Journal articles on the topic 'Place des Vosges'

AbstractSeveral episodes of crustal melting are now well identified in the Variscan French Massif Central. Middle Devonian (ca 385-375 Ma) migmatites are recognized in the Upper and Lower Gneiss Units involved in the stack of nappes. Late Carboniferous migmatites (ca 300 Ma) are exposed in the Velay Massif only and Middle Carboniferous migmatites crop out in the Para-autochthonous Unit and southern Fold-and-Thrust Belt. In the SW part of the Massif Central, the South Millevaches massif exposes migmatites developed at the expense of ortho- and paragneiss. They form kilometer-sized septa within the foliated Goulles leucogranitic pluton, which is in turn intruded by the non-foliated Glény two micas granite pluton. Monazite grains extracted from these three rock-types have been dated by the EPMA chemical method. Three samples of migmatite yield a late Visean age (ca 337-328 Ma), the Goulles and Glény granitic plutons yield ages at 324-323 Ma and 324-318 Ma, respectively. These new results enlarge the evidence of a Middle Carboniferous crustal melting imprint that up to now was only reported in the eastern part of the French Massif Central, in the northern Cévennes and in the Montagne Noire axial zone. At the scale of the French Variscan massifs, the Visean crustal melting event is conspicuously developed since it is recognized from the Massif Armoricain (Vendée and south coast of Brittany) to the Central Vosges. This episode is synchronous with the huge thermal event responsible for the “Tuffs anthracifères” magmatism of the northern Massif Central and Vosges, and took place immediately after the last thickening phase recorded both in Montagne Noire and Ardennes, that is on the southern and northern outer zones of the Variscan Belt, respectively. However, the geodynamic significance of this major event is not fully understood yet.

La mise en place du quart de réserve des forêts à partir de l’Ordonnance de 1669 a permis la production d’arbres aux dimensions majestueuses dans toutes les forêts de France. Dans le département des Vosges, le quart de réserve de la commune de Saint-Ouen-lès-Parey a connu l’existence de cinq chênes majestueux, dont un seul subsiste aujourd’hui. Cette synthèse bibliographique a pour objectif de proposer une description dendrométrique et historique de ces chênes plusieurs fois centenaires.

AbstractThe magnetotelluric method has been used to image the deep electrical structure of the Remiremont-Epinal-Rambervillers region in the French Vosges Massif, which has presented a significant seismic activity in the past decades. Several earthquakes of moderate magnitude (up to 5.1) occurred in this area with a systematic migration along a nearly N-S direction. Inversion of the magnetotelluric data reveals zones of high electrical conductivity. A large conductive body presents a significative spatial correlation with the region that was most recently affected by earthquakes. This conductive body is interpreted as a consequence of the presence of a fluid filled basement fault network in proximity to the zone affected by the last seismic crisis, where fluid pressure diffusion takes place for several years after the main shock and participates in maintaining a microseismic activity.

Les rideaux de culture sont des talus qui se forment involontairement à l’amont d’une haie, par accumulation de colluvions érodés dans les champs. Ils peuvent constituer des parcellaires de très grande extension spatiale, caractérisés par des parcelles étroites, allongées perpendiculairement à la pente. L’histoire de ces parcellaires et leur datation sont encore très mal connues. Les résultats présentés ici concernent un parcellaire de plusieurs centaines d’hectares localisé à Goldbach-Altenbach, dans les Vosges haut-rhinoises. Les résultats obtenus sur deux coupes transversales à des rideaux de culture montrent que le parcellaire a été mis en place vers 900 AD, puis que la zone a été brièvement abandonnée pendant la Guerre de Trente Ans. La datation vers 900 AD suggère que ce parcellaire a été mis en place sous l’autorité de l’abbaye de Murbach. L’ensemble de la zone a en effet été donné à cette abbaye vers 800 AD.

L’extraction de l’argent dans l’Occident médiéval, activité en constant essor tout au long de ce millénaire, donne lieu à l’ouverture de nombreux filons sur l’ensemble du territoire européen. Dans l’aire du Rhin supérieur, bordée par les massifs des Vosges et de la Forêt-Noire, la production argentifère s’avère particulièrement dynamique. En Haute-Alsace et dans le Brisgau, au xve siècle, l’extraction de l’argent se trouve dopée par des capitaux urbains, en grande partie bâlois. L’étude des marchands bâlois et de leurs activités minières laisse apparaître les contours d’une société où se concentrent pouvoirs économique, politique et culturel et dans laquelle le système familial occupe une place centrale. Les domaines diversifiés dans lesquels interviennent ces marchands, dont celui, essentiel, de l’extraction minière mettent en évidence le fort potentiel économique de ces familles et l’émergence d’un capitalisme rhénan qui va se développer au cours des siècles suivants.

AbstractCarboniferous geology has developed very rapidly over the past two decades since ideas on sedimentology and new radiometric scales, together with new biostratigraphical schemes based on miospores, conodonts and foraminifera have been synthesized with ideas on plate tectonic processes, climatic changes and oscillations of sea level. The application of the McKenzie model of basin development to the Carboniferous, and the relating of eustatic sea-level changes, which had a profound effect on Carboniferous palaeo-geography, to fluctuations in the size of the Gondwanan ice sheets, have been major factors in the understanding of Carboniferous processes. The Carboniferous evolution of Britain took place to the (present) north of a plate suturing occurring along a line extending from Galicia, through Armorica and the Massif Central to the Vosges, during mid Devonian to early Carboniferous times. In front of this collision zone was the Rheno-Hercynian zone which opened probably during mid Devonian times and which was partly floored by oceanic crust; its closure can be traced through to late Carboniferous times as a series of northwardly directed thrust complexes. To the (present) north of this zone was a foreland on which basins developed on either side of a persistent Wales-London-Brabant High. Studies by Dewey (1982) and Leeder (1982, 1987, 1988) have shown that late Devonian to early Carboniferous extension, involving β factors of up to 2, produced a series of grabens and half-grabens in the Caledonian basement. These developing structures were the dominant control on early Carboniferous sedimentation and produced a sea-bed topography which was

Abstract. A case study of a foehn event in the Inn Valley near Innsbruck, Austria, that occurred on 29 October 2017 in the framework of the first intensive observation period (IOP) of the Penetration and Interruption of Alpine Foehn (PIANO) field campaign is investigated. Accompanied with northwesterly crest-level flow, foehn broke through at the valley floor as strong westerly winds in the morning and was terminated in the afternoon by a cold front arriving from the north. The difference between local and large-scale wind direction raises the question of whether the event should be classified as north or west foehn – a question that has not been convincingly answered in the past for similar events based on Eulerian approaches. Hence, the goal of this study is to assess the air mass origin and the mechanisms of foehn penetration to the valley floor based on a Lagrangian perspective. For this purpose a mesoscale simulation with the Weather Research and Forecasting (WRF) model and a backward trajectory analysis with LAGRANTO are conducted. The trajectory analysis shows that the major part of the air arriving in Innsbruck originates 6 h earlier over eastern France, crosses the two mountain ranges of the Vosges and the Black Forest, and finally impinges on the Alps near Lake Constance and the Rhine Valley. Orographic precipitation over the mountains leads to a net diabatic heating of about 2.5 K and to a moisture loss of about 1 g kg−1 along the trajectories. A secondary air stream originates further south over the Swiss Plateau and contributes about 10 % to 40 % of the trajectories to the foehn air in Innsbruck. Corresponding trajectories are initially nearly parallel to the northern Alpine rim and get lifted above crest level in the same region as the main trajectory branch. Air parcels within this branch experience a net diabatic heating of about 2 K and, in contrast to the ones of the main branch, an overall moisture uptake due to evaporation of precipitation formed above these air parcels. Penetration into the Inn Valley mainly occurs in the lee of three local mountain ranges – the Lechtal Alps, the Wetterstein Mountains, and the Mieming Chain – and is associated with a gravity wave and a persistent atmospheric rotor. A secondary penetration takes place in the western end of the Inn Valley via the Arlberg Pass and Silvretta Pass. Changes in the upstream flow conditions cause a shift in the contributions of the associated penetration branches. From a Lagrangian perspective this shift can be interpreted on the valley scale as a gradual transition from west to northwest foehn despite the persistent local west wind in Innsbruck. However, a clear classification in one or the other categories remains subjective even with the Lagrangian approach and, given the complexity of the trajectory pattern, is nearly impossible with the traditional Eulerian view.

ABSTRACT Flexible, floating submergence plane barriers were developed for intercepting and containing oil spills under fast water conditions, that is, at speeds greater than 0.5 m/s (1 knot). When the perpendicular component of relative velocity exceeds 0.5 m/s (1 knot), conventional oil booms are subject to leakage limiting their usefulness in currents and alongside vessels used in “sweeping” operations. In fast water, submergence plane barriers retain oil by allowing the flow to drive incident oil down an inclined bow to a gap opening where the oil enters and is trapped in a protected containment volume. After optimizing cross-section shape in flume tests using oil with a wide range of physical properties, two systems were developed—a moored containment configuration and a vessel of opportunity skimming system (VOSS). A 12.2-m (40-foot) wide moored system prototype was constructed and tested at OHMSETT where it consistently retained heavy oil at speeds of 1 m/s (2 knots). Practical and logistical issues were addressed in field deployments carried out in the Piscataqua River, New Hampshire. In contrast, early VOSS experiments at high speeds showed that lift forces on the submergence plane needed to be counteracted by a horizontal hydrofoil mounted transversely below the submergence plane at a negative angle of attack. After development using a 1.7-m (5.6-foot) wide VOSS model in tow tank and field experiments, a 4.3-m (14-foot) wide model was constructed and tested at OHMSETT. The model towed level with no submergence plane rise at the top carriage speed of 3.3 m/s (6.5 knots). Nearly all heavy oil was retained at speeds below 1 m/s (2 knots), while 59% of the oil encountered was retained at a convenient vessel operating speed of 1.4 m/s (2.8 knots).

Un análisis de algunas cartas privadas escritas por los colonizadores españoles en diferentes partes de América durante el siglo XVl. en el que cada autor describe los usos de los pronombres "vos". "vuestra merced" y "tú". El "voseo" Americano no aparece en ninguna parte de esas cartas. lo que podría significar que no toma lugar hasta más tarde. probablemente a partir del siglo XVII. An analysis of some private letters written by Spanish settlers in different parts of America during the XVlth century. in which each author describes the uses of the pronouns "vos". "vuestra merced" and "tú". The American "voseo" appears nowhere in those letters. which could mean that it doesnt take place until later. probably after the XVIIth century.

