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1
Su, Tong, Karen Gernant, and Zeping Chen. "Death without a Burial Place." Manoa 15, no. 2 (2003): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/man.2003.0141.
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Christesen, Paul. "THE TYPOLOGY AND TOPOGRAPHY OF SPARTAN BURIALS FROM THE PROTOGEOMETRIC TO THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD: RETHINKING SPARTAN EXCEPTIONALISM AND THE OSTENSIBLE CESSATION OF ADULT INTRAMURAL BURIALS IN THE GREEK WORLD." Annual of the British School at Athens 113 (November 2018): 307–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245418000096.
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This article makes use of recently published graves to offer the first synthetic analysis of the typology and topography of Spartan burials that is founded on archaeological evidence. Our knowledge of Spartan burial practices has long been based almost entirely on textual sources – excavations conducted in Sparta between 1906 and 1994 uncovered fewer than 20 pre-Roman graves. The absence of pre-Roman cemeteries led scholars to conclude that, as long as the Lycurgan customs were in effect, all burials in Sparta were intracommunal and that few tombs had been found because they had been destroyed by later building activity. Burial practices have, as a result, been seen as one of many ways in which Sparta was an outlier. The aforementioned recently published graves offer a different picture of Spartan burial practices. It is now clear that there was at least one extracommunal cemetery in the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. What would normally be described as extramural burials did, therefore, take place, but intracommunal burials of adults continued to be made in Sparta throughout the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. Those burials were concentrated along important roads and on the slopes of hills. The emergent understanding of Spartan burial practices takes on added significance when placed in a wider context. Burial practices in Sparta align closely with those found in Argos and Corinth. Indeed, burial practices in Sparta, rather than being exceptional, are notably similar to those of its most important Peloponnesian neighbours; a key issue is that in all three poleis intracommunal burials continued to take place through the Hellenistic period. The finding that adults were buried both extracommunally and intracommunally in Sparta, Argos and Corinth after the Geometric period calls into question the standard narrative of the development of Greek burial practices in the post-Mycenaean period.
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Ivanova, Svitlana. "Ancient Burial Mounds as a Symbolic System." Archaeology, no. 1 (March 16, 2021): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/archaeologyua2021.01.017.
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Analysis of early dates and stratigraphy of burial mound complexes (the second half of the V millennium BC) led to the conclusion, that they are not directly related to the burial embankment, but relate to complex monumental structures — sanctuaries. The sanctuaries preceded the burial mounds in chronological aspect, and they functioned for a long time without creating an embankment above them. The part of sanctuaries had astronomical reference points and were connected to calendar-zodiac symbolism. Sometimes burials were carried out on the territory of sanctuaries; these burials had sacral nature. These were flat burials and the mound above them were not erected. Burial mounds above the sanctuaries began to appear after burials of later epochs were carried out in sacral places (not earlier than 38/37 BC.). These mounds erroneously are associated with flat burials or ground sanctuaries. The dating of burial mounds by the dating of sacral flat burials (or by the dating of «pillar sanctuaries») mistakenly depreciated the dating of appearance of the first mounds in the Steppe Black Sea region and Transcaucasia. The separation of these complexes in time and space (the flat ground sanctuary and the burial mound itself) allowed drawing conclusions about the existence of this sanctuaries in 45—40 BC. The burial mounds appear later, their installation in the place of sanctuaries is connected with the sacral nature of the place. Throughout Europe, barrows appear almost simultaneously, in 38/37 BC, although in different cultures. It is possible to assume the Central European and Lower Danube influence on the formation of ideological ideas of the Steppe population. In particular, the phenomenon of sanctuaries of the Middle Eneolithic may have originated under Central European influence. It obviously had structural similarities with other complexes built in accordance with the movement of the celestial luminaries in the late Neolithic of Central and Atlantic Europe. The appearance of sanctuaries can be attributed to the circle of archaeological evidence of the interaction between the world of early farmers of Southeast and Central Europe and the "steppe" world of the pastoralists. The barrows of the Black Sea and Caucasian steppe are synchronous with European burial mounds, and their ancientization and equation with the dating of sanctuaries is erroneous.
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Yablonsky, L. T. "Burial place of a Massagetan warrior." Antiquity 64, no. 243 (June 1990): 288–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00077905.
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PENYAK, Pavlo. "BURIAL ARTEFACTS AND FUNERAL RITUAL OF ANCIENT SLAVS IN THE TYSA-DANUBE BASIN." Materials and Studies on Archaeology of Sub-Carpathian and Volhynian Area 22 (December 11, 2018): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/mdapv.2018-22-123-134.
