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Journal articles on the topic 'Pinochet'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 April 2022

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1

Warbrick, Colin, Dominic McGoldrick, and J. Craig Barker. "I. The Future of Former Head of State Immunity after ex Parte Pinochet." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48, no. 4 (October 1999): 937–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300063764.

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While lacking the raw excitement of the live “penalty shoot-out” that was the announcement of the decision of the House of Lords in Reg. v. Bow Street Magistrate, ex parte Pinochet,1 the initial impression of the decision in Reg. v. Bow Street Magistrate, ex parte Pinochet (No. 3)2 was of a solid majority support for the position that Pinochet was not entitled to immunity in the United Kingdom in respect of the criminal acts he is alleged to have committed. Even as Lord Browne-Wilkinson attempted to explain the intricacies of the decision, the matter of immunity appeared settled and of secondary consideration to the “new” requirement of double criminality which alone, it seemed, had resulted in the considerable reduction in the list of crimes for which Pinochet could be extradited to Spain. Closer examination of the reasoning of their Lordships, however, quickly dispels that impression and reveals a range of opinions across a wide spectrum. What agreement there was between their Lordships on the matter of Pinochet's immunity from jurisdiction is diverse and often contradictory. In particular, the Lordships who formed the majority were equally divided on the question as to whether Pinochet was acting within his official capacity when carrying out the acts of which he is accused. Given that immunity rationae materiae appears to be available only in respect of official acts, it is difficult to see how the six could have agreed on the fact that Pinochet was not entitled to such immunity. Indeed, given the fact that Lord Goff (dissenting) was of the opinion that the alleged acts were performed in the course of Pinochet's functions as head of state, there was in fact a majority in favour of the prima facie existence of immunity rationae materiae.

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2

Žídek, Libor. "Chilean economy under Pinochet." Acta Universitatis Agriculturae et Silviculturae Mendelianae Brunensis 53, no. 3 (2005): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.11118/actaun200553030225.

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Period of Pinochet rule in Chile is still in the centre of interest of many experts. This article concentrates (mostly) on the economic side of the military rule. Pinochet took responsibility for the country in situation near to economic collapse caused by policy of the previous – Allendeęs government. The new government after the coup dęétat in 1973 had to stabilize economy. Soldiers at the same time start to implement economic reforms that improved the long run ability of the economy to grow. The economic uplift was interrupted by debt crisis at the beginning of 1980s. Pinochetęs government was able to deal with these obstacles and at the end passed the economy to the democratic government (at the end of 1980s) in good shape. The following positive development in the 1990s is thus based on the foundations built under the military rule.

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3

PION-BERLIN, DAVID. "The Pinochet Case and Human Rights Progress in Chile: Was Europe a Catalyst, Cause or Inconsequential?" Journal of Latin American Studies 36, no. 3 (August 2004): 479–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x0400776x.

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This article assesses the impact, if any, of Spanish and British Court rulings on the Pinochet case on human rights progress in Chilean courts. Chilean judges chafe at the notion that foreign courts exerted any influence on them, arguing that, based solely on Chilean law and the evidence already before them, they were empowered to strip Pinochet of his immunity, and proceeded to do so. Human rights critics allege that the courts had been thoroughly immobilised by the authoritarian legacy to which they were enjoined. No progress at all would have occurred were it not for the dramatic verdicts handed down in British courts. The author contends that change was underfoot in Chile prior to Pinochet's arrest in London, but that Europe set Chile on a faster and steeper trajectory toward justice than would have been possible otherwise. It did so by shaming the Chilean Government into pressuring its own high courts to deliver a modicum of justice to the victims of Pinochet.

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4

Hermet, Guy, and Javier Santiso. "L'affaire Pinochet." Commentaire Numéro85, no. 1 (1999): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/comm.085.0113.

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5

McLachlan, Campbell. "Pinochet Revisited." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 51, no. 4 (October 2002): 959–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/51.4.959.

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It is a measure of how fast International Law is moving that the International Court of Justice found itself deciding a question on immunity for international crimes just three years after Pinochet (No 3).1 Yet its decision in Congo v Belgium2 represents something of a return to conservatism in this field, and prompts a re-evaluation of Pinochet. Congo v Belgium may itself come to be seen as at least as significant for the ICJ's—divided—views on the issues which it did not decide, as for the ratio itself.