ABSTRACT Les Échets mire (near Lyon, France) is one of the very few European sites showing an almost continuous record from the glaciation that preceded the Eemian up to now. The pollen diagram can easily be correlated with those from Grande Pile (Vosges). On the basis of a comparison between the two sequences, the age of three clearly temperate post-Eemian episodes (Saint-Germain Ia, Ic and Il at Grande Pile) is discussed. The authors correlate these episodes with the Early Würm Interstadials of Amersfoort, Brorup and Odderade described in Northern Europe and accept the chronology of Grande Pile that dates Saint-Germain I and Saint-Germain Il between ca 115 000 and 70 000 BP, thus making them equivalents of deep sea isotopic stages 5c and 5a. This leads to refute the 14C chronology admitted up to now that places the Early Würm between 75 000 and 55 000 BP. Considering the predominant temperate episodes during this period, the authors propose to use the term "Pre-Würm" instead of "Early Würm". During the Middle Würm, three not well-marked interstadials can be recognized. No interstadial is found during the late Pleni-Würm.

A supertribe Setapiitae Legalov, supertrib. n. (type genus <em>Setapion</em> Balfour-Browne, 1944), four new tribes Acanthopygini Legalov, trib. n. (type genus <em>Acanthopygus</em> Montrouzier, 1861), Philippinauletini Legalov, trib. n. (type genus <em>Philippinauletes</em> Legalov, gen. n.), Setapiini Legalov, trib. n. (type genus <em>Setapion</em> Balfour-Browne, 1944), Apiomorphini Legalov, trib. n. (type genus <em>Apiomorphus</em> Wagner, 1912), new genus <em>Philippinauletes</em> Legalov, gen. n. (type species <em>Philippinauletes rubrauletiformis</em> Legalov, sp. n.), and new subgenus <em>Apiomorphilus</em> Legalov, subgen. n. (type species <em>Apiomorphus inermipes</em> Voss, 1931) of the genus <em>Apiomorphus</em> Wagner, 1912, <em>Orthorhynchoides</em> (<em>Guineorhinotia</em>) <em>telnovi</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Vossicartus kakumensis </em>Legalov, sp. n., <em>Philippinauletes rubrauletiformis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Deneauletes lackneri</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Auletanus </em>(<em>Neauletes</em>) <em>palawanensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>N.</em>) <em>versicolor</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>N.</em>) <em>banggiensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>N.</em>) <em>kuscheli</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>N.</em>) <em>kurimansis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A.</em> (<em>Stictauletes</em>) <em>mabilabolensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Macroauletes philippinensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>M. luzonensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Auletobius </em>(<em>Auletobius</em>) <em>barligensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>A.</em>) <em>crockerensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>A.</em>) <em>emeljanovi</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>A.</em>) <em>indochinensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>A.</em>) <em>kapataganensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>A.</em>) <em>weigeli</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>A. </em>(<em>Pseudometopum</em>) <em>hartmanni</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Pseudauletes </em>(<em>Eopseudauletes</em>) <em>parvus</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Pseudomesauletes </em>(<em>Pseudomesauletes</em>) <em>boettcheri</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>P. </em>(<em>P.</em>) <em>luzonensis</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Lasioauletes insolitus</em> Legalov, sp. n., <em>Cyllorhynchites </em>(<em>Pseudocyllorhynus</em>) <em>limbourgi</em> Legalov, sp. n. are described. Trigonorhinini Valetnine, 1999, syn. n. is synonymized with Anthribini Billberg, 1820, Jordanthribini Morimoto, 1980, syn. n. with Proscoporhinini Lacordaire, 1866, Platyrhinini Bedel, 1882, syn. n. with Zygaenodini Lacordaire, 1866, Auletobiina Legalov, 2001, syn. n. and Guineauletina Legalov, 2003, syn. n. with Auletorhinina Voss, 1935, <em>Eosalacus</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n. with <em>Pseudominurus</em> Voss, 1956, Acritorrhynchitina Legalov, 2007, syn. n. with Eugnamptini Voss, 1930, Chonostropheina Morimoto, 1962, syn. n. with Deporaini Voss, 1929, Anisomerinina Legalov, 2003, syn. n. with Temnocerina Legalov, 2003, Rhynchitallina Legalov, 2003, syn. n. with Rhynchitina Gistel, 1856, <em>Zherichiniletus</em> <em>cinerascens</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n. and <em>Zh.</em> <em>luchti</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n. with <em>Parauletanus</em> <em>kabakovi</em> (Legalov, 2003), <em>Stictauletoides</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n., <em>Neauletoides</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n., <em>Javaeletobius</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n., <em>Auletanoides</em> Legalov, 2013, syn. n. with <em>Neauletes</em> Legalov, 2003, <em>Auletobius insularis</em> Voss, 1933, syn. n. with <em>Auletanus</em> (<em>Stictauletes</em>) <em>punctiger</em> (Voss, 1922), <em>Auletorhinus</em> Voss, 1935, syn. n. and <em>Zherichiniletoides</em> Legalov, 2007, syn. n. with <em>Auletobius</em> s. str., <em>Auletobius</em> <em>pumilio</em> Marshall, 1954, syn. n. with <em>Pseudomesauletes</em> (<em>Pseudomesauletes</em>) <em>gamoensis</em> (Marshall, 1954), Oxystomatina Alonso-Zarazaga, 1990, syn. n. with Toxorhynchina Scudder, 1893, Acratini Alonso-Zarazaga, Lyal, Bartolozzi et Sforzi, 1999, syn. n. with Ithystenina Lacordaire, 1866. The systematic position of Distenorrhinoidini Legalov, 2009, placem. n., <em>Parexillis</em> Jordan, 1904, placem. n., <em>Isanthribus</em> Holloway, 1982, placem. n., <em>Polycorynus</em> Schoenherr, 1839, placem. n., <em>Mecocerina</em> Jordan, 1895, placem. n., Ischnocerides Lacordaire, 1866, placem. n., <em>Sharpius</em> Holloway, 1982, placem. n., <em>Systellorhynchus</em> Blanchard, 1849, placem. n., Nessiarini Morimoto, 1972, placem. n., <em>Exillis</em> Pascoe, 1860, placem. n., <em>Phloeops</em> Lacordaire, 1866, placem. n., <em>Lagopezus</em> Dejean, 1834, placem. n., <em>Neoxenus</em> Valentine, 1999, placem. n., <em>Cyptoxenus</em> Valentine, 1982, placem. n., <em>Sicanthus</em> Valentine, 1989, placem. n., <em>Holostilpna</em> Jordan, 1907, placem. n., <em>Euxenulus</em> Valentine, 1960, placem. n., <em>Acaromimus</em> Jordan, 1907, placem. n., <em>Habroxenus</em> Valentine, 1989, placem. n., Auletanina Legalov, 2003, placem. n., <em>Parauletanus</em> <em>kabakovi</em> (Legalov, 2003), placem. n., <em>Auletobius</em> (<em>Auletobius</em>) <em>horaki</em> (Legalov, 2007), placem. n., Eosalacina Legalov, 2007, placem. n., Trichapiina Alonso-Zarazaga, 1990, placem. n., <em>Mythapion</em> Kissinger, 2005, placem. n., <em>Hecyrapion</em> Kissinger, 2005, placem. n., <em>Rhamnapion</em> Kissinger, 2005, placem. n., <em>Acarapion</em> Kissinger, 2005, placem. n., <em>Pystapion</em> Kissinger, 2005, placem. n., Stereodermina Sharp, 1895, placem. n., Atopobrentina Damoiseau, 1965, placem. n., Hoplopisthiina Senna et Calabresi, 1919, placem. n., <em>Schizotrachelus</em> Lacordaire, 1866, placem. n., Tychaeina Schoenfeldt, 1908, placem. n., Ithystenina Lacordaire, 1866, placem. n. and Pholidochlamydina Damoiseau, 1962, placem. n. are changed. Status of Phloeotragini Lacordaire, 1866, stat. res., Apolectini Lacordaire, 1866, stat. res., Cappadocini Alonso-Zarazaga et Lyal, 1999, stat. res., Valenfriesiini Alonso-Zarazaga et Lyal, 1999, stat. res., Homoeoderini Pierce, 1930, stat. res., <em>Australobelus</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., <em>Blackburnibelus</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., <em>Leabelus</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., <em>Pascoebelus</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., <em>Pseodorhinotia</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., <em>Tasmanobelus</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., <em>Germaribelus</em> Legalov, 2009, stat. res., Afrocorynini Voss, 1957, stat. res. , Hispodini Voss, 1957, stat. res., <em>Crowsonicar</em> Legalov, 2013, stat. res., <em>Daulaxius</em> Pascoe, 1887, stat. res., Vossicartini Legalov, 2003, stat. res., Parauletanini Legalov, 2007, stat. res., <em>Australetobius</em> Legalov, 2007, stat. res., <em>Longoauletes</em> Legalov, 2007, stat. res., <em>Micrauletes</em> Legalov, 2003, stat. res., <em>Pseudoparauletes</em> Legalov, 2001, stat. res., Eugnamptini Voss, 1930, stat. res., Synapiina Alonso-Zarazaga, 1990, stat. res. and Paussobrenthina Gestro, 1919, stat. res. are recovered. Changes of status for Montsecanomalinae Legalov, 2015, stat. n., <em>Neauletes</em> Legalov, 2003, stat. n., <em>Stictauletes</em> Voss, 1934, stat. n., Mecolenini Wanat, 2001, stat. n., Catapiini Alonso-Zarazaga, 1990, stat. n., Hephebocerina Lacordaire, 1866, stat. n., Pholidochlamydina Damoiseau, 1962, stat. n., Pholidochlamydina Damoiseau, 1962, stat. n. and <em>Protocylas</em> Pierce, 1941, stat. res. are made. New combinations for <em>Parauletanus</em> <em>kabakovi</em> (Legalov, 2003), comb. n., <em>Auletanus</em> (<em>Neauletes</em>) <em>baitetensis</em> (Legalov, 2007), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>drescheri</em> Voss, 1935, <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>madangensis</em> (Legalov, 2007), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>mindanaoensis</em> (Legalov, 2007), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>relictus</em> (Legalov, 2003), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>salomonicus</em> (Thompson, 1982), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>sumbaensis</em> (Legalov, 2013), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>tawitawensis</em> (Legalov, 2007), comb. n., <em>A</em>. (<em>N</em>.) <em>toxopeusi</em> (Voss, 1957), comb. n., <em>Auletanus</em> (<em>Stictauletes</em>) <em>punctiger</em> (Voss, 1922), comb. n., <em>Auletobius</em> (<em>Auletobius</em>) <em>horaki</em> (Legalov, 2007), comb. n., <em>Pseudominurus</em> (<em>Pseudominurus</em>) <em>reunionensis</em> (Legalov, 2007), comb. n. are established. A key to the families of Curculionoidea is given. The keys to subfamilies, supertribes, tribes and subtribes of Nemonychidae, Anthribidae, Belidae, Ithyceridae, Rhynchitidae and Brentidae, key to Oriental genera of tribe Parauletanini, key to genera of subtribe Auletorhinina, key to subgenera of genus <em>Auletanus </em>and key to subfamilies and genera of Brachyceridae are provided.