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The paper is devoted to the burial artefacts and funeral ritual of ancient Slavs in the basin of the Tysa and Danube. This was a whole set of actions related to the tribute to ancestors and care of them in the afterlife. It included a traditional ritual from the biological death of a decedent till its burial in a tomb as well as ritual acts performed afterwards in memoriam of the decedent. As follows from archeological sources, by the middle of the first millennium A.D. Slavs had formed a traditional burial ritual with the body being burned. This ritual underwent considerable changes due to the Slav expansion to the Balkans and Central Europe. Due to the cultural basis of the newly inhabited territories and the burial ritual of the local population, the traditional Slavic ritual was losing old details and acquiring new ones, resulting in a transition from cremation to inhumation. Traditional body-burning burial rite can be barrowless (ground-based) or barrow-type. Barrowless burials with body burning in the Tysa-Danube basin are studied rather narrowly, with only a minimal amount of them being known. Their characteristic feature was that after the cremation the relics in the form of calcinated bones were left in shallow pits or in clay urns without any external sings. Depending on the place of the cremation relics being left, the barrowless cremation burials are divided into urn-type and urnless (pit-type). The first were characterised by the post-cremation relics being placed in clay urns or in their bottom parts. Urnless burials were ended up by placement of the post-cremation relics in small pits with the depth of 0,25 to 0,6 m. Another large group of burial artefacts is represented by barrow-type burial mounds with body burning. They were different in size, occupying on the average the area from 1 to 5 ha where from 20 to 90 barrows could be located. Depending on the place and way of the post-cremation relics being placed under the mound, the following variations are distinguished: urn-type, pit-type, long horizon-type, and wooden coffin-type. The majority of the known burial artefacts in the Tysa-Danube basin belong to the inhumation type. Depending on the character of the burial structure, the inhumation rite burial grounds are divided into barrow-type and ground-type (hole-type). Burials of the first type were characterised by placing the decedent’s body in an outstretched position on the back under a ground mound. The second large group of necropoles are ground-type, ending up in the decedent’s body being placed in holes that had been dug in the ground. In most cases they are of rectangular shape with sizes ranging from 1,7 to 2,1 m (length) and 0,6 to 1,1 m (width). Кеy words: ancient Slavs, burial artefacts, funeral ritual, Tysa-Danube basin.
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Marchenko, A. "Kyiv’s burial places sacredness." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 63 (2015): 85–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2015.63.21.
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This paper considers the burial places of Kyiv and their sacred values. Burial as one of the most ancient and sacred objects is not only the resting place of the dead, but also objects that may reflect cultural characteristics of different times for which they exist. Attention given to consideration cemeteries on the part of the sacred resistance, current state and cultural significance. The article considers the concept of sacred sustainability on example of cemeteries of Kyiv, their present state and its possible improvement or preservation.
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Butler, Graham. "Yet Another Inquiry into the Trustworthiness of Eighteenth-Century Bills of Mortality: the Newcastle and Gateshead Bills, 1736–1840." Local Population Studies, no. 92 (June 30, 2014): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35488/lps92.2014.58.
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This note is a preliminary analysis of the Newcastle and Gateshead Bills of Mortality, a hitherto unused source for understanding some of the most significant aspects of vital registration and burial practices in the North East's capital, c. 1736–1840. The Bills are annual totals of the number of burials and baptisms which took place in all of the ancient Anglican parishes in Newcastle and Gateshead. One of the most lucid aspects of the Bills is that they recorded the number of burials which took place in the 'infamous' un-consecrated burial ground of Ballast Hills located on the outskirts of the east-end of the town. Attention here is given to the initial accuracy of the Bills by focusing upon All Saints parish in Newcastle which accounted for approximately 50 per cent of the town's total population over the entire period. Here the data revealed in the Bills are compared directly with the burials which were registered by the parish clerk in All Saints. The major finding of this preliminary study is the huge discrepancy between the number of reported burials and the number of baptisms which took place in All Saints over time. The Bills also provide a fully documented account of the impact of Ballast Hills and the apparent “export in corpses” which was clearly taking place on a large scale. By the 1770s–1790s, this one burial ground alone, was consuming roughly 60–70 per cent of the town's dead population. The reasons behind this phenomenon are discussed by looking specifically at the possible impact of religious dissent, burial costs and burial space in the town. The note concludes that while this preliminary analysis is revealing, more work needs to be done which would involve a fuller analysis of all of the parishes recorded in the Bills as well as looking more closely at the registration of baptisms, stillbirths and the heavy “traffic in corpses” which was clearly a major defect of vital registration in Georgian Newcastle.
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Pollack, Craig Evan. "Burial at Srebrenica: linking place and trauma." Social Science & Medicine 56, no. 4 (February 2003): 793–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0277-9536(02)00078-3.
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Stauffer, S. Anita. "A Place for Burial, Birth and Bath." Liturgy 5, no. 4 (January 1986): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/04580638609408088.
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Jacobson, David M. "Has Herod's Place of Burial Been Found?" Palestine Exploration Quarterly 139, no. 3 (November 2007): 147–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/003103207x227346.
