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Journal articles on the topic 'Pindaric odes'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

MASLOV, BORIS. "Republican Liberty and the Pindaric Genealogy of Modern Abstractions." Contributions to the History of Concepts 14, no. 1 (2019): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2019.140103.

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Pindaric odes written around the time of the French Revolution have a penchant for abstractions. Apostrophized Liberty, Fortune, Virtue, and Joy, which replaced the monarch as the ode’s addressee, attest to the numinous prehistory of distinctively modern concepts that Reinhart Koselleck termed “collective singulars.” In particular, eighteenth-century Pindarics put forward representations of Liberty prevailing over an unenlightened past, which conform to the schema of victorious encounter established in Pindar’s epinician odes. The article dwells closely on two ostensibly pro-revolutionary and highly influential texts in the Pindaric mold, Alexander Radishchev’s Liberty and Friedrich Schiller’s To Joy, which share a concept of freedom that diverges from both the republican and the liberal interpretations.
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2

Giannachi, Francesco G. "Glosse d’epoca paleologa alle odi di Pindaro. Due casi di studio: Pyth. I–IV e Ol. XII." AION (filol.) Annali dell’Università degli Studi di Napoli “L’Orientale” 41, no. 1 (2019): 155–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17246172-40010014.

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Abstract The paper deals with the linguistic typology and the manuscript tradition of the interlinear glosses to the Pindaric victory odes, and demonstrates that some glosses to Pindar’s Pythian odes (1–4) can be ascribed to Magister.
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3

Miller, John F. "Horace's Pindaric Apollo ( Odes 3.4.60–4)." Classical Quarterly 48, no. 02 (1998): 545–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/48.2.545.

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4

Hardie, Alex. "The Pindaric Sources of Horace "Odes 1.12"." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 101 (2003): 371. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3658535.

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5

Udhayakumar, S. "Kinds of Ode: A Comparative Study." Shanlax International Journal of English 9, no. 2 (2021): 43–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/english.v9i2.3717.

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This paper brings a comparative analysis of three types of ode poems, i.e., the Pindaric, Horatian and Irregular odes. Its major focus is on the evolutionary changes of odes from its inception at Grecian to English Romantic odes which were greatly influenced by many like Roman influence, Italian influence, Renaissance and Romantic period etc. Moreover the paper gives a clear picture of ode poetry, its characteristics, form and structure and the functions of each type. Through a comparative study the distinct characteristics of the three types are explicated. Some of the ode poems of English poetry such as “The progress of Poesy: A Pindaric ode” by Thomas Grey, “Ode on Solitude” by Alexander Pope and “Ode on a Grecian Urn” by John Keats have been taken as the English models of the three kinds respectively. These poems where compared with the original classical models and critically analyzed.
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6

Stewart, Susan. "What Praise Poems Are For." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 120, no. 1 (2005): 235–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/003081205x36967.

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This essay is concerned with the relations between praise and aesthetic freedom exemplified by the practice of making odes. The ritual, economic, and agonistic functions of Pindaric odes and the mastering of subjective enthusiasm and objectification of value that Hegel found at work in such poems are compared with the belated, self-transforming expression of emotion characterizing Coleridge's composition of his “Dejection: An Ode” of 1802.
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7

Potamiti, Anna. "THE THEME OF HOSPITALITY IN PINDAR'S FOURTH PYTHIAN." Greece and Rome 62, no. 1 (2015): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000205.

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The relevance of Pindaric myth to its literary and historical context is a problem presented by many of Pindar's odes. In the case ofPythian4 it is the plea for the return of Damophilus that has proved difficult to relate to the myth of the Argonautic expedition – so much so, that some scholars have denied that any connection exists between the myth and this part of the ode. Those who seek to establish a correlation between the myth and the plea have, for the most part, considered parallels between the relationship, circumstances, and character traits of Jason and Pelias and those of Arcesilas and Damophilus. The limitations, however, of looking for exact correspondence are generally acknowledged. Carey in particular postulates that Pindar ‘simply presents in the myth a number of themes, any or all of which may be applied to the situation in Cyrene’. It is the contention of this article that the theme of hospitality, as it develops in the myth, is central to understanding the relevance of the myth to the plea for Damophilus.
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8

Barchiesi, Alessandro. "Poetry, Praise, and Patronage: Simonides in Book 4 of Horace's "Odes"." Classical Antiquity 15, no. 1 (1996): 5–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011030.