Les cartes d'occupation du sol produites à des résolutions spatiales et temporelles élevées constituent actuellement une ressource très importante pour beaucoup d'organismes privés ou publics. Le développement de méthodes de cartographie automatique, fiables et robustes basées sur la classification d'images satellites constitue ainsi un enjeu majeur. Dans ce cadre, l'imagerie radar apporte l'avantage de fournir des images de jour comme de nuit, et quelles que soient les conditions météorologiques. Plus récemment, l'exploitation des informations de rétrodiffusion fournies par les images SAR (Synthetic Aperture Radar) polarimétriques a permis d'étendre les possibilités apportées par l'imagerie radar. Dans cette étude, une carte d'occupation du sol a été produite sur une partie de la plaine d'Alsace et du massif vosgien à partir (1) de 76 paramètres polarimétriques extraits d'une image ALOS PALSAR en polarisation quadruple et (2) d'une méthode de classification orientée-objet. Plusieurs algorithmes de classification ont été testés et l'algorithme du plus proche voisin est ressorti comme donnant les meilleurs résultats. La méthode mise en place à l'avantage d'être semi-automatique et facilement reproductible. Neuf classes d'occupation du sol ont été cartographiées avec un taux de bon classement de 69%. Plus précisément, trois d'entre elles ont été très correctement détectées : la forêt, l'urbain et l'eau. D'autres classes ont été confondues du fait de la similarité de leur signature polarimétrique : les zones de vignobles, les prairies et les zones de cultures. Enfin, trois classes non visibles sur les données a priori et les images optiques de référence ont pu être identifiées sur l'image polarisée. Ces premiers résultats sont prometteurs pour la cartographie de l'occupation des sols à partir d'images SAR polarimétriques.

Abstract The formation of the highly strained 1′ ,3′’-Dichlorodispiro[cyclopropane-1,2′-bicyclo[1.1.0]- butane-4′, 1″-cyclopropane] (2) by electrochemical reduction of the title compound 1, published by Strelow, Voss and Baum [2], turned out to be erroneous and has to be corrected. Instead of the formation of 2 a substitution of one chloro substituent by hydrogen takes place and the trichlorodispiro[2.1.2.1]octane 3 results. The structure of 3 is confirmed by an X-ray structural analysis.

The Euops species of India excluding the Himalaya region are revised. Seven species are recorded from the area, placed in three subgenera (Parasynaptopsis Legalov, 2003 stat. n., Flavoriedeliops Legalov, 2003 stat. n. and Riedeliops Alonso-Zarazaga & Lyal, 2002) as follows: E. (Parasynaptopsis) andrewesi Voss, 1935, E. (Flavoriedeliops) tamilnadunsis Legalov (2003), E. (Riedeliops) bowringii Jekel, 1860, E. (Riedeliops) indicus (Legalov, 2004), E. (Riedeliops) keiseri Voss, 1957, E. (Riedeliops) pseudoindicus sp. n. and E. (Riedeliops) trichinopoliensis (Legalov, 2007). Diagnoses are provided for the subgenera E. (Parasynaptopsis) and E. (Flavoriedeliops) and a description for E. (Riedeliops). The genera Asynaptops Legalov, 2007, Nigroeuops Legalov, 2003, Orienteuops Legalov, 2003 and Sawadaeuops Legalov, 2003 are downgraded to subgenera and synonymised with E. (Riedeliops) (syn. n.), as are the subgenera Asynaptopsis Legalov, 2007 and Orienteuopsidius Legalov, 2008 (syn. n.), while the genera Indoeuops Legalov, 2007, Morphoeuops Legalov, 2003 are synonymised with E. (Parasynaptopsis) (syn. n.). Euops bowringii Jekel, 1860, E. indicus (Legalov, 2004) comb. n., E. keiseri Voss, 1957, E. rasuwanus (Legalov, 2003) comb. n. and E. trichinopoliensis (Legalov 2007) comb. n. are transferred to E. (Riedeliops) and E. andrewesi Voss, 1935 to E. (Parasynaptopsis) (new placements). The following new synonymies are proposed: Euops andrewesi Voss, 1935 (= E. ammattiensis (Legalov, 2007) syn. n.); Euops bowringii Jekel, 1860 (= E. armipes Voss, 1933 syn. n., E. submetallicus Voss, 1935, syn. n., Asynaptops (Asynaptopsis) colombensis Legalov, 2007, syn. n.); Euops (Riedeliops) rasuwanus (Legalov), 2003 ( = Parasynaptops bengalensis Legalov, 2007, syn. n.). Lectotypes are designated for the names E. andrewesi, E. bowringii, E. armipes and E. submetallicus. One new species, E. pseudoindicus sp. n., and one new subspecies, E. keiseri nilgiriensis ssp. n., are proposed. All species are described or redescribed in detail, primary types and relevant characters are illustrated, a key to the species is provided and the distributions of the species are mapped.

Two new genera and two new species,Baltocyba gen. n. (type species: B. electrinus sp. n.) and Baltonanophyes gen. n. (type species: B. crassirostre sp. n.), and two new species, Baltocyba electrinus sp. n. and Baltonanophyes crassirostre sp. n., from the Baltic amber are described and illustrated. The genusArchinvolvulus Voss, 1972, placem. n. is transferred from the tribe Rhadinocybinito the tribe Notapionini.

The genus Omolabus Jekel is redefined and the genus Xestolabus Jekel is assigned to subgeneric status, New Status, under Omolabus. Fourteen species are recognized in the genus Omolabus in North and Central America: O. angulipennis (Sharp) New Combination, O. callosus (Sharp), O. conicollis (Sharp) New Combination, O. corvinus (Gyllenhal) New Combination, O. fasciventris New Species, O. heterocerus (Sharp) New Combination, O. laesicollis (Gyllenhal) New Combi-nation, O. ligulatus (Sharp), O. longiclava (Sharp) New Combination, O. megalomus New Spe- cies, O. quadratus (Sharp), O. sedatus (Sharp) New Combination, O. spinipectus New Species and O. veracruensis New Species. The following species are placed in New Synonymy: X. constrictipennis (Chittenden), X. tabascoensis Voss, O. brevicollis Sharp and O. biimpressus Voss. Lecto- types are designated for the following Sharp species: O. callosus, O. conicollis, O. heterocerus, O. ligulatus, O. quadratus, and O. sedatus. Identification keys based on external characteristics are provided for the New World genus group Attelabina and for all known Omolabus species occurring in North and Central America. Digital habitus images, illustrations of male genitalia and host plant associations are also included.

ABSTRACT The development of oil production in Timan-Pechora oil and gas basin substantially added to the increase of the environmental pollution risk, especially pollution due to the oil products. The main impact to the environment was caused by Vosei-Golovnye pipeline break (Russia, Komi Republic) in 1994, where large areas were covered with oil. In order to prevent oil spill of Pechora River, a two-level protection system was designed and constructed in 1995 by PRIRODA specialists. The first level of protection consists of containment devises at creeks in oil production placed at possible oil penetration on creeks. The second level of protection is situated at Kolva River and consists of up to eight specialized vessels, with approximately 1,700 meters of booms; the moorage has been constructed with oil pipeline for the recovered oil to the oil treatment facility. The system is operated by qualified specialists. Three years of experience to operate multilevel protection system in Pechora basin showed a high level of efficiency which assists in prevention of negative impact of oil pipeline breaks at the environment.

AbstractThe germination of intact, moist-chilled white spruce (Picea glauca [Moench.] Voss.) seeds and liquid–nitrogen–decoated (LN2), unchilled seeds is significantly more than of intact, unchilled seeds and intact, unchilled seeds exposed to LN2. The testa is largely responsible for imposition of dormancy in these seeds, although the megagametophyte and/or nucellus also play a role. One or both of these tissues undergoes significant weakening during moist chilling. Excised embryos from dormant and nondormant white spruce seeds elongate when placed on solid Murashige and Skoog minimal organics medium supplemented with a carbon source (sucrose, glucose or galactose), but elongate very little on medium without sugar. They are not killed by rapid imbibition on unsupplemented media. Thus, embryos of white spruce do not exhibit innate dormancy, but are dependent on a carbon source for elongation, and have dormancy imposed on them by their surrounding structures.

This article argues that the transcendent power of the imagination represented by literature and novels in particular, has played a major role in aiding societies to confront and deal with specific social and political realities in a multicultural global society. The fact that novels represent the development of fictional characters in time and space, enables the reader to experience the lives of the protagonists in a vicarious fashion. In fact, the concept of liminality (with regard to the different stages of separation, transition and re-integration into society) is emulated in the reading process. The interstitial space provided by liminality is especially pertinent to postcolonial novels such as “The bone people” by Keri Hulme. In this novel Hulme illustrates how fictional characters, in an individual and social sense, have to experience “rites of passage” in order to come to terms with traumatic changes in their lives and cultures. In a different way and with the bigoted South African apartheid society (including the reader) as target, Vladislavic exploits the power of the imagination to launch a subtle, yet stringent critique on people who lack imagination and consequently fail to use it constructively in order to transcend their narrow-minded reality – similar to Patrick White in his condemnation of restrictive social conventions in Australian society in his novel “Voss”.

The adoption of genomic technology and the use of improved seeds are expected to improve timber productivity in Alberta. However, this improvement will need to take place within the confines of the public-private nature of the sector where 93% of the total forest area is publicly owned. The purpose of this study is to explore the extent to which a timber harvest policy known as the allowable cut effect can affect the welfare outcomes of adopting genomics-assisted tree breeding. Using the forest industry of Alberta as the empirical setting, the economic returns to the adoption of this new breeding technology in lodgepole pine (Pinus contorta Dougl. ex Loud. var. latifolia Engelm.) and white spruce (Picea glauca (Moench) Voss) are calculated by estimating a timber supply model and a spatial equilibrium model. Under certain policy and technology improvement scenarios, the economic returns are negative, which would result in non-adoption of the technology. However, under other feasible conditions, the payoffs of genomics-assisted tree breeding research are large and positive. These results illustrate the important role that government policies can have on the returns to adopting new technologies.

Terminals of jack pine (Pinusbanksiana Lamb.), lodgepole pine (Pinuscontorta Dougl. ex Loud. van latifolia Engelm.), and white spruce (Piceaglauca (Moench) Voss), killed by either Pissodesstrobi (Peck) or Pissodesterminalis Hopping, were sampled from 17 sites in Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and the Northwest Territories. The weevil-killed terminals were examined for decay caused by Phellinuspini (Brot.:Fr.). Wood chips taken from the terminals were placed on agar media in an attempt to isolate P. pini. No decay was observed in the terminals. Of 192 isolations from freshly killed terminals, 32% were sterile. Phellinuspini was not isolated from any of the terminals. The predominant fungi found were Aureobasidiumpullulans (de Bary) Arn., Hormonemadematioides Lagerberg & Melin, and Phialemoniumdimorphosporum W. Gams & W.B. Cooke. Weevil-killed terminals from lodgepole pine and white spruce that had been dead for up to 6 years were sampled for the presence of P. pini. The fungus was not found in any of the decayed wood in the terminals, although several other unidentified Basidiomycete species were isolated.