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Lloyd-Smith, Lindsay. "The West Mouth Neolithic Cemetery, Niah Cave, Sarawak." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 79 (October 8, 2013): 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ppr.2013.5.
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Excavations between 1954 and 1967 in the West Mouth, Niah Cave (Sarawak) uncovered the largest Neolithic cemetery in South-east Asia with over 150 burials. Subsequent work at the site in the 1970s and most recently by the Niah Caves Project (2000–2004) brought the total to 170, comprising 89 primary burials and 79 secondary burials, and two ‘multiple’ burials. The size of cemetery and the scale of the archaeological data are unprecedented in South-east Asian Neolithic archaeology and offer a unique opportunity to investigate the cemetery's origins, development, and history in detail. Analysis of the demographic structure of discrete spatial burial groups within the cemetery and their short term burial sequences are combined to interpret the history of changing burial practice in terms of different social/settlement groups using the cave as a communal place of burial. A new suite of radiocarbon dates are used to date the West Mouth Neolithic cemetery to between 1500 and 200bc. Six phases of burial are defined and the associated transitions of ritual practices are discussed. In particular, a transition from primary to secondary burial occurred aroundc.1000bc, which subsequently intensified into the practice of cremation. This process was likely associated/fuelled by an intensification of economic activity to support more elaborate secondary burial funerals. Two further cycles of primary and secondary burial followed, before the main cemetery ceasedc.200bc. A Post-Neolithic phase of possibly 14 burials (five primary flexed burials and nine secondary burials) is proposed to follow, which while continuing aspects of Neolithic mortuary behaviour, is considered on isotopic data to represent a group of hunter-gatherers living in a closed-canopy environment
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Klepikov, Valeriy. "Sarmatian Burials of the Kovalevka Burial Mound: Strangers Among Friends?" Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2019): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.1.3.
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Introduction. The Nomads of early Sarmatian time is a complex conglomerate of constantly growing groups of new population in the Volga-Don interfluve area. Determining their location is becoming a relevant problem in the current research. The early Sarmatian burials of the Kovalevka burial mound are significantly different from the synchronous array of similar monuments. It makes possible to clarify the historical situation in the final stage of the early Sarmatian culture in the studied region. Methods. The method of cross-dating and comparative-typological analysis of 12 burials of 8 barrows of the Kovalevka burial mound, located in the southern part of the Volga-Don interfluve area, allow clarifying the chronology of materials and identify the specifics of the funeral rite. Analysis. The ceramic complex as a part of the North Caucasian antiquities of the 3rd - 1st centuries BC, can be identified through the presence of iron stemmed arrowheads, common for the period 2nd - 1st centuries BC. The tradition of the ancestral mounds-cemeteries with multiple burials under one mound dominated during this time period. However, the analyzed complexes represented a new tradition of individual burial places, more common in the latter period. Besides, the horse bones, iron bits and a few iron spearheads were found in the burial mound. This is a rarity in the funeral rite of the early Sarmatian culture. All of these innovations are known in the controversial Sarmatian complexes of the turn of eras when the change from early Sarmatian culture to middle Sarmatian culture took place. Another common feature of all the burials under study is a ritual robbery of buried people. The burials were destroyed, mostly for the purpose of their desecration. The bones of the buried were found at the bottom of the grave, and the remaining parts of the skeleton were thrown out of the pit. Results. It can be assumed that at the end of the 1st century BC a group of well-armed nomads entered the territory uder study and was not accepted by the local population. The attempt to settle in the place led migrants to founding their own cemetery in the floodplain of the Esaulovsky Aksai river (local Sarmatians chose watersheds for this). However, this action caused discontent of natives, which led to the desecration of strangers’ graves by the local population.
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Akkaymak, Guliz, and Chedly Belkhodja. "Does Place Matter? Burial Decisions of Muslims in Canada." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 49, no. 3 (September 2020): 372–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429819858925.
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This paper is concerned with the complex relationship between immigration, religion, burial decisions, and a sense of belonging. Drawing upon a case study of Muslims in London, Ontario, Canada, we examine Islamic funeral and burial services available in the city and the preferred burial locations of its Muslim communities. Our interviews with different immigrant generations of Muslims show that participants, regardless of their immigrant generation, prefer London as a location of burial for themselves and their loved ones. We argue that four major factors at the structural and individual level shape the preference of study participants with respect to the location of burial: access to an Islamic cemetery and Islamic funeral services; an established Muslim population in the city; relation to and interpretation of religious requirements; and a sense of belonging to Canada. We discuss the findings in relation to multiculturalism and recognition of cultural and religious differences.
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Panchenko, K. I. "THE BURIAL 82 FROM THE EARTH BURIAL GROUND NEAR THE VILLAGE ZALOMI IN KIROVOHRAD REGION." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 27, no. 2 (June 22, 2018): 330–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2018.02.23.
