“性別倫理”的特質，又涵蓋了特殊的生死觀，反映出儒家在“肉身”價值與“精神”價值議題上的考量。本文試圖說明，女性自殺有其背後特有的時代精神與文化傳統，因此對它的道德評估要比儒家大傳統中所謂“為己性”與“為他性”的劃分更為複雜，它既反映出儒家在女性問題上的奇特性，也反映出儒家在生死問題上的複雜性。“節死”議題所反映的不僅僅是一個單一的儒家價值取向，因為任何道德理論或規範在“具體化”的實踐過程中都會存在詮釋上的多元性與複雜性。The Lienüzhuan (LNZ) or the Collected Life-Stories of Women complied by the late-Western Han Confucian scholar Liu Xiang (79-8 B.C.E.), consists of 125 exemplary life stories of women covering a broad period from earlier legendary time to the Han Dynasty. LNZ, like many other narratives in the early Chinese tradition, is a form of character-focused narrative based on quasi-historical accounts. To locate this Han text in a comprehensive framework of Confucian moral philosophy is not an easy task, and neither is recreating the moment of interpretative creativity. What intrigues the reader today about this work is not whether it accurately represents the lives of early Chinese women, but how it represents an ideal of female virtues within the Confucian ethical system, especially Confucian morality on life and death.The LNZ has eight chapters, of which six are devoted to six forms of virtuous conduct: (1) maternal rectitude (muyi); (2) sage intelligence (xianming); (3) benevolence and wisdom (xianzhi); (4) purity and obedience (zhenshun); (5) chastity and righteousness (jianyi); (6) skillfulness in argument, rhetorical/ tactical skill (biantong). Each form of conduct is exlicated in a specific narrative. This essay focuses on two chapters of the book, “Purity and Obedience” (zhenshun) and “Chastity and Righteousness” (jieyi), which explore the ethical dimension of female virtues and suicide.The LNZ offers various stories about why women commit suicide, and they all deal with the female virtues of chastity, loyalty, and righteousness. Some stories give examples of women who refuse remarriage. This kind of practice became an ethical norm in the following dynasties, emphasized by what is called “the cult of chastity”. Other stories talk about the importance of women practicing traditional rituals and customs. The “Wife of the Duke of Song” （《宋恭伯姬》）gives an account of how a woman refused to flee a fire because she insisted on performing the ritual that does not allow a woman to walk out of the inner chamber alone at midnight. But there are exceptions to this kind of gender-based ethics in the LNZ. For instance, the “Chaste Woman from the Capital” （《京師節女》）is a totally different kind of story where a woman’s husband is in the danger of being murdered. The assassin hears that this chaste woman possesses the virtues of benevolence, filial piety, and righteousness, and kidnaps her father as a hostage to get to the husband. Here the woman is facing a moral dilemma: if she does not meet the assassin’s demand, her father will be killed. That would violate the virtue of filial piety; if she were to turn her husband in, that would violate the virtue of righteousness. “Without filial piety or righteousness, I am not worthy living in this world,” says the woman. It follows that the woman decides to sacrifice her own life to save the lives of her father and husband. At the end of the story, she tells the assassin that she will help him to have her husband murdered. She tells him that she will open the window that night and the one lying on the east side of the house will be her husband. That night, the assassin goes in through the window and murders the one lying on the east side, only found out that it is the wife. The murderer is deeply touched by the woman’s heroic act and decides to give up the killing altogether (LNZ 5.15). The eulogy states: The woman of chastity shows benevolence and filial piety, and values righteousness more than her life. In this story, the notion of benevolence, filial piety, and righteousness fits perfectly into Confucian virtue ethics. From such narratives the author draws the contention that the Confucian notion of “honor” in terms of chastity, filiality, and righteousness is by no means a simple moral principle to be taken as dogma. The gender-based suicide has to be explicated within the broad framework of Confucian moral philosophy, especially its view of life and death. The essay attempts to show that the moral dilemma exemplified by female virtues in the case of the LNZ is much more complicated than the dichotomy between corporeality and spirituality, or the self-regarding suicide and other-regarding suicide. Furthermore, the embodiment of a particular virtue has always been influenced by a broader social context and the established value system that is based on its own understanding of early tradition. The moral ambiguities of suicide cases represented by the “cult of chastity” (Ming and Qing periods in particular) lie in its misinterpretations of the moral pronouncements and properties of suicidal actions advocated by early Confucianism.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 1687 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.