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6

González, Luis Armando. "Augusto Pinochet." ECA: Estudios Centroamericanos 53, no. 600 (October 31, 1998): 969–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.51378/eca.v53i600.5809.

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7

Siavelis, Peter M. "Reckoning with the past." Review of Politics 68, no. 2 (May 2006): 334–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670506230134.

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Augusto Pinochet's unexpected 1998 London arrest provided a rare opportunity for a trial of a former head of state outside his own country for crimes committed while in office. The drama and visibility of the arrest and subsequent trial also prompted a wave of scholarly research on the case and its consequences. Among a crowded field, Naomi Roht-Arriaza's book stands out for doing much more than simply recounting the Pinochet story or discussing its significance for international law. Her meticulously researched book goes beyond a simple focus on the Pinochet case per se, to artfully weave together the series of interactions that helped the case possibly transform transnational global justice. In the process, she provides insights for students of law, democratization, human rights, and international relations.

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8

Lagos, Ricardo, Heraldo Muñoz, Anne-Marie Slaughter, and Heraldo Munoz. "The Pinochet Dilemma." Foreign Policy, no. 114 (1999): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1149588.

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9

Burbach, Roger. "Pinochet, Arms Merchant." NACLA Report on the Americas 41, no. 2 (March 2008): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2008.11725400.

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10

Black, Mary E. "Diagnosing Pinochet syndrome." BMJ 332, no. 7534 (January 19, 2006): 185.1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.332.7534.185.

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11

Hawthorn, Geoffrey. "Pinochet: The Politics." International Affairs 75, no. 2 (April 1999): 253–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2346.00070.

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12

Littín, Miguel. "Pinochet and I." Index on Censorship 17, no. 2 (February 1988): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534361.

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13

Ortúzar Madrid, Pablo, Carolina Tomic López, and Sebastián Huneeus Valenzuela. "El mesianismo político de Augusto Pinochet y la lucha por el espacio sacrificial." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 13 (January 25, 2017): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.13.236.

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ResumenSe analiza la dimensión simbólica de la figura de Augusto Pinochet y su manifestación religiosa en el pinochetismo. Se explica esta manifestación a partir de la confluencia de tres factores profundamente arraigados en la cultura latinoamericana: la hacienda, la religiosidad popular y el sacrificio. Se explica cómo el pinochetismo sitúa a Pinochet en el lugar del cordero sacrificial y como padre salvador y protector de la “familia chilena”, y cómo se desarrolla este mito en oposición a la izquierda, que intenta leer la historia del país desde el sacrificio de Allende. Se concluye que la disputa por el espacio sacrificial imposibilita simbólicamente la reconciliación nacional; en efecto, la Concertación acepta el “nuevo orden pinochetista” (post-dictadura) a la vez que se funda en su crítica.Palabras clave: Reconciliación política, Pinochet y Allende, cultura y políticaAbstractWe analyze the symbolic dimension of the figure of Augusto Pinochet and the manifestation of religion in Pinochet. It explains the event from the confluence of three factors deeply rooted in Latin American culture: the farm, popular piety and sacrifice. It explains how the Pinochet puts in place the sacrificial lamb as a father and savior and protector of the “Chilean family,” and how this myth developed in opposition to the left, which tries to read the history from the slaughter of Allende. We conclude that the dispute over the sacrificial space symbolically national reconciliation impossible, in fact, the Coalition accepts the “new order Pinochet” (post-dictatorship) while it is based on his criticism.Keywords: Political reconciliation, Pinochet and Allende, Culture and politics.

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14

Ortúzar Madrid, Pablo, Carolina Tomic López, and Sebastián Huneeus Valenzuela. "El mesianismo político de Augusto Pinochet y la lucha por el espacio sacrificial." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 13 (January 25, 2017): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196458.13.236.