The Menshutkin reaction represents the alkylation of tertiary amines by alkyl halide where the reactants are neutral and the products, quaternary ammonium salts, are two ions with opposite signs. The most commonly used organic solvents in quaternization reactions are volatile organic solvents (VOSs), namely acetone, anhydrous benzene, dry dichloromethane (DCM), dimethylformamide (DMF) and acetonitrile (ACN). The purpose of this work was to examine eutectic solvents as a “greener” alternative to conventional solvents so that quaternization reactions take place in accordance with the principles of green chemistry. Herein, sixteen eutectic solvents were used as replacements for volatile organic ones in quaternization reactions of isonicotinamide with substituted phenacyl bromides. The reactions were carried out at 80 °C by three synthetic approaches: conventional (4–6 h), microwave (20 min) and ultrasound (3 h). Microwave-assisted organic reactions produced the highest yields, where in several reactions, the yield was almost quantitative. The most suitable eutectic solvents were based on choline chloride (ChCl) as the hydrogen bond acceptor (HBA) and glycerol, oxalic or levulinic acid as hydrogen bond donors (HBDs). The benefits of these three deep eutectic solvents (DESs) as a medium for quaternization reactions are the simplicity of their preparation for large-scale production, with inexpensive, available and nontoxic starting materials, as well as their biodegradability.

Abstract Juniperus horizontalis Moench ‘Plumosa Compacta Youngstown’ (compact Andorra juniper) and Picea glauca Moench (Voss) ‘Conica’ (dwarf Alberta spruce) were grown for one season in 2.2 1 (#1) nursery containers in a potting medium containing composted hardwood bark, sphagnum peat moss and sand (1:1:1 by vol). The containers were placed over lysimeters permitting continuous collection and measurement of water passing through and around the containers. Slow release or soluble N was applied at an annual rate of 1.6 g of N per pot. Containers were irrigated by either trickle or overhead methods and water volumes were recorded. Subsamples of leachate were collected and analyzed for nitrate. Much less nitrate was leached by the trickle than by the overhead irrigation. Although slow release N sources lost considerably less nitrate in runoff water, there is still sufficient nitrate lost by these sources to pollute ground water unless annual fertilizer needs are supplied by split applications. Depending on sources, 58–80% of the N applied as slow release fertilizers was not recovered in either the plant or runoff water.

Deposition of major storage substances in the megagametophyte and embryo of white spruce (Picea glauca (Moench) Voss) was studied ultrastructurally and histochemically during seed development. Lipid bodies appeared to be secreted by the smooth endoplasmic reticulum. In the megagametophyte they were deposited rapidly from the club-shaped embryo stage until the early organogenesis of the embryo. Major lipid accumulation in the embryo took place during rapid cotyledon development and simultaneously with the buildup of protein bodies. Formation of protein bodies in the megagametophyte and in the embryo was first detected approximately 6 and 29 days after fertilization, respectively. It is suggested that in the megagametophyte, this process proceeded by (i) deposition of amorphous protein clumps onto tonoplasts of subdividing vacuoles during early stages of protein body formation, (ii) fusion of small cytoplasmic vesicles possibly derived from the rough endoplasmic reticulum, and (iii) deposition of protein around dense, membrane-bound vesicles attached to tonoplasts. The third process was not observed in the embryo. During advanced formation, fusion of cytoplasmic vesicles into developing protein bodies was the only process observed in the megagametophyte and in the embryo. White spruce seed protein bodies contained a variable number of crystalloids and globoid cavities except in the embryo in which only single globoid cavities were observed. Key words: Picea, ultrastructure, histochemistry, megagametophyte, embryo, seed.

In mid-June 1978, hexazinone Gridball™ pellets were individually placed on the ground surface in two10-m × 10-m plots at each of two grid spacings in moderate-to-dense, woody weed growth in each of three boreal mixedwood stands in the Chapleau and Manitouwadge areas of Ontario. The rates of application were equivalent to 0.0, 1.4 and 4.2 kg a.i./ha. In these and a similar number of untreated plots, 16 white spruce (Picea glauca [Moench] Voss) were planted centrally in each plot at the same grid spacings used for the Gridballs™ but offset so as to give maximum separation between outplants and herbicide. The main study was supplemented by another to determine safe separation distance. GridballsTM at close spacing very significantly (P 0.01) increased growth of white spruce: at one location, the mean stem volume of spruce 7 years after planting was 438% that of spruce in the no-herbicide treatment; at a second location the comparable value was 503%. The evidence suggests that white spruce may be established in the boreal mixedwoods by underplanting and, concurrently, applying Gridballs™ at 1-m × 1-m spacing.

Verbena (Verbena × hybrida Voss) seed germination varied with the water content of the substrate. Total germination percentages (G) were highest when substrates were 75% to 100% saturated and progressively declined with increased free distilled water (FDW) on the blotter paper substrate. Natural differences in G among cultivars at favorable substrate moisture levels increased when free water was present. Removing the seed hilums did not increase G of `Romance Scarlet' on a substrate with FDW, but significantly increased the G of `Showtime Blaze' and `Red A'. Au inverse relationship was found between seed moisture contents and G at high substrate moisture levels. `Romance Scarlet', `Showtime Blaze', and `Red A' had 64%, 73%, and 84% seed moisture contents and G of 72%, 18%, and l0%, respectively. The period of sensitivity to excessive water during germination was day 2 for `Red A' and days 2 and 3 for `Showtime Blaze'. The G of `Romance Scarlet' seed was not reduced when placed on a substrate containing FDW for 1 day. Removal of seed hilums from `Red A' significantly increased G during day 2 for seeds on a substrate containing FDW.

AbstractA dual-choice behavioral bioassay and gas chromatography – electroantennogram detection (GC–EAD) were used to determine the effect of host terpenes and nonhost green-leaf volatiles (GLVs) on the oviposition preference of the spruce budworm, Choristoneura fumiferana (Clemens). Some emphasis was placed on assessing the ability of females to distinguish between enantiomers of chiral monoterpenes because (+)-α-pinene but not (–)-α-pinene or (±)-α-pinene had been shown previously to promote oviposition. Headspace volatiles from white spruce, Picea glauca (Moench) Voss (Pinaceae), and balsam fir, Abies balsamea (L.) Mill. (Pinaceae), were sampled using solid-phase microextraction and identified by gas chromatography – mass spectrometry with the aid of a chiral column. Females deposited significantly more egg masses on filter paper substrate treated with host monoterpenes than on controls. Contrary to expectation, substrates treated with several GLVs were also preferred over the controls. None of the GLVs or terpenes was deterrent. Females showed no significant ability in either the behavioral or the GC–EAD bioassays to distinguish between enantiomers of selected chiral monoterpenes, including α-pinene, in contrast to earlier findings. We conclude that host terpenes serve as general rather than host-specific oviposition stimuli for spruce budworm.

Estimates of the percentage of filled-dead seeds contained in two seedlots of eastern white pine and white spruce were obtained from cutting tests following the standard germination test for each species. After incubation samples of seeds from these seedlots were partially desiccated in a drying cabinet until the percentage of floating seeds, out of 100 seeds placed in water, was equal to the estimated percentage of filled-dead seeds. Then the seeds in each seedlot were separated in a water column.This separation resulted in a significant improvement in germination percentage from 50.2% to 86.0% when the control and bottom fractions were compared for the white spruce seedlot with the poorest germinability and from 46.2% to 69.0% for the white pine seedlot with poorest germinability. Mean germination time for the above seedlots was not significantly reduced for either species. There was no significant difference in germinability among the dried and the fresh subsamples of the bottom fractions for any seedlot tested though dried seeds of white spruce in the bottom fraction did take significantly longer to germinate than fresh seeds. Such was not the case for white pine.

The study examined the effects of different relative humidity conditions at germination, early growth, and following cold storage on morphological and physiological characteristics of white spruce (Picea glauca (Moench) Voss) seedlings. Seedlings that were grown for 18 weeks following seed germination at the lower, 30% RH (RHinitial) treatments were shorter and had smaller stem diameters, shorter needles with more epicuticular wax, and a greater density of needles per centimetre stem, compared with the 80% RHinitial seedlings. After 18 weeks of growth under 30, 50, and 80% RH, the seedlings were hardened off, stored for 8 weeks at 3°C and planted in pots in growth chambers under 42 and 74% relative humidity (RHsubsequent). Under 74% RHsubsequent conditions, the lower RHinitial seedlings flushed sooner and had higher growth rates compared with the higher RHinitial seedlings. When the higher RHinitial seedlings were placed under 42% RHsubsequent conditions, their bud flush was delayed, and subsequent growth rates were lower compared with the lower RHinitial seedlings. When measured at 40% RH, seedlings subjected to lower RHinitial had higher net assimilation rates and stomatal conductance compared with the seedlings acclimated to higher RHinitial humidity. It was concluded that the humidity conditions present during early seedling growth following germination significantly affect their morphological and physiological characteristics during the second growth season.

Mass loss and changes in C, N, and P concentrations were measured in 20 cm long log segments of lodgepole pine ( Pinus contorta Dougl. ex Loud.), white spruce ( Picea glauca (Moench) Voss), and subalpine fir (Abies lasiocarpa (Hook.) Nutt.) that had been placed in three Rocky Mountain coniferous forests 21 years earlier. Pine, spruce, and fir lost 76%, 39%, and 64%, respectively, of their initial mass during the 21 years. The corresponding mean decay rates (k) were 0.072, 0.024 and 0.052·year–1. The decay patterns of pine and spruce were similar with the highest k between 6 and 14 years. Fir k increased during the course of decomposition with the highest rate between 14 and 21 years. The correlation between original dry mass and k was negative for pine (r = –0.28), positive for fir (r = 0.35), and not significant for spruce. C/N, C/P, and N/P ratios declined and converged to a similar value in relation to mass loss for all three species. The N/P ratios of logs of all three species stabilized at about 19. These findings indicate that patterns of wood decay are difficult to predict (even with 14 year data), and so models that incorporate wood-decay estimates will be associated with considerable uncertainty.

From the middle of the 18th century there have been domesticated reindeer herds in the mountains of South-Norway. The people living in these areas, mostly farmers and hunters, bought reindeer from the Sami further east and north. Or Sami families came with their reindeer and started a new living. These events took place in many regions such as Setesdal, Hardangervidda, Hardanger, Voss, Hallingdal, Valdres, northern Gudbrandsdalen, Norefjell and Rendalen. In 1962 there were 20 000 tame reindeer held by 14 reindeer companies in southern Norway. Today five of these companies still exist. The reindeer owners have organized themselves as joint companies and to be a shareholder one must be living in the local municipality. The four companies in Valdres and northern Gudbrandsdalen keep in all about 11 000 reindeer in the winter herd which produces about 190 tons of reindeer meat each year. The legal basis of this reindeer management is regulated through agreements between the owners of the rough grazing properties and the company. In large areas the Norwegian State is the landowner, and in these cases the so-called Mountain law of 1975 regulates the agreement. The ways of managing the companies will be a matter of adjusting the management to all the other events in society. The structure of the herd, the extent of tameness and degree of domestication are key requisites. It is also of major importance that society supports this kind of management and regards the traditions and the long history of local interests in reindeer management. A future challenge will be to get these ways of living secured and warranted by law.