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Ladd, D. Robert, and Erik Fudge. "English Word-Stress." Language 62, no. 1 (March 1986): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415608.
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Covington, Michael A., and Richard Hudson. "English Word Grammar." Language 71, no. 3 (September 1995): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416228.
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Kastovsky, Dieter. "English word-formation." System 14, no. 3 (January 1986): 349–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0346-251x(86)90032-1.
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Garman, Michael, and Richard Hudson. "English Word Grammar." Modern Language Review 88, no. 1 (January 1993): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3730805.
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St. André, James. "Consequences of the conflation of xiao and filial piety in English." Translation and Interpreting Studies 13, no. 2 (October 12, 2018): 293–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tis.00017.sta.
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Abstract This article examines the development over time of the English expression “filial piety” in order to document how, at least partly in response to pressure from an equivalence that is established with the Chinese term xiao (孝) in the seventeenth century, the term takes on new and increasingly negative connotations in English. As an important concept in Chinese philosophy, xiao occurs in many important early texts, including the Confucian Analects and, although the way the term is interpreted varies over time, remains central to many debates about Chinese culture right to this day. As the link between filial piety and xiao strengthens through the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, “filial piety” thus unsurprisingly becomes identified as one of a small group of key terms that were increasingly thought to explain all differences between the British and the Chinese. This article examines how the term “filial piety” evolves from a natural and universal impulse due to its connection with Christianity, with China initially as a particularly good example of this universal from whom everyone can learn, through various increasingly negative shifts due to the perceived conflict between filial piety and romantic love, as well as its increasing association with the Chinese, who by the end of the nineteenth century were seen as held back by the extreme nature of their practices. Today, filial piety as a term is seen as mainly or entirely local and specific to China, and by extension, something potentially holding it back from modernity.
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Kreidler, Charles W., Ivan Poldauf, and W. R. Lee. "English Word Stress: A Theory of Word-Stress Patterns in English." Language 63, no. 1 (March 1987): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415394.
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Kolodnyi, Anatolii M. "Nature and definition of a religious phenomenon." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 71-72 (November 4, 2014): 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2014.71-72.429.
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In their attempts to determine the nature of religion, researchers often refer to the Latin term religio. At the same time, there are several variants of his translation (piety, reverence, conscientiousness, etc.), but, deducing this word from the Latin word religare (bind, bind), preference is given to its etymology, proposed by the Christian apologist Lactania (near 250 - after 325). Since then, religion has emerged as a means of communicating man with God in serving him and obedience through piety. We note that "religion in general" does not exist. Historically, there were and there are only some specific species, confessions. Religious scholars count more than five thousand of them.
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Schane, Sanford. "Understanding English word accentuation." Language Sciences 29, no. 2-3 (March 2007): 372–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.langsci.2006.12.014.
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Pabel, Hilmar M., Anne Clark Bartlett, and Thomas H. Bestul. "Cultures of Piety: Medieval English Devotional Literature in Translation." Sixteenth Century Journal 31, no. 4 (2000): 1141. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671221.
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Powell, Raymond A. "Margery Kempe: An Exemplar of Late Medieval English Piety." Catholic Historical Review 89, no. 1 (2003): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2003.0084.
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Devriese, L. "From mules, horses and livestock to companion animals: a linguistic-etymological approach to veterinary history, mirroring animal and (mainly) human welfare." Vlaams Diergeneeskundig Tijdschrift 81, no. 4 (August 31, 2012): 237–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/vdt.v81i4.18338.