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Burial ground near Zalomy Znamensky district of the Kirovograd region was discovered in 1985. The place is located in the area between the rivers Irkley and Tsybulnik, belonging to the basin of Tiasmin — in the borderland of the Right-bank forest-steppe and steppe. In 1986, along with burial ground the simultaneous Scythian settlement was discovered. During 1986—1989, burial excavations were conducted by archaeological expedition of then Kirovograd State Pedagogical Institute. There were 98 excavated burials from the necropolis. The investigated Scythian burial belong to the VI—IV century BC. Thus, a burial ground and settlement constitutes the integral archaeological complex.
Unfortunately, most of the Scythian burials were robbed in antiquity, and therefore — the burial inventory of the necropolis is not numerous.
Burial No. 82 was carried out in a common ground pit and was not plundered. Among the discovered things of farewell inventory of special interest is a rare set of decorations from corals. Next to them were also found gold amphor-shaped pendants and bronze clasps. Most likely in ancient times, decorations were part of one necklace. In addition, in the burial were found beads, amber and glass beads, miniature molded vessel. The materials of the burial allow one to date his IV century BC. It should be assumed that the person buried here had a special social status among the local population in Scythian times.
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Keegan, William F. "Central Plaza Burials in Saladoid Puerto Rico: An Alternative Perspective." Latin American Antiquity 20, no. 2 (June 2009): 375–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1045663500002686.
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AbstractSome Caribbean archaeologists have assumed that the individuals buried beneath the central plazas of Saladoid sites in Puerto Rico lived in those villages during their lives. They interpret these central place burials as providing immediate access to the ancestors during ceremonies performed in this public space. The central plaza is viewed as the axis mundi, and through ancestor veneration the dead were called upon to intercede with the gods on behalf of the living. However, cross-cultural studies indicate that burial practices often are determined by descent, and those clan members whose postmarital residence was in communities other than their clan villages often were returned to their clan village for burial. It is argued here that central place burials do not reflect ancestor veneration, but rather social solidarity among widely scattered villages.
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Kiryushin, K. Yu, Yu F. Kiryushin, K. N. Solodovnikov, Ya V. Frolov, Ye V. Shapetko, and A. V. Schmidt. "On the relative and absolute chronology of early burials at the Firsovo-XI burial ground (Barnaul Ob River region)." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 3(54) (August 27, 2021): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2021-54-3-2.
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The present work addresses the issues of the absolute and relative chronology of early burials at the Firsovo-XI burial ground on the right bank of the Upper Ob River. Description of four burials of the site and results of their AMS 14C dating are reported, alongside with the cultural and chronological analogies among the contem-poraneous monuments of Altai. Eight burial places were discovered at Firsovo-XI, including five single graves, two double graves and one collective burial. The burials were arranged in two rows in the direction from northwest to southeast. The deceased were oriented with their heads to the north and northeast. The research concluded that the burials which form the cultural “core” of the Firsovo-XI burial place (burial grounds nos. 14, 15 and 42) belong to the Early Neolithic period, and their radiocarbon age is determined by the middle of the 5th millennium BC, while their calendar age fits into a very narrow interval of several decades or several centuries (a one-sigma interval of 5710–5460 cal BC and a two-sigma interval of 5740–5360 cal BC). The Neolithic burials of Firsovo-XI constitute a single chronological group with burials nos.1 and 13 of the Bolshoi Mys burial ground. It stands to reason that this group may grow in size over time, as the work on AMS 14C dating of early necropolises and single burials of the Upper Ob region expands. At this stage of research, the problem of identifying cultural and chrono-logical markers for the selected group of burials remains urgent. Within the framework of this study, it has been suggested that the ornaments made from the teeth of a bear and a horse (?), or an onager (?), take the role of such markers. It cannot be ruled out that with the appearance of new data such markers may include the orna-ments made from wolf teeth and double-sided polished knives with a concave blade. As a working hypothesis, it has been suggested that the date obtained for the cemetery no. 18 of Firsovo-XI (GV-02889 9106±80 BP) was not accidental and that this burial actually belongs to the final Mesolithic or early Neolithic period. The chronologi-cal and ritual specifics of this burial are also emphasized by the craniological specificity of the buried male, and by the large total size of the skull, which distinguishes him from the rest of those buried at the burial ground.
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Cook, John Granger. "Crucifixion and Burial." New Testament Studies 57, no. 2 (March 4, 2011): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688510000214.
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This essay examines the contention that Joseph of Arimathaea buried Jesus—in light of what one can know from Greco-Roman culture about the disposal of the bodies of crucified individuals. A survey of the statutes governing the burial of criminals and governing the prosecution of those accused of seditious activity indicates that provincial officials had a choice when confronted with the need to dispose of the bodies of the condemned. Greco-Roman texts show that in certain cases the bodies of the crucified were left to decompose in place. In other cases, the crucified bodies were buried.