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ResumenSe analiza la dimensión simbólica de la figura de Augusto Pinochet y su manifestación religiosa en el pinochetismo. Se explica esta manifestación a partir de la confluencia de tres factores profundamente arraigados en la cultura latinoamericana: la hacienda, la religiosidad popular y el sacrificio. Se explica cómo el pinochetismo sitúa a Pinochet en el lugar del cordero sacrificial y como padre salvador y protector de la “familia chilena”, y cómo se desarrolla este mito en oposición a la izquierda, que intenta leer la historia del país desde el sacrificio de Allende. Se concluye que la disputa por el espacio sacrificial imposibilita simbólicamente la reconciliación nacional; en efecto, la Concertación acepta el “nuevo orden pinochetista” (post-dictadura) a la vez que se funda en su crítica.Palabras clave: Reconciliación política, Pinochet y Allende, cultura y políticaAbstractWe analyze the symbolic dimension of the figure of Augusto Pinochet and the manifestation of religion in Pinochet. It explains the event from the confluence of three factors deeply rooted in Latin American culture: the farm, popular piety and sacrifice. It explains how the Pinochet puts in place the sacrificial lamb as a father and savior and protector of the “Chilean family,” and how this myth developed in opposition to the left, which tries to read the history from the slaughter of Allende. We conclude that the dispute over the sacrificial space symbolically national reconciliation impossible, in fact, the Coalition accepts the “new order Pinochet” (post-dictatorship) while it is based on his criticism.Keywords: Political reconciliation, Pinochet and Allende, Culture and politics.

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15

Blanco, Marisa Revilla, and Carlos Huneeus. "El régimen de Pinochet." Reis, no. 99 (2002): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40184413.

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16

Sullivan Jr., Frank. "PART I: Pinochet Chronology." Indiana International & Comparative Law Review 14, no. 2 (January 2, 2004): 415–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/17798.

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17

Guerrero Mayorga, Orlando. "El caso Augusto Pinochet." Encuentro, no. 57 (April 30, 2001): 102–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/encuentro.v0i57.4024.

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El autor de este artículo presenta de manera sucinta la responsabilidad penal individual, en Derecho Internacional, a través del caso Augusto Pinochet. La dicotomía entre la jurisdicción extraterritorial, con la jurisdicción territorial chilena, es resuelta al no acceder el Ministro del Interior británico, Jack Straw, a conceder la extradición del General Augusto Pinochet a España, por motivos humanitarios, regresando éste a Chile para ser juzgado por su juez natural una vez levantada su inmunidad. Se le acusa de ser autor intelectual y coautor de supuestos delitos, de 18 secuestros y 57 homicidios, perpetrados por la llamada "caravana de la muerte", una comitiva militar que recorrió el país en 1973, exterminando opositores al régimen de Pinochet, quien ha quedado bajo arresto domiciliario tras habérsele efectuado exámenes mentales y tomada su declaración indagatoria por el juez Juan Guzmán.

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18

Codevilla, Angelo. "Is Pinochet the Model?" Foreign Affairs 72, no. 5 (1993): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045819.

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19

Navia, Patricio, and Gonzalo Vial Correa. "The Trials of Pinochet." Foreign Policy, no. 136 (May 2003): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3183628.

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20

Kornbluh, Peter. "The Declassified Pinochet File." Radical History Review 2016, no. 124 (January 2016): 203–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-3160071.

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21

Hopkins, John. "Former head of foreign state–extradition–immunity." Cambridge Law Journal 58, no. 3 (November 1999): 461–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197399213013.

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SENATOR Pinochet, former President of Chile, when undergoing medical treatment in London, was arrested on warrants issued by Metropolitan Stipendiary Magistrates. The authorities of Spain had sought his extradition to Spain to stand trial, principally, for his allegedly having authorised, when President of Chile, the torture in Chile of many persons, including Spanish citizens. Pinochet challenged the warrants by way of judicial review proceedings; the Divisional Court quashed them by certiorari on the ground that, as former head of State, he was immune from the jurisdiction of the English courts. The House of Lords allowed an appeal in part by a bare majority (Lords Nicholls and Steyn with whom Lord Hoffmann concurred, Lords Slynn and Lloyd dissenting: R. v. Bow Street Metropolitan Stipendiary Magistrate, ex p. Pinochet [1998] 2 W.L.R. 825, henceforth Pinochet (1)). That ruling was set aside “on the ground that the Committee was not properly constituted” (ex p. Pinochet (No. 2) [1999] 1 All E.R. 577); a rehearing of the appeal took place before a differently constituted Judicial Committee (ex p. Pinochet (No. 3) [1999] 2 W.L.R. 827). It, by a large majority (Lords Browne-Wilkinson, Hope, Hutton, Saville, Millett and Phillips, Lord Goff dissenting), also allowed the appeal in part.