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The paper aims at reconstructing the influence of Simonides on a contiguous series of Horatian poems ("Odes" 4.6-9). The starting point is provided by the discovery of new Simonidean fragments published by Peter Parsons and by Martin West in 1992. But the research casts a wider net, including the influence of Theocritus on Horace-and of Simonides on Theoocritus-and the simultaneous and competing presence of Pindar and Simonides in late Horatian lyric. The influence of Simonides is seen in specific textual pointers-e.g., a simile on the death of Achilles in 4.6, the idea of caducity in 4.7-as well as in the composite role-model of Simonides, the immortalizing poet, the flexible praise-singer. Some wider questions are put in perspective: (1) As for Horace's approach to the poetic tradition, the Roman poet is able to glance across whole genealogies of models, without necessarily making a choice, but making the invocation of several predecessors, already linked in a tradition, relevant to his new text. "Odes" 4.7, for instance, features a dialogue of Horace, Homer, Mimnermus and Simonides. The oscillation in modern criticism between an "Alexandrian" and a "classicizing" Horace could be better explained by constructing a complex model of intertextuality: "Pindar" plus "the Pindar in Callimachus"; "Simonides" plus "the Simonides in Theocritus." (2) The dominating influence of Pindar in Book IV could be a part of a richer picture of influence, now difficult to reconstruct since all we have is the four Pindaric books of epinicia, not necessarily the only (and not even the most) widely read choral lyric in antiquity. (3) The reuse of early-classical praise poetry includes references to social constructs and cultural models of patronage, gift exchange, and poetic addressee: they are important in Augustan lyric precisely because they are felt as distant and impossible to recreate, and become a part of Horace's deft and often ironical negotiations with the problem of being a lyric poet in Augustan Rome.
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9

Klooster, Jacqueline. "HORACE,CARMEN4.2.53–60: ANOTHER LOOK AT THEVITULUS." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (2013): 346–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838812000900.

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Carmen4.2 is one of the most commented upon of the odes of Horace. It is indeed a complex poem. To summarize roughly: addressing the young poet Iullus Antonius, Horace presents the dangers of emulating Pindar, offering what seems like a lengthy description as well as an approximation of Pindar's own poetic style (1–24). Not as a doomed Icarus imitating the grand Pindaric swan, but in his own preferred mode, like a bee on the banks of Tibur, Horace will continue to produce his own highly refined poems on a small scale (25–30). Iullus Antonius, on the other hand, will sing of Augustus’ triumphmaiore plectro(33, a phrase which in all likelihood refers to his activity as an epic poet). Modestly, Horace himself will be content to join in with the popular chants for Augustus’ triumphal return as one happy civilian among the crowd (33–52). Iullus Antonius will moreover offer a grand sacrifice of ten bulls and as many cows on that occasion, whereas Horace promises a single bull-calf that he is saving especially for the purpose (53–60). I will try to offer a new interpretation of these last two strophes by pointing out an unnoticed allusion to a Hellenistic subtext.
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10

Instone, S. J. "Pythian 11: did Pindar err?" Classical Quarterly 36, no. 1 (1986): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800010557.

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Pythian 11 is usually reckoned to be a particularly problematic Pindaric ode. I hope to show that it is not, and in the process make some points which will have a bearing on interpretation of some of Pindar's other odes. Rather than go through the whole poem step by step, I shall concentrate on the main problems and on some particular passages.The most disputed problem is the myth. What is the relevance of the story of Agamemnon's return from Troy, his murder by Clytemnestra, and her murder by Orestes, all of which takes up the central part of the poem? The myth appears even more irrelevant because after telling it Pindar seems to acknowledge that it was a mistake to have told it in the first place. What does he mean by saying (lines 38–40) that he went off course when he told it?The second major problem comes after the myth and again concerns Pindar's apparently veering off suddenly into irrelevance. No sooner has he catalogued the victories of the winner's family than he launches into a denunciation of tyrannies and announces his support of moderation (lines 52–3). Why does he do that?The poem ends, after the social and political comments, with an epode devoted to Castor and Polydeuces, Spartan heroes, and the Theban hero Iolaos. Are they a sign that Pindar puts his hope in an alliance of Thebes with Sparta to win freedom from Athens? And was Pindar in the myth ‘telling us not only what Thrasydaios of Thebes the victor is, but also what he is not: he is not exposed to the kinds of peril that plagued the great house of Atreus?’
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11

Moul, Victoria. "A MIRROR FOR NOBLE DEEDS: PINDARIC FORM IN JONSON'S ODES AND MASQUES." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 55, Supplement_112 (2012): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2012.tb00077.x.