Considering the example of the translation of Njegoš’s The Mountain Wreath into the German language, the paper analyses the translational solutions that are dictated by the principles of the subject. The translator Alois Schmaus chose to take this step in order to bring home to the modern reader a world which appears to be archaic. He made this decision for two reasons. First, the German reader is unfamiliar with the historical context that is the subject of this poem; secondly the rules of prosody in Serbian and German do not match. By choosing to carry over the Serbian epic decasyllable, Schmaus favours the Serbian poetic tradition. From the historical point of view German verse, constructed as an Alexandrine, is burdened with the context of courtly poetics. The hexameter, meanwhile, which was introduced into German literature by Klopstock and later popularised by Voss and Goethe, appears in the context of the rise of the bourgeoisie. Both verses require changes while being translated, which affect the poem’s characteristics. In order to maintain authenticity, Schmaus pleads for the “Serbian trochee”: iamb and dactyl, metrical feet that are closer to the German language, would have impeded the setting the diaeresis and affected the syntax. Because of this, Schmaus places a spondee at the end of every verse and sets the historical context in the tradition of martyrdom.

Twelve Alberta forest regeneration blocks, situated on representative white spruce (Picea glauca (Moench) Voss) - trembling aspen (Populus tremuloides Michx.) boreal mixedwood sites, planted to white spruce, and operationally released with glyphosate herbicide, were surveyed in the fall of 2002. Stand structure and composition were quantified and compared for treated and untreated portions of each block. The Mixedwood Growth Model (MGM, Department of Renewable Resources, University of Alberta) was used to project these stands over a 100-year horizon and to model the outcomes of several additional silvicultural treatments that could be applied to these blocks. A single release treatment provided 17% and 43% gains in planted white spruce height and stem diameter, respectively, an average of five years after treatment. Treatment shifted stands from being deciduous-dominated, with only 12% conifer basal area, to more than 75% conifer basal area, increasing conifer volumes per hectare nearly three-fold, but retaining conifer-deciduous mixture. Model projections suggest that these stands will produce similar total volumes over an 80-year rotation and that conifer release essentially trades deciduous volume for conifer volume, the degree of release dictating the extent to which this trade-off takes place. A single conifer release treatment led to an average simulated mature stand that contains 21% deciduous basal area, likely meeting mixedwood rather than conifer regeneration criteria. Model simulations of additional silvicultural interventions in these stands suggested that a variety of options exist to satisfy a range of stand or landscape management objectives for spruce-aspen mixedwoods, all within a relatively fixed volume production envelope. A clearer understanding of how early stand conditions translate into stand and landscape management objectives seems prerequisite to solving management conflicts on boreal mixedwood sites. Key words: boreal mixedwoods, vegetation management, conifer release, Mixedwood Growth Model, white spruce, trembling aspen

Through the case study of the publishing and banning of the second edi- tion of the book Mīlestības vārdā (1982, In the Name of Love) by the Latvian physician Jānis Zālītis (1933–2007), the article aims to analyse the changed understanding among medical educators and officials of the Latvian Communist Party on limits of what could be promoted in a handbook on sex education in the early 1980s. The author of the handbook and the publishing house were convinced that the degree of explicitness of the content of the sex education books already published was sufficient to risk expanding it with drawings of sex positions, despite the fact that the message of the illustrations did not correspond to the thesis of the conservative sexual agenda prevailing in the Soviet Union that sexual intercourse should take place only within marriage. Drawings by Edgars Ozoliņš clearly conveyed the message of pleasure and enjoyment, but they did not explicitly state that the woman and man enjoying penetrative sex were in a marital relationship as husband and wife. The article will argue that the decision to destroy the book was ethe nforced by the decision of the Burau of the Central Committee of the Latvian Communist Party of August 17, 1982, and promoted by its First Secretary (1966–1984) Augusts Voss, who called the book pornographic and influenced by Western ideology and harmful to Soviet ideology. The paper will establish that the destruction of the book Mīlestības vārdā shows that not only Zālītis’ ideas about what was and was not permissible in promoting sexual knowledge differed from the Soviet conservative sexual agenda, but that there was also a diversity of opinions within the Soviet Latvian nomenklatura.

We examined patterns of N and P uptake and release from a wide variety of litter types, including leaves, needles, moss, roots, and wood, for 4 years in three forests (lodgepole pine (Pinuscontorta Loud.), white spruce (Piceaglauca (Moench) Voss)–lodgepole pine, and Engelmann spruce (Piceaengelmannii Parry ex Engelm.)–subalpine fir (Abieslasiocarpa (Hook.) Nutt.)) and a small clearcut, in the Rocky Mountains of Alberta. Decomposition was more rapid and N release began sooner in the clearcut than in the forests, but N release began at the same stage of decomposition at all sites. In most litter types, a period of net immobilization of N was followed by a period of net release; only litter types particularly rich in N had an initial leaching phase. Each litter type initially gained or lost N depending on its original concentration, such that N contents converged after 1 or 2 years. The N content at convergence differed among litter types. Phosphorus was usually released immediately. The rate of P loss also varied according to the initial P concentration, and the P contents of all litter types converged within 1 year. The availability of N and P in the forest floor did not affect the rate of N and P release from a standard substrate placed at all sites. The concentrations of N and P in the litter influenced the rate of uptake of N or P during the first 1–3 years, but was not consistently related to nutrient availability in the forest floors at the four sites.

The Holarctic species of Cleopomiarus Pierce, 1919 (Curculionidae, Curculioninae, Mecinini) are revised. Two North American and 19 Palaearctic species are recognized as valid. Three of the latter are new to science: C. afghanus sp. nov. (Afghanistan), C. caucasicus sp. nov. (Armenia), and C. reitteri sp. nov. (Algeria, Morocco). Cleopomiarus ruscinonensis (Roudier & Tempère, 1966), described as subspecies of C. longirostris Gyllenhal, 1838, is raised to species (stat. nov.). The following new synonymies are proposed: Cleopomiarus distinctus (Boheman, 1845) (= Miarus dictamnophilus Zherichin, 1996 syn. nov.); Cleopomiarus flavoscutellatus (Morimoto, 1959) (= Miarus tapirus Korotyaev, 1999 syn. nov.); Cleopomiarus graminis (Gyllenhal, 1813) (= Miarus dulcinasutus Kangas, 1976 syn. nov.; = Miarus jakowlewi Faust, 1895 syn. nov.; = Miarus scutellaris subsp. mequignoni Hoffmann, 1939 syn. nov.). Miarus hispidulus Reitter, 1907 and M. hispidus Bovie, 1909 are again placed in synonymy with Cleopomiarus hispidulus (LeConte, 1876). The lectotypes of the following taxa are designated: Cionus micros Germar, 1824, Cionus plantarum Germar, 1824, Gymnetron distinctus Boheman, 1845, Gymnetron longirostris Gyllenhal, 1838, Miaromimus schatzmayri Solari, 1947, Miarus degorsi Abeille de Perrin, 1906, Miarus fuscopubens Reitter, 1907, Miarus graminis var. subfulvus Reitter, 1907, Miarus graminis var. subuniseriatus Reitter, 1907, Miarus hispidulus Reitter, 1907, Miarus jakowlewi Faust, 1895, Miarus longirostris ssp. mandschuricus Voss, 1952, Miarus medius Desbrochers des Loges, 1893, Miarus vestitus Roelofs, 1875. A key to the species, diagnoses of species groups, descriptions or redescriptions, notes on type specimens, synonymies, comparative notes, distribution, bionomics when available, phylogenenetic observations, and drawings of body, rostra, terminalia and other useful characters for taxonomy are provided.

To apply somatic embryogenesis to clonal propagation of forest species, the technique must be applicable to a broad range of genotypes and allow efficient regeneration of phenotypically normal plants. Seventy-one lines (genotypes) of embryogenic cultures from six open-pollinated families were obtained by culturing immature embryos of interior spruce. Interior spruce represents a mixture of two closely related species, Piceaglauca (Moench) Voss and Piceaengelmannii Parry, from the interior of British Columbia where they hydridize with one another. The abscisic acid dependent developmental profile (the proportion of rooty embryos, shooty embryos, precociously germinating embryos, and mature embryos over a range of abscisic acid concentrations) differed among genotypes, but in general, production of mature somatic embryos was highest at 40 and 60 μM abscisic acid. Treatment of mature embryos with a high relative humidity treatment resulted in partial drying of the embryos and upon rehydration, markedly enhanced germination of the eight genotypes tested. Within 1 week of being placed under germination conditions, somatic embryos treated with the high relative humidity treatment showed 80–100% germination for 12 of the genotypes, and most genotypes had germination rates of greater than 40%. Survival of "emblings" (germinants from somatic embryos) following transfer to soil, acclimatization, and first season's growth in the nursery was 80% or greater for most genotypes. Over 1200 emblings were tested for nursery performance, representing the first large-scale evaluation of conifer somatic embryos under exvitro conditions. Growth rates, final height, shoot and root morphology, and frost hardiness were similar for emblings and seedlings following the first growing season. These results indicate that somatic embryogenesis can be used for the production of planting stock for a range of interior spruce genotypes.

Three ornamental species, Osteospermum sp. (L.), Felicia amelloides (L.) Voss, and Ranunculus asiaticus L., cultivated in greenhouses on the outskirts of Buenos Aires, showed sudden wilt and death during October 2002. These species are new ornamentals in Argentina. The diseased plants were cultivated in plastic containers filled with commercial potting mix. Soft rot was observed at the base of the plants. Stem lesions became covered with whitish mycelium that produced large, black sclerotia (5 to 7 mm in diameter) characteristic of Sclerotinia sclerotiorum (Lib.) de Bary (1). The fungus was consistently recovered from infected stem pieces that were disinfested for 1 min in 0.2% NaOCl and plated on potato dextrose agar (PDA), pH 7. Pathogenicity of the three isolates obtained from infected plants was confirmed by inoculating 10 3-month-old healthy plants of each species in 14-cm-diameter plastic pots. Each isolate was inoculated on the host from which it had been isolated. Inoculum consisted of three mycelial plugs from 7-day-old PDA cultures that were placed on the substrate at the base of the plants. Control plants were treated with sterile agar plugs. Inoculated and noninoculated plants were covered with transparent plastic bags for 2 days and incubated in a growth chamber at 20 to 24°C with a 12-h photoperiod. All inoculated plants developed symptoms of leaf yellowing and wilt. Soft and watery tissues were observed at the base of the plants, soon followed by the appearance of white mycelium. Disease symptoms were similar to those observed on the original infected plants and appeared 6, 5, and 3 days after inoculation on Osteospermum sp., F. amelloides, and R. asiaticus, respectively. All inoculated plants died within 3 weeks, and control plants remained healthy. S. sclerotiorum was reisolated from inoculated plants of each species, fulfilling Koch's postulates. To our knowledge, this is the first report of the occurrence of Sclerotinia stem rot on these three plant species in Argentina. Reference: (1) J. E. M. Mordue and P. Holliday. No. 513 in: Descriptions of Pathogenic Fungi and Bacteria. CMI, Kew, Surrey, UK. 1976.