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22

González, Felipe, Mounu Prem, and Francisco Urzúa I. "The Privatization Origins of Political Corporations: Evidence from the Pinochet Regime." Journal of Economic History 80, no. 2 (February 5, 2020): 417–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050719000780.

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We show that the sale of state-owned firms in dictatorships can help political corporations to emerge and persist over time. Using new data, we characterize Pinochet’s privatizations in Chile and find that some firms were sold underpriced to politically connected buyers. These newly private firms benefited financially from the Pinochet regime. Once democracy arrived, they formed connections with the new government, financed political campaigns, and were more likely to appear in the Panama Papers. These findings reveal how dictatorships can influence young democracies using privatization reforms.

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23

Barros, Robert. "Personalization and Institutional Constraints: Pinochet, the Military Junta, and the 1980 Constitution." Latin American Politics and Society 43, no. 1 (2001): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2001.tb00168.x.

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AbstractThe standard account of military dictatorship in Chile (1973–1990) portrays the case as a personalist regime, and uses the dynamics associated with this type of regime to explain General Pinochet's control of the presidency, the enactment of the 1980 Constitution, and the longevity of military rule. Drawing on records of the decisionmaking process within the military junta, this article presents evidence for a different characterization of the dictatorship. It shows that Pinochet never attained the supremacy commonly attributed to him, that the commanders of the other branches of the armed forces retained significant powers, and that the 1980 Constitution was not enacted to project Pinochet's personal power. More generally, this study suggests that personal power is not a necessary condition for regime longevity; collective systems can also produce cohesion and stability.

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24

Pickett, Samuel Harris. "The Chilean Winter: A Student Revolution." IU Journal of Undergraduate Research 4, no. 1 (December 16, 2018): 04–09. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/iujur.v4i1.24207.

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The 2011 Chilean Winter was a student movement that fought to end the rampant inequality found in the nation’s neoliberal education policies, which found their origins in the reforms enacted during the 1980s by Chilean dictator General Augusto Pinochet. In response to the nation’s economic crisis, he attempted to cut government spending by decentralizing and privatizing the education system. The results were largely unfavorable; Chilean education came to be known for its socioeconomic stratification, unequal schools, and its exorbitantly expensive universities. Despite the undoubtedly negative outcome of Pinochet’s policies, they remained relatively untouched until student movements in 2006 and 2011 began to challenge them. Although almost all of the issues that the 2011 Chilean Winter addressed were the result of Pinochet’s policies, it would be incorrect to claim that the students were protesting his reforms. Instead, the movement was a reaction to the failure of the nation’s post-dictatorship governments, the Concertación coalition and right-centrist presidency of Sebastián Piñera, to restructure Chile’s neoliberal education system despite its numerous problems. This work aims to disprove the erroneous view of many newspapers and academic journals that the student movement was caused directly by Pinochet’s policies. In other words, I wish to separate protest against the legacy of the Pinochet reforms—that is the current system—from protest against the reforms themselves. The work will be divided into two main sections. The first section will focus on demonstrating the lasting impact of Pinochet’s education programs, with a particular emphasis on statistical studies performed by other researchers. The second section will be devoted to analyzing the roots of the 2011 student movement. This part of the investigation will focus on rhetoric from the students themselves, especially movement leader Camila Vallejo.

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25

Murphy, Sarah L. "The Pinochet Judgement: New Accountability for Old Dictators." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 32, no. 2 (July 2, 2001): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v32i2.5892.

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This article analyses the groundbreaking 1999 judgment of the House of Lords on the question of the extradition of Pinochet from the United Kingdom to Spain for crimes committed during his time as Head of State of Chile. It examines the two main components of the judgment: that Pinochet's status as former Head of State of Chile did not allow him to benefit from sovereign immunity for acts of torture committed during his reignÍ¾ and that he could be extradited to Spain for acts of torture committed after 1989, when the United Kingdom codified its obligations under the Torture Convention. It supports the conclusion that the laws against torture override the immunity of former Heads of State, and suggests that the reasoning could be extended to apply to other crimes against humanity, and where the accused is an incumbent Head of State. On the question of extradition, it argues that the Law Lords had several avenues open under which Pinochet could have been extradited to face all counts of torture. It concludes with an analysis of the New Zealand legislation and case law on sovereign immunity, the prosecution of crimes against humanity, and extradition, and suggests several law reforms to bring New Zealand legislation in line with evolving international obligations to prosecute or extradite the perpetrators of crimes against humanity.