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12

Gryshchenko, Yana Sergiivna. "POETRY DISCURSIVENESS IN PINDARIC AND BRITISH ODES OF THE 17TH -18TH CENTURIES." Theoretical & Applied Science 46, no. 02 (2017): 63–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15863/tas.2017.02.46.14.

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13

Hadjimichael, Theodora A. "Sports-writing." Mnemosyne 68, no. 3 (2015): 363–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341389.

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The avowed purpose of the epinician genre is to praise the athletic victory and the victor. The athletic event, however, is not mentioned in the victory ode, and this absence would suggest that an athletic description had no role within the economy and rhetoric of the poem. Nevertheless, the absence is not total. It has long been observed that Bacchylides is more prone than Pindar to describe the athletic victory. In general, however, scholars have been satisfied to note the fact and simply enumerate the instances in Bacchylides in comparison to the Pindaric ‘descriptions’. The present study will look at the role of victory descriptions within the economy of Bacchylides’ victory odes. I would like to examine the narrative of the particular descriptions, their contribution to the commemoration and celebration of the event, and the rhetorical aim they serve within the poem.1
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14

Stripeikis, Caterina Anush. "Θεσσαλίᾳ στέφανον τεύχων: Epinician motifs in Theotimos’ funerary Epigram ('CEG' 637)". Cuadernos de Filología Clásica. Estudios griegos e indoeuropeos 30 (9 червня 2020): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/cfcg.68478.

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The aim of the present essay is to draw some parallelisms between Pindaric Epinikia and a funerary inscription praising a fallen warrior named Theotimos. Through the study of these parallelisms we intend not only to highlight common rhetorical and literary features but also similar socio-cultural dynamics underlying the dedication of funerary epigrams for fallen warriors and the composition of victory odes. In this sense special attention will be paid to the exploration of motifs such as the glory conferred on to the city and the practice of dedicating crowns.
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15

XANTHOU, MARIA G. "LUDOLPH DISSEN, AUGUST BOECKH, GOTTFRIED HERMANN AND TYCHO MOMMSEN: TRACING ASYNDETON, STEERING INFLUENCE." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 57, no. 2 (2014): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2014.00070.x.

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Abstract Ludolph Dissen's Excursus II on the use of asyndeton in poetic diction, accompanying his 1830 edition of Pindar's odes and fragments, sparked a controversy among German classical scholars, August Boeckh, Gottfried Hermann, Theodor Bergk, Friedrich Schneidewin, and Tycho Mommsen among them. Set in a diachronic framework, this article explores Dissen's observations in his Excursus II and argues that Dissen's and Mommsen's views mark the two ends of a diachronic spectrum, constructing a virtual diptych of literary and textual criticism, as both classical scholars tackled the use of asyndeton in their editions. Along this train of thought, it scrutinizes Dissen's influence on Mommsen's editio maior. It also discusses the influence exerted on their views by Boeckh's and Hermann's editorial practices. Hence, in the light of the rivalry between Boeckh and Hermann, the article explores their reaction to Dissen's observations. In conclusion, it argues that nineteenth-century German classical scholarship fertilized Pindaric literary criticism through large scale projects e.g. the edition of texts, as well as through subtle observations resulting from textual criticism and close reading.
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16

Robbins, E. "The Broken Wall, the Burning Roof and Tower: Pindar, Ol. 8.31–46." Classical Quarterly 36, no. 2 (1986): 317–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800012076.