Background:Digital health applications (DHAs) are gaining influence and promise great potential for the monitoring and management of rheumatic and musculoskeletal diseases (RMDs).Objectives:To analyse the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on RMD patients’ and rheumatologists’ usage, preferences, and perception of digital health applications (DHAs) in Germany.Methods:A web-based national survey was developed by the Working Group Young Rheumatology of the German Society for Rheumatology and the German League against Rheumatism. The prospective survey was distributed via social media, QR-code, and email. Descriptive statistics were calculated, and regression analyses were performed to show correlations.Results:We analysed the responses of 299 patients and 129 rheumatologists. Most patients (74%) and rheumatologists (76%) believed that DHAs are useful in the management of RMDs and felt confident in their own usage thereof (90%; 86%). 38% of patients and 71% of rheumatologists reported that their attitude had changed positively towards DHAs and that their usage had increased due to COVID-19 (29%; 48%).Usage and recommendation of DHAs for both groups are shown in Figure 1:Figure 1.Usage or recommendation of digital health applications. Patients and rheumatologists were asked to indicate the specific digital health applications (DHAs) they used or were recommended.The majority in both groups agreed on implementing virtual visits for follow-up appointments in stable disease conditions. The most reported advantages of DHAs were usage independent of time and place (76.6%; 77.5%). The main barriers were a lack of information on suitable, available DHAs (58.5%; 41.9%), poor usability (42.1% of patients) and a lack of evidence supporting the effectiveness of DHAs (23.2% of rheumatologists) (Table 1).Table 1.Advantages and Barriers of DHA, n (%).AdvantagesBarriersPatientsRheumatologistsPatientsRheumatologistsLocation-Independence229 (76.6)100 (77.5)Too little information175 (58.5)54 (41.9)Time-independence223 (74.6)94 (72.9)Too little evidence of benefits36 (12.0)30 (23.3)Detailed documentation97 (32.4)47 (36.4)Poor quality of current apps47 (15.7)29 (22.5)Cost saving95 (31.8)37 (28.7)Concernsabout data protection52 (17.4)25 (19.4)More information88 (29.4)38 (29.5)Lack of usability126 (42.1)17 (13.2)Independenceof doctors+36 (12.0)-Lack of accessibility4 (1.3)-More flexibility107 (36.8)77 (59.7)High costs4 (1.3)23 (17.8)Preparationfor discussion+46 (15.4)-No suitable equipment17 (5.7)11 (8.5)No advantages at all18 (6.0)1 (0.8)Lack of user competenceNo Need9 (3.0)39 (13.0)-12 (9.3)Patients and rheumatologists were asked about the advantages and barriers of DHAs. Multiple answers were allowed. Patients had two additional potential advantages and potential barriers to choose from*.Only a minority (<10% in both groups) believed that digitalisation has a negative impact on the patient-doctor relationship.Conclusion:The COVID-19 pandemic instigated an increase in patients’ and rheumatologists’ acceptance and usage of DHAs, possibly introducing a permanent paradigm shift in the management of RMDs.Acknowledgements:The authors thank the following persons and societies for their great effort, distributing the online survey: P.Aries, A.Hueber, E.Feist, C.Fiehn, P.Korsten, I.Kötter, F.Mühlensiepen, A.Pfeil, M.Rudwaleit, M.Welcker, S.Zinke, Deutsche Vereinigung Morbus Bechterew e.V., Deutsche Rheuma-Liga Bundesverband e. V., Sklerodermie Selbsthilfe e.V.Disclosure of Interests:Anna Kernder: None declared, Harriet Morf: None declared, Philipp Klemm: None declared, Diana Vossen Speakers bureau: Novartis, Abbvie, Amgen, Consultant of: Abbvie Deutschland GmbH & Co. KG, Bristol-Myer Squibb, Celgene GmbH, Gilead Sciences Inc., Lilly Deutschland GmbH, Medac GmbH, Novartis Pharma GmbH, Pfizer Deutschland GmbH, UCB Pharma GmbH, Grant/research support from: Pfizer, Abbvie, Marco Meyer Consultant of: Medac, Isabell Haase Speakers bureau: Medac, Consultant of: Medac, Grant/research support from: UCB, Abbvie, BMS, Johanna Mucke Speakers bureau: AbbVie Deutschland GmbH & Co. KG, Amgen, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Chugai Pharma Germany GmbH, Celgene GmbH, Gilead Sciences Inc., GlaxoSmithKline, Janssen-Cilag GmbH, Lilly Deutschland GmbH, Novartis Pharma GmbH, Pfizer Deutschland GmbH and UCB Pharma GmbH., Consultant of: AbbVie Deutschland GmbH & Co. KG, Amgen, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Chugai Pharma Germany GmbH, Celgene GmbH, Gilead Sciences Inc., GlaxoSmithKline, Janssen-Cilag GmbH, Lilly Deutschland GmbH, Novartis Pharma GmbH, Pfizer Deutschland GmbH and UCB Pharma GmbH., Arnd Kleyer Shareholder of: yes, Speakers bureau: Lilly, Novartis, Consultant of: Abbvie, Lilly, Novartis BMS, Gilead,Janssen, Grant/research support from: Lilly, Novartis, Gilead,, Philipp Sewerin Consultant of: AbbVie, Amgen, Axiom Health, Biogen, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Celgene, Chugai Pharma Marketing Ltd./Chugai Europe, Deutscher Psoriasis-Bund, Fresenius Kabi, Gilead Sciences, Hexal Pharma, Janssen-Cilag, Johnson & Johnson, Lilly, Medi-login, Mediri GmbH, Novartis Pharma, Onkowissen GmbH, Pfizer, Roche Pharma, Rheumazentrum Rhein-Ruhr, Sanofi-Genzyme, Swedish Orphan Biovitrum, and UCB, Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Amgen, Biogen, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Bundesministerium fuer Bildung und Forschung (BMBF), Deutsche Forschungsgesellschaft (DFG), Deutscher Psoriasis-Bund, Fresenius Kabi, Gilead Sciences, Hexal Pharma, Janssen-Cilag, Lilly, Novartis Pharma, Pfizer, Rheumazentrum Rhein-Ruhr, Roche Pharma, Sanofi-Genzyme, and UCB, Gerlinde Bendzuck: None declared, Sabine Eis: None declared, Johannes Knitza Consultant of: Abbvie, Novartis, Lilly, Medac, BMS, Sanofi, Amgen, Gilead, UCB, ABATON, GSK, Grant/research support from: Novartis, UCB, Thermofisher, Sanofi, Martin Krusche Speakers bureau: Lilly, Medac, Novartis, Roche/Chugai, Consultant of: Abbvie, Lilly, Gilead, Medac, Novartis, Sobi, BMS, Amgen, GSK, Grant/research support from: Sanofi