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In some languages, major changes in the veterinary profession are mirrored in the names used by those engaged in this branch of medicine during different periods of history. These names were most often derived from the animal species that were of predominant importance in any given period. The terms veterinarius, mulomedicus (mule healer) and hippiater (horse doctor) reflect the major importance of these animals in Roman and Greek antiquity. Draft and pack animals (Latin: veterina) played a major role in the improvement of mankind’s living conditions. Without their help, men and women had to do all the heavy labor with the help only of primitive instruments, and they had to transport all burdens themselves. Horses became of paramount importance in warfare. Chivalry (cheval in French: horse) attained a high status in mediaeval society. This high esteem for horses, horse riding and everything associated with it continued even after the horse had lost its military significance. We see this in terms such as maréchal in French (meaning both ‘shoeing smith’ and ‘field-marshal’), marshal in English, maarschalk in Dutch, derived from an old Germanic word for ‘keeper of the horses’ but originally meaning ‘horse boy’. Similar titles were paardenmeester for ‘horse master’ in Dutch, and Rossarzt or Pferdarzt in German. The terms veterinarian and vétérinaire, which are generally used in English and French, do not differentiate between the species and types of animals involved. This term, derived from the learned Latin medicus veterinarius, was not created by the public, but rather was promoted by the early veterinary schools and professional organizations. Its supposedly general meaning was most probably a factor that guided the choice of its use. Nobody alluded to its primary significance (etymology) involving the care of ‘beasts of burden’, and it is a pity that almost no one any longer is aware of this. The enormous role that these humble animals once played in the liberation of mankind from slavish labor, and from slavery itself, remains practically unknown. The term ‘veterinary’ has lost nothing of its forgotten original content. Knowledge about this may help to rehabilitate the humble donkeys, the mules and other beasts of burden who delivered mankind from much arduous labor ... and became our slaves.
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DAVIDSON, Denise, Sandra B. VANEGAS, Elizabeth HILVERT, Vanessa R. RAINEY, and Ieva MISIUNAITE. "Examination of monolingual (English) and bilingual (English/Spanish; English/Urdu) children's syntactic awareness." Journal of Child Language 46, no. 04 (March 14, 2019): 682–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000919000059.
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AbstractIn this study, monolingual (English) and bilingual (English/Spanish, English/Urdu) five- and six-year-old children completed a grammaticality judgment test in order to assess their awareness of the grammaticality of two types of syntactic constructions in English: word order and gender representation. All children were better at detecting grammatically correct and incorrect word order constructions than gender constructions, regardless of language group. In fact, bilingualism per se did not impact the results as much as receptive vocabulary range. For example, children with the highest receptive vocabulary scores were more accurate in detecting incorrect word order constructions (i.e., word order violations, semantic anomalies) and incorrect gender agreement than children in the lower receptive vocabulary ranges. However, no differences were found between the ranges for ambiguous gender constructions. These results highlight the importance of receptive vocabulary ability on syntactic awareness performance, regardless of language group.
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Callies, Marcus. "Word-Formation in English (review)." Language 82, no. 1 (2006): 215–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2006.0013.
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ATOYE, RAPHAEL O. "Word stress in Nigerian English." World Englishes 10, no. 1 (March 1991): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-971x.1991.tb00132.x.
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Kolb, David. "Exposing an English Speculative Word." Owl of Minerva 31, no. 2 (2000): 199–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/owl20003123.
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Baumgardner, Robert J. "Word-Formation In Pakistani English." English World-Wide 19, no. 2 (January 1, 1998): 205–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.19.2.04bau.
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The article discusses patterns of word-formation which are specifically characteristic of Pakistani English, providing ample documentation from a variety of indigenous sources. In particular, attention is paid to compounding, affixation, conversion, back-formation, clipping, abbreviation/acronyms, and blends. Also, results of an acceptability test of select word-formations are reported.
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Chung, Youngkwon. "Ecclesiology, Piety, and Presbyterian and Independent Polemics During the Early Years of the English Revolution." Church History 84, no. 2 (May 15, 2015): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000074.
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Religious controversy swept across England during the revolutionary decades of the 1640s and 1650s. Historians have studied the attendant ecclesiological debates meticulously. The piety as practiced by the puritans has also been carefully examined. Yet generally, these two subjects of ecclesiology and piety have been kept as separate compartments of analysis. The plethora of tracts that rolled off the press during the initial years of the 1640s, nevertheless, shows that many contemporary polemicists were keen to tie the two themes together. The Presbyterian and Independent polemicists were no exception. As this article seeks to demonstrate, a common feature of their publications was the belief that their preferred ecclesiastical polity best served the purpose of promoting individual piety and creating a godly society. Thus the Presbyterian and Independent conflict waged not only over issues of ecclesiology proper such as categories of church offices and of governing councils or composition of church membership to which historians have directed their attention hitherto, but also over questions of how ecclesiology affected piety. Such conflict was a reflection of the commitment of Presbyterians and Independents to their respective vision of reformation for the country. More broadly, this article shows a facet of religious controversy that ultimately led to the disintegration of the godly community and weakened the base of support for the Commonwealth and the Protectorate.