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In the Eighth Olympian, for Alcimedon of Aegina, Pindar recounts a story (31–46) that, according to a notice in the scholia, is not found in earlier Greek literature. Aeacus was summoned from Aegina to Troy by Apollo and Poseidon to help in the construction of the city's fortifications. Smoke, says the poet, would one day rise from the very battlements Aeacus built. The wall newly completed, a portent appeared: three snakes tried to scale the ramparts but two fell to earth while one succeeded in entering the city. Apollo immediately interpreted this sign: Troy would be taken ‘owing to the work of Aeacus’ hand' and would, moreover, be taken ‘by the first and the fourth generations’.If there is literary invention here, it would seem that Pindar has drawn inspiration from three passages of our Iliad: (i) 7.452–3, Apollo and Poseidon toiled to build a wall for Laomedon; (ii) 6.433–4, there was one spot in the wall of Troy that was especially vulnerable; (iii) 2.308–29, the seer Calchas declares an omen involving a snake to signify the eventual destruction of Ilium.The general import of the passage is clear enough — descendants of Aeacus play a prominent part in the Trojan war and in the capture of the city. But the details of the portent and of the prophecy have caused much perplexity, for they cannot easily be made to correspond to the history they prefigure. It is the numbers in Pindar's account that are the chief source of confusion.On the model of the omen interpreted by Calchas (where a snake eating nine birds represents a lapse of nine years before the sack of the city) the three snakes in the Pindaric story might reasonably be expected to represent the lapse of three generations before Aeacus' great-grandson Neoptolemus played his conspicuous part in the final agony of Troy. But this interpretation of the portent forces us to explain away the fact that Troy was also destroyed by Aeacus' son, Telamon, as Pindar repeatedly insists in his Aeginetan odes (Nem. 3.37, 4.25; Isth. 6.26–31): if the snakes are taken to represent generations, one of the unsuccessful snakes in fact represents a successful conqueror. This is a disturbing inconcinnity.
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17

Athanassakis, Apostolos N. "Introduction." Ramus 21, no. 1 (1992): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002642.

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What we know of this poetry is woefully inadequate; nor can we ascribe this condition to the paucity of our texts; were a hundred odes to be unearthed tomorrow, we should proceed to assign their contents to the same complacent categories that are the badges of our present ignorance. In dealing with Pindar, misconceptions are the rule: the odes do not have a linear unity; the transitions are abrupt; the poet devotes much time to his personal preoccupations, triumphs and embarrassments, as well as to irrelevancies of other kinds. These myths have arisen from a failure to understand the conventional aspects of choral communication.(Elroy L. Bundy on Pindar, Studio Pindarica I)
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18

De Decker, Filip. "The augment use in the five oldest Odes of Pindar." Humanitas, no. 77 (June 28, 2021): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-1718_77_1.

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In this short article I discuss the augment use in Pindar's five oldest Odes (based on the text of the editions by Snell & Maehler' in the Teubner and Race in the Loeb), namely Pythian 10 (498 BC), Pythian 6 (490), Pythian 12 (490), Olympian 14 (488, if correctly dated) and Pythian 7 (486). As the augment use in Pindar has never been studied in detail before and commentaries often do not mention it, I use the observations made for epic Greek as basis, more specifically that the augment is used to refer to foregrounded actions and actions in the recent past, and that it remains absent when actions in a remote or mythical past are related. I start by outlining these observations, then I determine which (un)augmented forms in Pindar are secured by the metre (the transmission of Pindar's Odes has not been unproblematic) and at the end apply the epic observation to the metrically secure forms of these five Odes. My investigation will show that the verb forms referring to the near-deixis (the victor's deeds, his origins and those of his city and the mythical characters with whom he is compared), are augmented, whereas the forms referring to other (mythical) actions remain unaugmented, but, as was the case with epic Greek, there are nevertheless also exceptions.
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19

Antunes, Leonardo. "O uso da sonoridade nas Odes Píticas de Píndaro." Nuntius Antiquus 5 (June 30, 2010): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1983-3636.5..44-56.

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In this article, we will attempt to analyse certain aspects of Pindar’s style through the study of a few figures of speech that were used by the poet in the Pythian Odes. We will also strive to understand the way by which those structural elements, mostly tied to sound, interact with the remaining aspects and content of those poems. During that analysis, it will become clear that, when studying a poet of great genius such as Pindar, one must read the text and see it through its own rules and, conversely, not by those commonly applied to similar types of poetry.
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20

Stergiou, Gianna. "PINDAR AND AEGINETAN VIRTUES: NATURALIZING MONEY." Greece and Rome 67, no. 1 (2020): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383519000238.