We’ll have trouble now!The Archaeological Society of Jutland was founded on Sunday, 11 March 1951. As with most projects with which P.V Glob was involved, this did not pass off without drama. Museum people and amateur archaeologists in large numbers appeared at the Museum of Natural History in Aarhus, which had placed rooms at our disposal. The notable dentist Holger Friis, the uncrowned king of Hjørring, was present, as was Dr Balslev from Aidt, Mr and Mrs Overgaard from Holstebro Museum, and the temperamental leader of Aalborg Historical Museum, Peter Riismøller, with a number of his disciples. The staff of the newly-founded Prehistoric Museum functioned as the hosts, except that one of them was missing: the instigator of the whole enterprise, Mr Glob. As the time for the meeting approached, a cold sweat broke out on the foreheads of the people present. Finally, just one minute before the meeting was to start, he arrived and mounted the platform. Everything then went as expected. An executive committee was elected after some discussion, laws were passed, and then suddenly Glob vanished again, only to materialise later in the museum, where he confided to us that his family, which included four children, had been enlarged by a daughter.That’s how the society was founded, and there is not much to add about this. However, a few words concerning the background of the society and its place in a larger context may be appropriate. A small piece of museum history is about to be unfolded.The story begins at the National Museum in the years immediately after World War II, at a time when the German occupation and its incidents were still terribly fresh in everyone’s memory. Therkel Mathiassen was managing what was then called the First Department, which covered the prehistoric periods.Although not sparkling with humour, he was a reliable and benevolent person. Number two in the order of precedence was Hans Christian Broholm, a more colourful personality – awesome as he walked down the corridors, with his massive proportions and a voice that sounded like thunder when nothing seemed to be going his way, as quite often seemed to be the case. Glob, a relatively new museum keeper, was also quite loud at times – his hot-blooded artist’s nature manifested itself in peculiar ways, but his straight forward appearance made him popular with both the older and the younger generations. His somewhat younger colleague C.J. Becker was a scholar to his fingertips, and he sometimes acted as a welcome counterbalance to Glob. At the bottom of the hierarchy was the student group, to which I belonged. The older students handled various tasks, including periodic excavations. This was paid work, and although the salary was by no means princely, it did keep us alive. Student grants were non-existent at the time. Four of us made up a team: Olfert Voss, Mogens Ørsnes, Georg Kunwald and myself. Like young people in general, we were highly discontented with the way our profession was being run by its ”ruling” members, and we were full of ideas for improvement, some of which have later been – or are being – introduced.At the top of our wish list was a central register, of which Voss was the strongest advocate. During the well over one hundred years that archaeology had existed as a professional discipline, the number of artefacts had grown to enormous amounts. The picture was even worse if the collections of the provincial museums were taken into consideration. We imagined how it all could be registered in a card index and categorised according to groups to facilitate access to references in any particular situation. Electronic data processing was still unheard of in those days, but since the introduction of computers, such a comprehensive record has become more feasible.We were also sceptical of the excavation techniques used at the time – they were basically adequate, but they badly needed tightening up. As I mentioned before, we were often working in the field, and not just doing minor jobs but also more important tasks, so we had every opportunity to try out our ideas. Kunwald was the driving force in this respect, working with details, using sections – then a novelty – and proceeding as he did with a thoroughness that even his fellow students found a bit exaggerated at times, although we agreed with his principles. Therkel Mathiassen moaned that we youngsters were too expensive, but he put up with our excesses and so must have found us somewhat valuable. Very valuable indeed to everyon e was Ejnar Dyggve’s excavation of the Jelling mounds in the early 1940s. From a Danish point of view, it was way ahead of its time.Therkel Mathiassen justly complained about the economic situation of the National Museum. Following the German occupation, the country was impoverished and very little money was available for archaeological research: the total sum available for the year 1949 was 20,000 DKK, which corresponded to the annual income of a wealthy man, and was of course absolutely inadequate. Of course our small debating society wanted this sum to be increased, and for once we didn’t leave it at the theoretical level.Voss was lucky enough to know a member of the Folketing (parliament), and a party leader at that. He was brought into the picture, and between us we came up with a plan. An article was written – ”Preserve your heritage” (a quotation from Johannes V. Jensen’s Denmark Song) – which was sent to the newspaper Information. It was published, and with a little help on our part the rest of the media, including radio, picked up the story.We informed our superiors only at the last minute, when everything was arranged. They were taken by surprise but played their parts well, as expected, and everything went according to plan. The result was a considerable increase in excavation funds the following year.It should be added that our reform plans included the conduct of exhibitions. We found the traditional way of presenting the artefacts lined up in rows and series dull and outdated. However, we were not able to experiment within this field.Our visions expressed the natural collision with the established ways that comes with every new generation – almost as a law of nature, but most strongly when the time is ripe. And this was just after the war, when communication with foreign colleagues, having been discontinued for some years, was slowly picking up again. The Archaeological Society of Jutland was also a part of all this, so let us turn to what Hans Christian Andersen somewhat provocatively calls the ”main country”.Until 1949, only the University of Copenhagen provided a degree in prehistoric archaeology. However, in this year, the University of Aarhus founded a chair of archaeology, mainly at the instigation of the Lord Mayor, Svend Unmack Larsen, who was very in terested in archaeology. Glob applied for the position and obtained it, which encompassed responsibility for the old Aarhus Museum or, as it was to be renamed, the Prehistoric Museum (now Moesgaard Museum).These were landmark events to Glob – and to me, as it turned out. We had been working together for a number of years on the excavation of Galgebakken (”Callows Hill”) near Slots Bjergby, Glob as the excavation leader, and I as his assistant. He now offered me the job of museum curator at his new institution. This was somewhat surprising as I had not yet finished my education. The idea was that I was to finish my studies in remote Jutland – a plan that had to be given up rather quickly, though, for reasons which I will describe in the following. At the same time, Gunner Lange-Kornbak – also hand-picked from the National Museum – took up his office as a conservation officer.The three of us made up the permanent museum staff, quickly supplemented by Geoffrey Bibby, who turned out to be an invaluable colleague. He was English and had been stationed in the Faeroe Islands during the war, where he learned to speak Danish. After 1945 he worked for some years for an oil company in the Gulf of Persia, but after marrying Vibeke, he settled in her home town of Aarhus. As his academic background had involved prehistoric cultures he wanted to collaborate with the museum, which Glob readily permitted.This small initial flock governed by Glob was not permitted to indulge inidleness. Glob was a dynamic character, full of good and not so good ideas, but also possessing a good grasp of what was actually practicable. The boring but necessary daily work on the home front was not very interesting to him, so he willingly handed it over to others. He hardly noticed the lack of administrative machinery, a prerequisite for any scholarly museum. It was not easy to follow him on his flights of fancy and still build up the necessary support base. However, the fact that he in no way spared himself had an appeasing effect.Provincial museums at that time were of a mixed nature. A few had trained management, and the rest were run by interested locals. This was often excellently done, as in Esbjerg, where the master joiner Niels Thomsen and a staff of volunteers carried out excavations that were as good as professional investigations, and published them in well-written articles. Regrettably, there were also examples of the opposite. A museum curator in Jutland informed me that his predecessor had been an eager excavator but very rarely left any written documentation of his actions. The excavated items were left without labels in the museum store, often wrapped in newspapers. However, these gave a clue as to the time of unearthing, and with a bit of luck a look in the newspaper archive would then reveal where the excavation had taken place. Although somewhat exceptional, this is not the only such case.The Museum of Aarhus definitely belonged among the better ones in this respect. Founded in 1861, it was at first located at the then town hall, together with the local art collection. The rooms here soon became too cramped, and both collections were moved to a new building in the ”Mølleparken” park. There were skilful people here working as managers and assistants, such as Vilhelm Boye, who had received his archaeological training at the National Museum, and later the partners A. Reeh, a barrister, and G.V. Smith, a captain, who shared the honour of a number of skilfully performed excavations. Glob’s predecessor as curator was the librarian Ejler Haugsted, also a competent man of fine achievements. We did not, thus, take over a museum on its last legs. On the other hand, it did not meet the requirements of a modern scholarly museum. We were given the task of turning it into such a museum, as implied by the name change.The goal was to create a museum similar to the National Museum, but without the faults and shortcomings that that museum had developed over a period of time. In this respect our nightly conversations during our years in Copenhagen turned out to be useful, as our talk had focused on these imperfections and how to eradicate them.We now had the opportunity to put our theories into practice. We may not have succeeded in doing so, but two areas were essentially improved:The numerous independent numbering systems, which were familiar to us from the National Museum, were permeating archaeological excavation s not only in the field but also during later work at the museum. As far as possible this was boiled down to a single system, and a new type of report was born. (In this context, a ”report” is the paper following a field investigation, comprising drawings, photos etc. and describing the progress of the work and the observations made.) The instructions then followed by the National Museum staff regarding the conduct of excavations and report writing went back to a 19th-century protocol by the employee G.V. Blom. Although clear and rational – and a vast improvement at the time – this had become outdated. For instance, the excavation of a burial mound now involved not only the middle of the mound, containing the central grave and its surrounding artefacts, but the complete structure. A large number of details that no one had previously paid attention to thus had to be included in the report. It had become a comprehensive and time-consuming work to sum up the desultory notebook records in a clear and understandable description.The instructions resulting from the new approach determined a special records system that made it possible to transcribe the notebook almost directly into a report following the excavation. The transcription thus contained all the relevant information concerning the in vestigation, and included both relics and soil layers, the excavation method and practical matters, although in a random order. The report proper could then bereduced to a short account containing references to the numbers in the transcribed notebook, which gave more detailed information.As can be imagined, the work of reform was not a continuous process. On the contrary, it had to be done in our spare hours, which were few and far between with an employer like Glob. The assignments crowded in, and the large Jutland map that we had purchased was as studded with pins as a hedge hog’s spines. Each pin represented an inuninent survey, and many of these grew into small or large excavations. Glob himself had his lecture duties to perform, and although he by no means exaggerated his concern for the students, he rarely made it further than to the surveys. Bibby and I had to deal with the hard fieldwork. And the society, once it was established, did not make our lives any easier. Kuml demanded articles written at lightning speed. A perusal of my then diary has given me a vivid recollection of this hectic period, in which I had to make use of the evening and night hours, when the museum was quiet and I had a chance to collect my thoughts. Sometimes our faithful supporter, the Lord Mayor, popped in after an evening meeting. He was extremely interested in our problems, which were then solved according to our abilities over a cup of instant coffee.A large archaeological association already existed in Denmark. How ever, Glob found it necessary to establish another one which would be less oppressed by tradition. Det kongelige nordiske Oldsskriftselskab had been funded in 1825 and was still influenced by different peculiarities from back then. Membership was not open to everyone, as applications were subject to recommendation from two existing members and approval by a vote at one of the monthly lecture meetings. Most candidates were of course accepted, but unpopular persons were sometimes rejected. In addition, only men were admitted – women were banned – but after the war a proposal was brought forward to change this absurdity. It was rejected at first, so there was a considerable excitement at the January meeting in 1951, when the proposal was once again placed on the agenda. The poor lecturer (myself) did his best, although he was aware of the fact that just this once it was the present and not the past which was the focus of attention. The result of the voting was not very courteous as there were still many opponents, but the ladies were allowed in, even if they didn’t get the warmest welcome.In Glob’s society there were no such restrictions – everyone was welcome regardless of sex or age. If there was a model for the society, it was the younger and more progressive Norwegian Archaeological Society rather than the Danish one. The main purpose of both societies was to produce an annual publication, and from the start Glob’s Kuml had a closer resemblance to the Norwegian Viking than to the Danish Aarbøger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie. The name of the publication caused careful consideration. For a long time I kept a slip of paper with different proposals, one of which was Kuml, which won after having been approved by the linguist Peter Skautrup.The name alone, however, was not enough, so now the task became to find so mething to fill Kuml with. To this end the finds came in handy, and as for those, Glob must have allied him self with the higher powers, since fortune smiled at him to a considerable extent. Just after entering upon his duties in Aarhus, an archaeological sensation landed at his feet. This happened in May 1950 when I was still living in the capital. A few of us had planned a trip to Aarhus, partly to look at the relics of th e past, and partly to visit our friend, the professor. He greeted us warmly and told us the exciting news that ten iron swords had been found during drainage work in the valley of lllerup Aadal north of the nearby town of Skanderborg. We took the news calmly as Glob rarely understated his affairs, but our scepticism was misplaced. When we visited the meadow the following day and carefully examined the dug-up soil, another sword appeared, as well as several spear and lance heads, and other iron artefacts. What the drainage trench diggers had found was nothing less than a place of sacrifice for war booty, like the four large finds from the 1800s. When I took up my post in Aarhus in September of that year I was granted responsibility for the lllerup excavation, which I worked on during the autumn and the following six summers. Some of my best memories are associated with this job – an interesting and happy time, with cheerful comradeship with a mixed bunch of helpers, who were mainly archaeology students. When we finished in 1956, it was not because the site had been fully investigated, but because the new owner of the bog plot had an aversion to archaeologists and their activities. Nineteen years later, in 1975, the work was resumed, this time under the leadership of Jørgen Ilkjær, and a large amount of weaponry was uncovered. The report from the find is presently being published.At short intervals, the year 1952 brought two finds of great importance: in Februar y the huge vessel from Braa near Horsens, and in April the Grauballe Man. The large Celtic bronze bowl with the bulls’ heads was found disassembled, buried in a hill and covered by a couple of large stones. Thanks to the finder, the farmer Søren Paaske, work was stopped early enough to leave areas untouched for the subsequent examination.The saga of the Grauballe Man, or the part of it that we know, began as a rumour on the 26th of April: a skeleton had been found in a bog near Silkeborg. On the following day, which happened to be a Sunday, Glob went off to have a look at the find. I had other business, but I arrived at the museum in the evening with an acquaintance. In my diary I wrote: ”When we came in we had a slight shock. On the floor was a peat block with a corpse – a proper, well-preserved bog body. Glob brought it. ”We’ll be in trouble now.” And so we were, and Glob was in high spirits. The find created a sensation, which was also thanks to the quick presentation that we mounted. I had purchased a tape recorder, which cost me a packet – not a small handy one like the ones you get nowadays, but a large monstrosity with a steel tape (it was, after all, early days for this device) – and assisted by several experts, we taped a number of short lectures for the benefit of the visitors. People flocked in; the queue meandered from the exhibition room, through the museum halls, and a long way down the street. It took a long wait to get there, but the visitors seemed to enjoy the experience. The bog man lay in his hastily – procured exhibition case, which people circled around while the talking machine repeatedly expressed its words of wisdom – unfortunately with quite a few interruptions as the tape broke and had to be assembled by hand. Luckily, the tape recorders now often used for exhibitions are more dependable than mine.When the waves had died down and the exhibition ended, the experts examined the bog man. He was x-rayed at several points, cut open, given a tooth inspection, even had his fingerprints taken. During the autopsy there was a small mishap, which we kept to ourselves. However, after almost fifty years I must be able to reveal it: Among the organs removed for investigation was the liver, which was supposedly suitable for a C-14 dating – which at the time was a new dating method, introduced to Denmark after the war. The liver was sent to the laboratory in Copenhagen, and from here we received a telephone call a few days later. What had been sent in for examination was not the liver, but the stomach. The unfortunate (and in all other respects highly competent) Aarhus doctor who had performed the dissection was cal1ed in again. During another visit to the bogman’s inner parts he brought out what he believed to be the real liver. None of us were capable of deciding th is question. It was sent to Copenhagen at great speed, and a while later the dating arrived: Roman Iron Age. This result was later revised as the dating method was improved. The Grauballe Man is now thought to have lived before the birth of Christ.The preservation of the Grauballe Man was to be conservation officer Kornbak’s masterpiece. There were no earlier cases available for reference, so he invented a new method, which was very successful. In the first volumes of Kuml, society members read about the exiting history of the bog body and of the glimpses of prehistoric sacrificial customs that this find gave. They also read about the Bahrain expeditions, which Glob initiated and which became the apple of his eye. Bibby played a central role in this, as it was he who – at an evening gathering at Glob’s and Harriet’s home in Risskov – described his stay on the Persian Gulf island and the numerous burial mounds there. Glob made a quick decision (one of his special abilities was to see possibilities that noone else did, and to carry them out successfully to everyone’s surprise) and in December 1952 he and Bibby left for the Gulf, unaware of the fact that they were thereby beginning a series of expeditions which would continue for decades. Again it was Glob’s special genius that was the decisive factor. He very quickly got on friendly terms with the rulers of the small sheikhdoms and interested them in their past. As everyone knows, oil is flowing plentifully in those parts. The rulers were thus financially powerful and some of this wealth was quickly diverted to the expeditions, which probably would not have survived for so long without this assistance. To those of us who took part in them from time to time, the Gulf expeditions were an unforgettable experience, not just because of the interesting work, but even more because of the contact with the local population, which gave us an insight into local manners and customs that helped to explain parts of our own country’s past which might otherwise be difficult to understand. For Glob and the rest of us did not just get close to the elite: in spite of language problems, our Arab workers became our good friends. Things livened up when we occasionally turned up in their palm huts.Still, co-operating with Glob was not always an easy task – the sparks sometimes flew. His talent of initiating things is of course undisputed, as are the lasting results. He was, however, most attractive when he was in luck. Attention normally focused on this magnificent person whose anecdotes were not taken too seriously, but if something went wrong or failed to work out, he could be grossly unreasonable and a little too willing to abdicate responsibility, even when it was in fact his. This might lead to violent arguments, but peace was always restored. In 1954, another museum curator was attached to the museum: Poul Kjærum, who was immediately given the important task of investigating the dolmen settlement near Tustrup on Northern Djursland. This gave important results, such as the discovery of a cult house, which was a new and hitherto unknown Stone Age feature.A task which had long been on our mind s was finally carried out in 1955: constructing a new display of the museum collections. The old exhibitio n type consisted of numerous artefacts lined up in cases, accompaied ony by a brief note of the place where it was found and the type – which was the standard then. This type of exhibition did not give much idea of life in prehistoric times.We wanted to allow the finds to speak for themselves via the way that they were arranged, and with the aid of models, photos and drawings. We couldn’t do without texts, but these could be short, as people would understand more by just looking at the exhibits. Glob was in the Gulf at the time, so Kjærum and I performed the task with little money but with competent practical help from conservator Kornbak. We shared the work, but in fairness I must add that my part, which included the new lllerup find, was more suitable for an untraditional display. In order to illustrate the confusion of the sacrificial site, the numerous bent swords and other weapons were scattered a.long the back wall of the exhibition hall, above a bog land scape painted by Emil Gregersen. A peat column with inlaid slides illustrated the gradual change from prehistoric lake to bog, while a free-standing exhibition case held a horse’s skeleton with a broken skull, accompanied by sacrificial offerings. A model of the Nydam boat with all its oars sticking out hung from the ceiling, as did the fine copy of the Gundestrup vessel, as the Braa vessel had not yet been preserved. The rich pictorial decoration of the vessel’s inner plates was exhibited in its own case underneath. This was an exhibition form that differed considerably from all other Danish exhibitions of the time, and it quickly set a fashion. We awaited Glob’s homecoming with anticipation – if it wasn’t his exhibition it was still made in his spirit. We hoped that he would be surprised – and he was.The museum was thus taking shape. Its few employees included Jytte Ræbild, who held a key position as a secretary, and a growing number of archaeology students who took part in the work in various ways during these first years. Later, the number of employees grew to include the aforementioned excavation pioneer Georg Kunwald, and Hellmuth Andersen and Hans Jørgen Madsen, whose research into the past of Aarhus, and later into Danevirke is known to many, and also the ethnographer Klaus Ferdinand. And now Moesgaard appeared on the horizon. It was of course Glob’s idea to move everything to a manor near Aarhus – he had been fantasising about this from his first Aarhus days, and no one had raised any objections. Now there was a chance of fulfilling the dream, although the actual realisation was still a difficult task.During all this, the Jutland Archaeological Society thrived and attracted more members than expected. Local branches were founded in several towns, summer trips were arranged and a ”Worsaae Medal” was occasionally donated to persons who had deserved it from an archaeological perspective. Kuml came out regularly with contributions from museum people and the like-minded. The publication had a form that appealed to an inner circle of people interested in archaeology. This was the intention, and this is how it should be. But in my opinion this was not quite enough. We also needed a publication that would cater to a wider public and that followed the same basic ideas as the new exhibition.I imagined a booklet, which – without over-popularsing – would address not only the professional and amateur archaeologist but also anyone else interested in the past. The result was Skalk, which (being a branch of the society) published its fir t issue in the spring of 1957. It was a somewhat daring venture, as the financial base was weak and I had no knowledge of how to run a magazine. However, both finances and experience grew with the number of subscribers – and faster than expected, too. Skalk must have met an unsatisfied need, and this we exploited to the best of our ability with various cheap advertisements. The original idea was to deal only with prehistoric and medieval archaeology, but the historians also wanted to contribute, and not just the digging kind. They were given permission, and so the topic of the magazine ended up being Denmark’s past from the time of its first inhabitant s until the times remembered by the oldest of us – with the odd sideways leap to other subjects. It would be impossible to claim that Skalk was at the top of Glob’s wish list, but he liked it and supported the idea in every way. The keeper of national antiquities, Johannes Brøndsted, did the same, and no doubt his unreserved approval of the magazine contributed to its quick growth. Not all authors found it easy to give up technical language and express themselves in everyday Danish, but the new style was quickly accepted. Ofcourse the obligations of the magazine work were also sometimes annoying. One example from the diary: ”S. had promised to write an article, but it was overdue. We agreed to a final deadline and when that was overdue I phoned again and was told that the author had gone to Switzerland. My hair turned grey overnight.” These things happened, but in this particular case there was a happy ending. Another academic promised me three pages about an excavation, but delivered ten. As it happened, I only shortened his production by a third.The 1960s brought great changes. After careful consideration, Glob left us to become the keeper of national antiquities. One important reason for his hesitation was of course Moesgaard, which he missed out on – the transfer was almost settled. This was a great loss to the Aarhus museum and perhaps to Glob, too, as life granted him much greater opportunities for development.” I am not the type to regret things,” he later stated, and hopefully this was true. And I had to choose between the museum and Skalk – the work with the magazine had become too timeconsuming for the two jobs to be combined. Skalk won, and I can truthfully say that I have never looked back. The magazine grew quickly, and happy years followed. My resignation from the museum also meant that Skalk was disengaged from the Jutland Archaeological Society, but a close connection remained with both the museum and the society.What has been described here all happened when the museum world was at the parting of the ways. It was a time of innovation, and it is my opinion that we at the Prehistoric Museum contributed to that change in various ways.The new Museum Act of 1958 gave impetus to the study of the past. The number of archaeology students in creased tremendously, and new techniques brought new possibilities that the discussion club of the 1940s had not even dreamt of, but which have helped to make some of the visions from back then come true. Public in terest in archaeology and history is still avid, although to my regret, the ahistorical 1960s and 1970s did put a damper on it.Glob is greatly missed; not many of his kind are born nowadays. He had, so to say, great virtues and great fault s, but could we have done without either? It is due to him that we have the Jutland Archaeological Society, which has no w existed for half a century. Congr tulat ion s to the Society, from your offspring Skalk.Harald AndersenSkalk MagazineTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