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Dubreuil, Laure, and Leore Grosman. "Ochre and hide-working at a Natufian burial place." Antiquity 83, no. 322 (December 1, 2009): 935–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00099269.
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Particular stones found on Epi-Palaeolithic sites in the Levant are thought to be for grinding vegetable matter and to be essential instruments in the development of food processing. Finding an assemblage of these tools in a burial cave, the authors ask a harder question: could they have been used for processing hides with ochre? Use-wear analysis allows a positive verdict, and so the tools take their place in the ritual apparatus associated with burial.
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Driscoll, Stephen T. "Rescue Excavations of a Prehistoric Settlement and Viking Affe/Medieval Cemetery at John O'Groats 1989." Glasgow Archaeological Journal 16, no. 1 (January 1989): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/gas.1989.16.16.29.
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Summary Emergency excavations in the village of John O'Groats (ND379 732) revealed a shallow but complex sequence of deposits adjacent to a field known to have produced both human remains and a flint axe (NMR site ND35NE6). Remains of a prehistoric settlement werefound, which had been substantially disturbed by txvo separate episodes of burial. Radiocarbon evidence suggests that first began in the 11th-12th century and the second look place in the 16th-17th century. Burial during the early period was extremely intensive: in addition to the burials, masses of disarticulated human bones were recovered.
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Gnezdilova, I. S., A. L. Nesterkina, E. A. Solovyeva, and A. I. Solovyev. "Wooden Constructions in Bronze and Iron Age Burials in Japan and Korea." Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia 48, no. 2 (June 26, 2020): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17746/1563-0110.2020.48.2.059-068.
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Throughout the period from 300 BC to 700 AD, significant changes took place in the life of population of Japanese Archipelago and Korean Peninsula, which were reflected by the burial rite. Specifically, the practice of using wood in mounded burials became particularly common. Such numerous instances in both regions are analyzed, the placement and several elements of wooden structures, accompanying artifacts, sorts of wood etc. are described in this work. The changes in burial rite practiced in ancient Japan can be seen. During the Yayoi period (300 BC to 300 AD), jar burials gave way to those with wooden structures in Western Japan regions closest to the mainland. It’s established that traditions co-occurred with innovations, as seen from the fact that such structures were coated with clay. Further development took place during the Kofun period (300–538 AD), when first log coffins appeared, then composite coffins, and eventually stone coffins. Similar burial practice existed in Korea earlier than in Japan, the peak of this tradition coinciding with the period of Three Kingdoms (200–600 AD). The comparison of the ways the tradition evolved in both regions suggests that it had originated on the mainland, was introduced to Japan by successive immigration waves, and was then adapted to local conditions.
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Kukushkin, I. A. "World view and traditions of the population of the Andronovo historical and cultural community (according to the funeral rites)." Archaeology and Ethnography 17, no. 5 (2018): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2018-17-5-87-98.
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Purpose. We aimed at studying the traditions and world views of the Andronovo population of the steppe bronze. Due to the absence of direct written sources and zoo-anthropomorphic pictorial tradition on the subject, the burial practice of the Andronovo population, whose detailing presupposes the existence of extensive mythological ritual knowledge concentrated in the worldview sphere, is the foreground of research as the main informative base. Results. The earliest evidence that specifies certain aspects of the worldview of the ancient society appears at the dawn of the Andronovo era. The finds of stone and bronze maces are curious, which, obviously, marked the patrimonial military aristocracy, closely connected with the cult of the military deity. Of great interest are paired and double burials in which a man and woman were buried. It can be assumed that such a burial rite is a practical realization of the sacred marriage, the participants of which are heterosexual twins, close in content to Yama-Yami or Yima-Yimak. Regular reproduction in the funeral practice of the ritual of twin burials indicates that the heterosexual twins were given a significant place in the religious and mythological system of the ancient society. A certain place in the system of religious priorities was occupied by twins of the same sex, in particular males, such as, for example, the Vedic Ashvins. Double burials of the deceased of the same sex in specially prepared burial chambers, where skeletons of different sexes are usually located, are excluded, which excludes their marriage relations and makes us see in the ritual contemplated a twin, possibly, a ritual burial. There was another, more complex and rare rite of the triple burial, which includes a woman occupying the central place and two men located on each side. Such triple burials symbolize the triune image of the goddess and two twins, obviously the elder and younger, widespread in Indo-European mythology. Conclusion. Based on the well-known mythology of the funeral rite reproduced in the ritual, a whole series of sacred actions are observed pointing to the developed cults of various deities close to the Indo-Iranian pantheon and playing a fundamental role in the religious mythological representations of the ancient society. However, it should be borne in mind that the polytheism of antiquity is a dynamically changing system rather than a static, «petrified» structure, which visually demonstrates the successive stages of the social and economic development of the society itself.