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Pindar's odes for Aeginetan victors revolve around two major Aeginetan virtues: inborn excellence (phya) and generous guest-friendship (xenia). The latter virtue is, of course, one of the most pervasive themes in Pindar's poetry, in which the poet's relationship with his patrons is presented in terms of guest-friendship, with the odes themselves as the poet's gift to his guest-friends. As for the former virtue, the Aeginetans’ inborn excellence is implicit in the mythic section of almost all Aeginetan odes, which focuses on the line of Aiakos, the progenitor of two of the greatest Greek heroes, Achilles and Ajax. In view of this almost exclusive emphasis, one might be forgiven for assuming that the Aiakidai were the mythical progenitors of the Aeginetans. However, this is simply not true, as Pindar himself was fully aware: in fact, the Aeginetans were a Doric tribe whose ancestry was no more remarkable than that of other Doric cities; at best, they could claim the Aiakidai as their ancestors only metaphorically.
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21

Starikovsky, Grigory G. "PINDAR’S SEVEN NEMEAN ODE: FOREWORD, TRANSLATION, AND COMMENT." Practices & Interpretations: A Journal of Philology, Teaching and Cultural Studies 5, no. 3 (2020): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2415-8852-2020-3-95-112.

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In the victory odes written for the Aeginetan athletes, Pindar constantly draws upon mythological characters associated with Aegina. Th ese are: Aeacus, fi rst king of Aegina, and the Aeacidae, his descendants (Peleus, Telamon, Ajax, Achilles, and Neoptolemos). Nemean 7, dedicated to Sogenes, winner in boys’ pentathlon, is no exception: the mythological segment incorporated into the epinikion deals with Neoptolemos. At the time of Pindar, Neoptolemos was commonly known for his bloodthirsty escapades during the fi nal stage of the Trojan war: according to the Cyclic poets, he murders Priam at the altar of Zeus and throws Astyanax, the son of Hector and Andromache, from the city wall; it is the murder of Priam that incurs the wrath of Apollo in Pindar’s own Paean 6, which predates Nemean 7. In the preamble to the translation of Nem. 7, I demonstrate how Pindar’s account alters the more conventional perception of Neoptolemos: for instance, the poet doesn’t mention Neoptolemos’s atrocities; rather, aft er his premature death at the hands of the priest of Apollo, Neoptolemos becomes a “rightful overseer of processions honoring heroes” in Delphi (tr. W. Race), virtually Apollo’s helper. I argue that Pindar’s presentation of Neoptolemos may inspire Sogenes and his father Th earion, who commissioned the epinikion, to entrust the poet with the project of celebrating Sogenes’s athletic triumph, as Pindar promises the victorious athlete everlasting glory, akin to the one possessed by Neoptolemos.
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22

Burnett, Anne. "Performing Pindar's Odes." Classical Philology 84, no. 4 (1989): 283–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/606069.

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23

Kovacs, David. "PINDAR AS LAVDATOR EQVORVM IN HORACE, CARMINA 4.2.17–20 AND ARS POETICA 83–5." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 2 (2017): 659–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000635.

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At Carm. (Odes) 4.2.17–20 Horace's catalogue of Pindar's poetry reaches his victory odes:siue quos Elea domum reducitpalma caelestis pugilemue equumuedicit et centum potiore signismunere donat; 20The text, transmitted without variants in our manuscripts, means ‘(Pindar deserves the laurel wreath whether he writes bold dithyrambs or sings of gods and heroes) or tells of those escorted home as gods by the Elean palm-branch, whether boxer or horse, and bestows on them a gift more valuable than a hundred statues’. The two italicized expressions are more difficult than the commentators seem willing to admit. I discuss them separately.
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24

Antunes, Leonardo. "O uso da sonoridade nas Odes Píticas de Píndaro." Nuntius Antiquus 5 (June 30, 2010): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1983-3636.5.0.44-56.