This article aims to analyze the case of the acquisition of Vosper frigates by the Brazilian Navy, which took place in early 1970. Besides being an illustrative case of foreign policy disputes, it demonstrates how economic interests can define the foreign policy of nations. The business of frigates is considered strategic for the relationship between Brazil and the United Kingdom.

Abstract Background The Covid pandemic and associated lockdown forced medical schools globally not only to deliver emergency remote teaching, but to consider alternative methods of high stakes assessment. Here we outline our approach to the resit virtual OSCE (“VOSCE”) for final year medical students that we undertook during “lockdown” in the current pandemic. Methods The original ‘pre Covid’ examination blueprint was reviewed and modified for the virtual environment in both format and content. In anticipation of the new format delivery, a number of pre-training sessions took place for all parties, and standardised templates were developed. Results A total of 9 students undertook the VOSCE, which took the form of a two-part exam (a communication and clinical examination component, and a practical procedures component). The VOSCE was completed by all students, examiners, simulated patients and invigilators on an online digital platform with no issues with regards to technical problems. Conclusions A total of 6 students passed the VOSCE and as such progressed to graduation. The limitation of assessing some particular types of skills across the remote format (such as practical procedures) was recognised. The training and the templates developed were helpful in case the VOSCE format needs to be adopted in future at short notice and/or expanded in future.

We present a simulation study of an important rigid-body contact problem. The system in question is composed of a rigid plate and a single rigid body (or particle). The plate follows a prescribed periodic motion of small amplitude and high frequency, such that the net force applied to the part appears to be from a time-independent, position-dependent velocity field in the plane of the plate. Theoretical results obtained by Vose et al. were found to be in good agreement with simulation results obtained with the Stewart–Trinkle time-stepping method. In addition, simulations were found to agree with the qualitative experimental results of Vose et al. After such verification of the simulation method, additional numerical studies were done that would have been impossible to carry out analytically. Specifically, we were able to demonstrate the convergence of the method with decreasing step size (as predicted theoretically by Stewart). Further analytical and numerical studies will be carried out in the future to develop and select robust simulation methods that best satisfy the speed and accuracy requirements of different applications. With the accuracy of our time-stepper verified for this system, we were able to study the inverse problem of designing new plate motions to generate a desired part motion. This is done through an optimization framework, where a simulation of the part interacting with the plate (including the full dynamics of the system) is performed, and based on the results of the simulation the motion of the plate is modified. The learned (by simulation) plate motion was experimentally run on the device, and without any tuning (of the simulation parameters or device parameters) our learned plate motion produced the desired part motion.