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Hausmair, Barbara. "Topographies of the afterlife: Reconsidering infant burials in medieval mortuary space." Journal of Social Archaeology 17, no. 2 (April 24, 2017): 210–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469605317704347.
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Across societies, deaths which take place in early infancy often trigger distinctive responses in burial practices, signifying the ambivalent social status of those who died before they really lived. This paper focuses on burial practices in medieval Central Europe pertaining to children who died before, during or shortly after birth. It discusses the relationship between medieval laity, ecclesiastic power and social space, using three medieval cemeteries in Switzerland and Austria as examples. By integrating considerations of medieval practices of infant baptism, afterlife topography and social theories of space, a methodological and interpretative framework is outlined and employed for approaching burials of early-deceased infants, the social dimension of related local burial practices, and processes of power negotiation between medieval laypeople and church authorities.
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Borzęcka, Kinga. "Ludwik Norwid and the mystery of his burial place." Studia Norwidiana 34 English Version (2016): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn.2016.34-8en.
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Postles, David. "Monastic Burials of Non-Patronal Lay Benefactors." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, no. 4 (October 1996): 620–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900014640.
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Choice of place of burial in the Middle Ages was perhaps the most poignant indicator of belief in the efficacy of different sorts of religious intercession. Ariès concluded that the pre-modern response to death was public and communitarian, becoming only latterly private and individualistic. Most recent reconsiderations of notions of death and burial have concentrated on the early modern period. For this period, the distinction made by Ariès between modern, private, individualistic burial practices and earlier public, communitarian rites, has been revised, both in the sense that this change occurred earlier than Ariès would allow and that other influences were at work, in particular the formative consequences of the Reformation. Research into death and burial in the later Middle Ages has tended to confirm the communitarian nature of the rites surrounding death and burial. Burial in the high Middle Ages has been reviewed from a much more pragmatic rather than theoretical perspective, as a consequence of which the wholly communitarian picture depicted by Ariès has hardly been challenged. Presented here, however, is some modification to the Ariès thesis, supported by some very particular evidence, burials of lay persons who were not of patronal status, in religious houses, within the wider context of burial practices in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in England.
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Kazantseva, Olga Alekseevna. "THE RITUAL OF TWIN BURIALS IN KUDASHEVSKY I BURIAL GROUND OF PERM PRIKAMYE." Yearbook of Finno-Ugric Studies 15, no. 2 (June 21, 2021): 341–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2224-9443-2021-15-2-341-353.
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The article deals with the features of the funeral rite of the ancient population - twin burials on the example of the Kudashevsky I burial ground (3 - 5 centuries AD), located in the Bardymsky district of the Perm Region. In the ground part of the monument in the rows, along with individual pits are allocated a slightly larger size, but having the same orientation to the cardinal directions. All twin burials of the monument have inventory that does not differ from individual burials in the composition and number of items. But some details in the decoration of the burial place twin graves differ from individual graves. The funerary wooden structures in the graves represent separate places for each of the pair and differ in morphological details. Grave items of weapons and household items are found in men's graves, as well as in individual graves. Comparison of the accompanying inventory allows you to determine the gender and status of a person in a pair, to identify important people - men who played a significant role in the military and women who have set neck jewelry - necklaces. Armaments and household items were found in male graves, jewelry and household items in female burials, as well as in individual graves. The study of things in the burials made it possible to date the twin graves to the time of the late 4 - early 5 centuries. The issue of semantics of twin burials is considered. Twin burials are associated with the processes of assimilation of the newcomer population into the local population. Analogs to twin burials from burial sites of the middle of the 1 Millennium AD of the Perm and Udmurt Kama region are given.
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Ahmarov, Azamat U., and Viktor S. Aksenov. "NEWLY DISCOVERED CATACOMB BURIAL OF THE 8-9TH CENTURIES IN THE TERRITORY OF CHECHNYA." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 16, no. 4 (December 18, 2020): 1002–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch1641002-1015.
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The paper introduces material of two catacomb burials, discovered and investigated by the researchers of the Center for Archeological Research at the Institute of Humanitarian studies of Chechen Academy of Sciences during the archeological reconnaissance in the territory of Shali region of the Chechen Republic, on the land of one of the homeowners of the village Serjen-Yurt. The burial is located at the border of the Chechen plains and Cherny mountains, at their very foot, on a steep slope of the ridge, in the place of its transition into a flat terrace above flood-plain of the left bank of the river Khulkhulau. Remnants of three people (a man, a woman and a child) were revealed in the catacomb №1. In anatomical order, only the woman’s skeleton was found, while the bones of the other two buried were placed at the right side wall of the burial chamber. The woman’s grave goods included earrings, a neck ring (torc), bracelets, glass and cornelian beads, a “horned” buckle, etc. In an almost collapsed burial chamber № 2 remnants of a woman were found, the skeleton of which was purposefully destroyed. Among the remnants of the skeleton were her personal belongings: glass and cornelian beads, bracelets, a “horned” buckle, a pendant, bronze badges. According to the grave goods, the burials can be dated 8th – early 9th centuries. A feature of the investigated burial structures is that the long axis of the chambers was a continuation of the long axis of the entrance pit, while catacombs of the T-type were characteristic for the Alanian population of the North Caucasus of the 6th – 13th centuries.