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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: justify; line-height: normal; mso-layout-grid-align: none;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times-Roman; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US">In this article, we will attempt to analyse certain aspects of Pindar’s style through the study of a few figures of speech that were used by the poet in the </span><em><span style="font-family: Times-Italic; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times-Italic; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US">Pythian Odes</span></em><span style="font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times-Roman; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US">. We will also strive to understand the way by which those structural elements, mostly tied to sound, interact with the remaining aspects and content of those poems. During that analysis, it will become clear that, when studying a poet of great genius such as Pindar, one must read the text and see it through its own rules and, conversely, not by those commonly applied to similar types of poetry.</span></p>
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25

Lefkowitz, Mary R. "Who Sang Pindar's Victory Odes?" American Journal of Philology 109, no. 1 (1988): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294754.

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26

Instone, S. "Pindar I: Olympian Odes, Pythian Odes; Pindar II: Nemean Odes, Isthmian Odes, Fragments. W H Race (ed., trans.)." Classical Review 48, no. 2 (1998): 264–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/48.2.264.

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27

Seward, David, and William H. Race. "Style and Rhetoric in Pindar's Odes." Classical World 86, no. 2 (1992): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351294.

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28

Young, David C., and William H. Race. "Style and Rhetoric in Pindar's Odes." Phoenix 48, no. 2 (1994): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088314.

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29

Foster, Margaret. "Hagesias as Sunoikistêr." Classical Antiquity 32, no. 2 (2013): 283–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2013.32.2.283.

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In positioning his laudandus Hagesias as the co-founder of Syracuse, Pindar considers the larger ideological implications of including a seer in a colonial foundation. The poet begins Olympian 6 by praising Hagesias as an athletic victor, seer, and sunoikistêr (co-founder) and therefore as a figure of enormous ritual power. This portrayal, however, introduces an element of competition into Hagesias' relationship with his patron Hieron, the founder of Aitna. In response, the ode's subsequent mythic portions circumscribe Hagesias' status so as to mitigate any challenge the seer might present to Hieron's own political authority. An intertextual reading of Olympian 6's myth with the myth of Pelops in Olympian 1 highlights Pindar's careful negotiation of Hagesias' position in this colonial context. Despite the resulting need to affirm Hagesias' subordination to Hieron, Pindar joins together the seemingly incompatible roles of seer and co-founder because, as an intertextual reading of Nemean 1 helps to illustrate, Hagesias embodies and symbolically enacts in the ode Hieron's synoikism of Aitna.
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30

Kantzios, Ippokratis. "Victory, Fame and Song in Pindar's Odes." International Journal of the History of Sport 21, no. 1 (2004): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523360412331306043.

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31

Lane, Nicholas. "Two Lacunae in Pindar’s Pythian Odes Reconsidered." Mnemosyne 73, no. 3 (2020): 490–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342766.

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32

Bremer, Jan Maarten. "Traces of the Hymn in the epinikion." Mnemosyne 61, no. 1 (2008): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852507x195448.

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AbstractE.L. Bundy's (1962) approach to Pindar's victory odes might lead to the assumption that the poet's praise is always and exclusively addressed to the human laudandus and his polis. Readers of Currie's recent monograph (2005) might even be led one step further: does Pindar insinuate that the laudandus receives heroic status and becomes immortal? In this paper it is argued in the first place that in many, if not all, epinicians praise of the gods comes in first place, praise of the gods being the foundation and the echo-chamber of the praise directed at the victorious athlete. A second point is that in a significant number of passages the athlete is reminded by the epinician poet that he is just a mortal, and that his present and passing felicity, obtained by hard effort, is a far cry from the easy and everlasting happiness of the immortal gods.
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33

McLaughlin, Gráinne, G. S. Conway, and Richard Stoneman. "Pindar: The Odes and Selected Fragments." Classics Ireland 8 (2001): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25528392.

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34

Pfeijffer, I. "Review. Pindar's Epinicia. Pindar, victory odes: Olympians 2, 7 and 11; Nemean 4; Isthmians 3, 4 and 7. M M Willcock." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (1996): 216–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.216.

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35

Kirkwood, Gordon M. "The Traffic in Praise: Pindar and the Poetics of Social Economy. Leslie KurkeStyle and Rhetoric in Pindar's Odes. William H. Race." Classical Philology 88, no. 1 (1993): 84–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/367342.