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26

Timmermann, Freddy. "El Factor Pinochet Elites y Democracia." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 10 (January 23, 2017): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.10.199.

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El autor aborda la temática denominada “el factor Pinochet”, más allá de su presencia física directa en los espacios de poder, sino más bien como una herencia política de su régimen dictatorial, en alianzas con las élites políticas y económicas de Chile. Como se señala, pareciera ser que hemos heredado una cultura autoritaria que traspasa las fronteras temporales del período del régimen militar y se instala en una debilitada democracia actual.Palabras clave Pinochet / autoritarismo / élites / poder / políticaAbstract:The author approaches the topic denominated “Pinochet factor”, beyond his direct physical presence in the spaces of power, but rather like a political inheritance of his dictatorial regime, in alliances with the political and economic elites of Chile. As it is shown, it seemed to be that we have inherited an authoritarian culture that transfers the temporary borders of the period of the military regime and it settles in a weakened present democracy.Keywords Pinochet / authoritarianism / elites / power / politics

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27

Timmermann, Freddy. "El Factor Pinochet Elites y Democracia." Revista Temas Sociológicos, no. 10 (January 23, 2017): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07196458.10.199.

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El autor aborda la temática denominada “el factor Pinochet”, más allá de su presencia física directa en los espacios de poder, sino más bien como una herencia política de su régimen dictatorial, en alianzas con las élites políticas y económicas de Chile. Como se señala, pareciera ser que hemos heredado una cultura autoritaria que traspasa las fronteras temporales del período del régimen militar y se instala en una debilitada democracia actual.Palabras clave Pinochet / autoritarismo / élites / poder / políticaAbstract:The author approaches the topic denominated “Pinochet factor”, beyond his direct physical presence in the spaces of power, but rather like a political inheritance of his dictatorial regime, in alliances with the political and economic elites of Chile. As it is shown, it seemed to be that we have inherited an authoritarian culture that transfers the temporary borders of the period of the military regime and it settles in a weakened present democracy.Keywords Pinochet / authoritarianism / elites / power / politics

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28

Nunn, Frederick M., Genaro Arriagada, and Nancy Morris. "Pinochet: The Politics of Power." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 2 (May 1989): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515849.

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29

Collier, Simon. "Pinochet: the politics of power." International Affairs 65, no. 3 (1989): 605–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621834.

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30

Lowenthal, Abraham F., and Genaro Arriagada. "Pinochet: The Politics of Power." Foreign Affairs 67, no. 2 (1988): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043824.

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31

Warbrick, Colin, Dominic McGoldrick, and Hazel Fox. "The Pinochet Case No. 3." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 48, no. 3 (July 1999): 687–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300063521.

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The decision of the Appellate Committee of the House of Lords, given on 24 March 1999,1 confirms, by the impressive vote of 6 to 1, the earlier majority ruling that a former head of state enjoys no immunity in extradition or criminal proceedings brought in the United Kingdom in respect of the international crime of torture.

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Nunn, Frederick M. "Pinochet: The Politics of Power." Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 2 (May 1, 1989): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-69.2.350.

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Arie, S. "Doctors concerned over Pinochet verdict." BMJ 323, no. 7305 (July 21, 2001): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.323.7305.130/d.

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Stern, Brigitte. "Pinochet face à la justice." Études Tome 394, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etu.941.07.

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35

Barozet, Emmanuelle. "Vingt ans pour effacer Pinochet." Alternatives Internationales 45, no. 12 (December 1, 2009): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ai.045.0020.

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36

Ribas, Yasmim, Anna Ortiz Borges Coelho, Gabriela Dias Tironi, and Clarice Beatriz da Costa Söhngen. "Os últimos vestígios de Pinochet." Conversas & Controvérsias 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): e40019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/2178-5694.2021.2.40019.