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Gursoy, Muzaffer, Seryk Akylbek, and Kopjasar Jetibaev. "The Sarmatian ‘Horseback-riding’ Burial Tradition." Documenta Praehistorica 47 (December 2, 2020): 412–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/dp.47.23.
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The West Kazakhstan region, with its strategic location linking Asia to Europe, has many pasture areas and rivers. These natural factors provided an appropriate environment for human life and contributed to the development of animal husbandry. Throughout history, a great number of horse-mounted nomadic tribes lived in this region. One of these tribes, the Sarmatians, lived in the Iron Age. The Sarmatians were nomadic horsemen and like other steppe tribes were a part of the Kurgan culture. Kurgans have an important place with regard to demonstrating the burial traditions of the Sarmatians. In Kurgan excavations in west Kazakhstan a large number of horseback-riding burials – in which the deceased is positioned as if riding a horse –were found and these are the main subject of our study. Although archaeologists have attributed horseback-riding burials to the Sarmatians, they have not yet made a comment on the meaning of these burials in their belief system. In this study the meaning of these burials will be discussed and related to the belief system by comparing the horseback-riding burials in west Kazakhstan to burials which actually include horses in the Altai region.
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R., Soliman. "THE GOLDEN SHRINES OF TUTANKHAMUN AND THEIR INTENDED BURIAL PLACE." Egyptian Journal of Archaeological and Restoration Studies 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2012): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/ejars.2012.7468.
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Skory, S. A., A. P. Orlik, and R. V. Zimovets. "THE INVERSTIGATION OF SCYTHIAN BURIAL MOUND ON SOUTH OF KIROVOGRAD-DISTRICT." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 27, no. 2 (June 22, 2018): 352–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2018.02.25.
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The scythian kurgan is Investigational near the Bоgdanivka entered in the complement of burial mound group from 7 embankments. He had small sizes (a height a 0.25—0.30 m is from the level of old horizon) and, instead of the ground embankment, lithoidal armour as a oval (10.5 Ч 8.5 m). Kurgan contained two woman graves: basic — as an enough deep catacomb and inlet — as the ordinary ground pit. Both of burial place were very robbed yet in antiquity. The bones of young woman (22—25 years old) that was accompanied by some things burial place to the inventory are found in a central grave, in particular, by silver earrings, by the bronze arrow-heads, by the ferrous knife and by numerous bits and pieces of meat oblatory food (bones of cow and wild wild boar).
The lateral grave did not contain bones in general, only one bronze earring. Uncalculated inventory that was saved, type of building of burial place give an opportunity to date a burial mound the second half of IV century BC. Presence in a burial mound lithoidal to the armour, to our opinion, about appearance here of scythian population from more south regions of Steppe.
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Rose, Helene Agerskov, John Meadows, and Mikael Bjerregaard. "High-Resolution Dating of a Medieval Multiple Grave." Radiocarbon 60, no. 5 (June 5, 2018): 1547–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2018.43.
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ABSTRACTMultiple burial in medieval burial grounds are often interpreted as a result of disease, but it is difficult to test such hypotheses, as most acute infectious diseases leave no visible evidence on skeletal material. Scientific dating can potentially associate multiple burials with historically documented epidemics, but the precision required to exclude alternative explanations would normally be attainable only by dendrochronology. Here, we argue that by combining archaeological, osteological and paleodiet research in a Bayesian framework, we can exploit differences in dietary reservoir effects to refine the dates of multiple burials, and potentially date such events to within a range of <20 years. We present new radiocarbon (14C) and stable isotope (δ13C, δ15N) results from a medieval multiple grave at St Alban’s Odense, on the island of Funen in central Denmark. We show the ca. 150-yr spread in 14C ages of the five juveniles is compatible with differences in the amount of fish they consumed. Our chronological model, which combines marine reservoir effect correction with calendar age offsets based on osteological evidence, dates the multiple burial to cal AD 1425–1445 (95% probability), an interval in which two plague epidemics took place in Denmark.
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FARLEY, JULIA, KEITH PARFITT, ANDREW RICHARDSON, DANIEL ANTOINE, RACHEL POPE, and CHRISTOPHER SPAREY-GREEN. "A Late Iron Age Helmet Burial from Bridge, near Canterbury, Kent." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 80 (June 13, 2014): 379–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ppr.2014.5.