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36

Kovacs, David. "Horace, Pindar and the Censorini in Odes 4.8." Journal of Roman Studies 99 (November 2009): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/007543509789744800.

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Odes 4.8 is anomalous: its thirty-four lines are not a multiple of four. Most editors delete two or six lines, but this involves deleting at least one blameless line and disturbing the stanzaic structure of the poem. Instead mark a lacuna of two or six lines before the final couplet. The missing lines will have contained a prayer for Censorinus' immortality and some words of praise, thereby fulfilling the expectations raised earlier in the poem. Vota in 34 refers to Horace's prayer, which Bacchus fulfils as god of poetry. Finally, the conceit that uates potentes can in real terms immortalize or deify their subjects chimes in with a feature of Roman religion noted by A. D. Nock.
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37

Phillips, Tom. "Between Pindar and Sappho: Horace Odes 4.2.9-12." Mnemosyne 67, no. 3 (2014): 466–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341340.

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38

Felson, Nancy, and Richard J. Parmentier. "The “Savvy Interpreter”: Performance and Interpretation in Pindar’s Victory Odes." Signs and Society 3, no. 2 (2015): 261–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/683076.

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39

Kirilov, D. A. "REPRESENTATION OF LORD LIEUTENANTS AND LORD JUSTICES OF IRELAND IN IRISH ODES AND POEMS, 1701–1714." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 2(53) (2021): 148–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-2-148-159.

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In the late 17th and early 18th century, Ireland experienced a constitutional struggle in parliament, as well as the gradual development of a party system along the English partisan lines. Reflection of those events in the public sphere (primarily in the works of Molyneux and Swift) remains a popular research topic for Irish historians. This article attempts to look at the development of the Irish political system by examining poetic works in support of the chief governors of Ireland: lord lieutenants and lord justices of 1701–1714. Irish poems dedicated to governors were usually similar to English odes, which in turn were influenced by Abraham Cowley’s Pindarics. Irish odes to lord lieutenants of 1701–1711 had significant genre similarities, and most of them were also similar in general means of representing the chief governor. It was of utmost importance for the authors to show the brilliant ancestry of the ode’s hero; perhaps even more important for them was to show the similarity between the viceroy and the monarch, since the former was supposed to represent the latter. There were, however, significant differences between the odes, which were attributed to the shifting context of Irish politics. The odes of 1707 and 1711 are much more embedded in politics than the odes of 1701 and 1703: since at least 1707, the authors were more likely to include lord lieutenants in the context of Irish and British partisanship, while simultaneously emphasizing the loyalty of recipients to Queen Anne in her struggle against parties. The zenith of partisanship in Ireland coincides with the appearance of short poems with some features of an ode in 1710, which closely associate the figure of the lord lieutenant or lord justice with the Whigs or Tories.
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40

Athanassaki, Lucia. "Transformations of Colonial Disruption into Narratuve Continuity in Pindar's Epinician Odes." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 101 (2003): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3658526.

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41

Stripeikis, Caterina A. "The phenomenon of re-performance in dedicatory epigrams and Pindar’s Odes." Circe, de clásicos y moderno 22, no. 2 (2018): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/circe-2018-220205.

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42

Carey, Christopher. "Two Transitions in Pindar." Classical Quarterly 39, no. 2 (1989): 287–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037356.

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This paper addresses itself to two transitional passages in Pindar which are frequently misunderstood. In both we appear at first sight to have an awkward change of direction, with the myth terminated abruptly and the following item of praise merely juxtaposed. In reality, both transitions are effected smoothly, and the same technique is employed in both odes.
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43

Burnett, Anne. "Song and Action: The Victory Odes of Pindar. Kevin Crotty." Classical Philology 80, no. 2 (1985): 176–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/366916.

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44

Sheldon, John S. "Iranian Evidence for Pindar's ‘Spurious San’?" Antichthon 37 (November 2003): 52–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001416.