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O presente trabalho busca compreender como se deu a consolidação da democracia chilena no ano de 2020, através do aceite por parte do Legislativo dos pedidos de alterações que a Constituição do país necessitava para desapossar-se de alguns de seus resquícios do antigo regime ditatorial comandado por Pinochet. A análise que aqui propomos fazer passa pela importante conceituação do que pode ser considerado um governo autoritário, observando através da argumentação do teórico Norberto Bobbio, como este define o autoritarismo em suas diversas formas e características, muitas dessas visíveis no governo de Pinochet. Objetivamos, assim, compreender não apenas a história do domínio de Pinochet no Chile, mas seus reflexos constitucionais que até o ano de 2020 seguiam fazendo parte da Carta Magna chilena. Além disso, buscamos a compreensão de como foram os processos para as alterações legais que enterraram de vez os vestígios ditatoriais que ainda assombravam a legislação chilena contemporânea. Concluindo, assim, o fator da dificuldade de mudanças nas realidades jurídicas e os resquícios de um autoritarismo.

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37

Evans, Rebecca. "Pinochet in London--Pinochet in Chile: International and Domestic Politics in Human Rights Policy." Human Rights Quarterly 28, no. 1 (2006): 207–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2006.0003.

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38

Warbrick, Colin, Elena Martin Salgado, and Nicholas Goodwin. "The Pinochet Cases in the United Kingdom." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 2 (December 1999): 91–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900000386.

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The activities of the regime of General, then President, Pinochet after his military coup in Chile in September 1973 are politically, legally and, one might almost say, popularly, one of the landmarks in the development of the international regime of human rights. Pinochet, then Commander of the Armed Forces, led a coup against President Allende, which resulted in a Military Junta seizing power on 11 September 1973. Pinochet became President of Chile in 1974 and remained in that position until 11 March 1990, when democracy was restored. He continued on as Commander of the Armed Forces until March 1998, when he was made Senator for Life.The legal significance of the reaction to events following the coup lies in the response of the United Nations to the excesses of the Pinochet government. The condemnation of Chile by the General Assembly for its policy of gross violations of human rights was the first occasion on which the Assembly had taken this step without invoking either a threat to the peace or a consideration of self-determination.

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39

Bradley, Curtis A., and Jack L. Goldsmith. "Pinochet and International Human Rights Litigation." Michigan Law Review 97, no. 7 (June 1999): 2129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1290183.

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40

SOTO GAMBOA, ANGEL M. "CARLOS HUNEEUS. El régimen de Pinochet." Historia (Santiago) 34 (2001): 331–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0717-71942001003400013.

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VELÁSQUEZ RIVERA, EDGAR DE JESÚS. "MARIO SPATARO, Pinochet. Las "incómodas verdades"." Historia (Santiago) 40, no. 1 (June 2007): 165–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0717-71942007000100006.

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Heine, Jorge. "Countdown for Pinochet: A Chilean Diary." PS: Political Science and Politics 22, no. 2 (June 1989): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/419602.

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Lowenthal, Abraham F., and Arturo Fontaine Aldunate. "Los economistas y el presidente pinochet." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 2 (1990): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044344.

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Kleinert, Sabine. "Doctors save Pinochet from further humiliation." Lancet 355, no. 9200 (January 2000): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)72299-6.

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Calderón (Hrsg.), Hugo, and Jaime Ensignia (Hrsg.). "Chile – Chancen der Demokratie nach Pinochet." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 20, no. 2 (1987): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-1987-2-275.

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Heine, Jorge. "Countdown for Pinochet: A Chilean Diary." PS: Political Science & Politics 22, no. 02 (June 1989): 242–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500030559.

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Maxwell, Kenneth, and Mark Ensalaco. "Chile under Pinochet: Recovering the Truth." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 3 (2000): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049776.

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Padilla, Fernando Camacho. "Los frutos literarios del caso Pinochet." Iberoamericana – Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 35, no. 2 (June 1, 2005): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.16993/ibero.180.

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Estefane, Andrés, and Luis Thielemann. "El mal, la libertad y Pinochet." Atenea (Concepción) 25, no. 521 (June 2020): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.29393/at521-14mael20014.

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del Alcázar Garrido, Joan. "A "imunidade soberana" de Pinochet contestada." Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 49 (2000): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-64452000000100007.

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