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In a much discussed passage Pindar uses the expression when speaking of early performances of the dithyramb. The passage was famous in antiquity and before the discovery of a papyrus fragment early in the Twentieth Century, we owed our knowledge of it chiefly to citations in Athenaeus. In discussing it, Athenaeus explains the words in the context of asigmatic odes, i.e. odes in which for the sake of euphony the letter sigma was avoided or omitted altogether. This explanation remains the most commonly accepted one, though scholars continue to puzzle over it, as it is hard to see why Pindar would use the word which means ‘false’ or ‘counterfeit’ in such a context. A more natural interpretation, and one which would, I believe, have been readily accepted had it not been for the comments of Athenaeus, is that in early dithyrambic performances the ‘s’ sound was in some way impure or unauthentic when compared with current practice. In what follows, I will re-open the discussion, arguing that Athenaeus misunderstood the passage or based his explanation on a tradition which obscured its true meaning. It will be necessary in the first place to examine evidence for the pronunciation of Greek sibilants and it is here that some light may be cast upon the discussion from a rather unexpected source—the adaptation of the Greek alphabet for writing down the Middle Iranian language of Bactria.
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45

Vassilaki, Ekaterini. "Aristarque interprète des odes siciliennes de Pindare : explication interne et explication externe." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne. Supplément 2, no. 1 (2009): 121–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/dha.2009.3477.

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46

Vassilaki, Ekaterini. "Aristarque interprète des odes siciliennes de Pindare : explication interne et explication externe." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne S2, Supplement2 (2009): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dha.hs02.0121.

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47

Robbins, E. "The Gifts of the Gods: Pindar's ThirdPythian." Classical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (1990): 307–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800042890.

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Hieron of Syracuse was the most powerful Greek of his day. He was also, and the two facts are not unrelated, the most frequent of Pindar's patrons. A singular feature of the four poems for this Sicilian prince is their obsession with sin and punishment: Tantalus in the FirstOlympian, Typhoeus, Ixion, and Coronis in the first threePythians– all offend divinity and suffer terribly. But even in this company, where glory comes trailing clouds of pain, the ThirdPythianstands out. The other three odes are manifestly epinician and celebrate success, both athletic and military. The SecondPythian, for instance, is a sombre canvas, and a motif of ingratitude dominates the myth. Yet it rings at the outset with praise of Syracuse and of Hieron's victory. The ThirdPythian, by comparison, is not obviously a victory ode.
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48

de Jong, Irene. "Herakles als ‘stichter’ van de Olympische Spelen bij Pindarus." Lampas 54, no. 2 (2021): 194–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2021.2.002.jong.

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Abstract The origin of the Olympics is a topic much researched by historians and archaeologists, who are eager to reconstruct ‘wie es eigentlich gewesen’. An ancient poet like Pindar had a very different take on this issue: he constructs a past that is attractive to the victors in the games, and does so by modelling the mythic past closely after the historic present. This phenomenon of invented tradition is illustrated in detail for the two odes in which Heracles is portrayed as inventor of the Olympic Games.
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49

Instone, Stephen. "Pindar. Die Psaumis-Oden Pindars (0.4 und 0.5): ein Kommentar. By W. Mader. (Commentationes Aenipontanae, 29.) Innsbruck: Wagner, 1990. Pp. 120. öS 380/DM 54." Journal of Hellenic Studies 112 (November 1992): 179–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632171.

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50

Benelli, Luca. "Anmerkungen zu einigen Papyruskommentaren zu Pindar." Mnemosyne 66, no. 4-5 (2013): 616–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341150.

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Abstract This article will discuss, in two separate parts, two different ancient commentaries on Pindar. The first, P. Berol. 13875, may be an abbreviated version of an original commentary of Didymos: the words πελε- / κυφ̣[ό]ρ̣αν ἵππον (P. Berol. 13875 ll. 9-10 = Pi. Fr. Dub. 339a M.) represent a fragment of Simonides, not of Pindar. The source of Schol. in Pi. N. 4.3/5 may be an abbreviated version of Theon’s commentary on Pindar. In the second part of the article, some passages of the P. Oxy. 2451 A Fr. 2, the second commentary, will be discussed. Pi. I. 3 and 4 are two different victory odes. Thematic similarities or repetitions of individual words between the end of a poem and beginning of the following poem can also be found in the corpus of other lyric poets, especially in Sappho. Only with the order of the manuscripts do the similarities and repetitions between the end of Pi. I. 3 and the beginning of Pi. I. 4 become clear: this may have been the intention of the original Alexandrian editors.
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