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A rare find was made in 2012 when a metal-detectorist on land near Bridge, a few miles south of Canterbury, Kent, recovered a copper alloy brooch, other metal items, and a quantity of burnt bone contained in a near complete, probably imported Gallic, helmet of Iron Age type. Excavation was undertaken to ascertain the immediate context of the helmet, confirm that it represented a cremation burial, and determine if it formed part of a larger funerary deposit. The helmet and brooch suggest a burial date in the mid-1st centurybcand the apparently isolated cremation burial, of a possibly female adult, can be broadly placed within the Aylesford–Swarling tradition; the helmet taking the place of a more usual pottery cinerary urn. Cropmark evidence suggests that the burial was made within a wider landscape of Iron Age occupation.
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Bravina, R. I., E. N. Solovyova, D. M. Petrov, and V. V. Syrovatskiy. "Birch bark in the funeral rite of the Yakuts: a case-study of the Uchugei-Yuryakh burial (15th–17th cc.)." VESTNIK ARHEOLOGII, ANTROPOLOGII I ETNOGRAFII, no. 3(54) (August 27, 2021): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.20874/2071-0437-2021-54-3-8.
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The Uchugei-Yuryakh birch-bark burial, radiocarbon dated to 1480–1640 cal AD, was discovered in the southern part of the Tuymaada valley, located in the basin of the Middle Lena River, one of the largest rivers in North-Eastern Siberia. This region is traditionally regarded as the area where the most important events of the Yakut history were taking place over many centuries, and as the area associated with the formation of the Yakut ethnic culture. The purpose of this article is to introduce into scientific discourse the results of the study of the Uchugei-Yuryakh birch-bark burial and to analyze traditions of the burials using birch bark among the Yakuts in the 15th–19th centuries, according to archaeological, ethnographic, and folklore data. The research objectives are as follows: to determine the level of knowledge of the problem; to identify peculiarities of the grave goods and morphological features of the Uchugei-Yuryakh burial; to identify types of birch-bark burial chambers of the Ya-kuts on the basis of available data; to trace back their genesis and to determine their semantics, according to the sacral nature of birch bark in the ritual-worldview practice; and to correlate the features of the Yakut burials with archaeological materials from the regions adjacent to Yakutia. Descriptive and historical-comparative methods, as well as scientific methods such as radiocarbon dating of the bones of the deceased, chemical analysis of bead material, botanical analysis of plant material from the burial site were employed in the course of research. A cha-racteristic feature of this burial is the absence of a coffin and the use of birch-bark sheets to form the interior of the grave, which correlates with the legends about the Khoro tribe, who practiced burial in birch-bark sheaths. There are four types of burials identified on the basis of a detailed analysis of the combination of elements of the currently known birch-bark burial structures: 1) in a birch bark sheath consisting of birch-bark sheets placed above and below the buried body; 2) in a birch bark pouch, the sides of which were reinforced by wooden planks set on edge; 3) in a rectangular birch bark sheet, in which the body of the deceased was wrapped to form a case or a cylinder; 4) in a birch-bark sheath sewn in the form of a boat. Analysis of the features of the burial (atypical “face-down” position of the deceased, scanty set of items of the accompanying goods) revealed a special social status of the buried man. The birch-bark sheets laid above and below the deceased in the considered burial, apparently, imi-tate the shape of the birch-bark basket tyuktyuye. This suggests the ideas of purification of the soul of the deceased after their death and its rebirth. Birch bark was used in the funeral rites of the nomadic societies of South-Eastern and Western Siberia in the Middle Ages. It is suggested that the tradition of using birch bark in Yakut burials either corresponds with the Samoyed-Yenisei component, indirectly adopted from the medieval population of the Lake Baikal area, or emerged due to direct contacts with the Tungus-Samoyed tribes of the Lower Tunguska.
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Burley, David V. "As a prescription to rule: the royal tomb of Mala'e Lahi and 19th-century Tongan kingship." Antiquity 68, no. 260 (September 1994): 504–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00047013.
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The tangled dynastic history of Tonga, celebrated kingdom of western Polynesia, offers a rare chance to study the place of monumental burial-places in a chieftains’ society. Disentangling the story, at a remove of not many centuries, is not a simple business.
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Anggrawan, Anthony, and Mayadi Mayadi. "The Study of Symbolic Interaction of Funeral Tradition on Ethnic Chinese in Lombok." Jurnal Varian 4, no. 1 (September 29, 2020): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.30812/varian.v4i1.854.
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There are various burial cultures in Indonesia, including the Chinese ethnic burial culture. What is interesting in almost all burial cultures is the cultural heritage that has been passed down through generations. The question is how actually the ceremonial Chinese ethnic funeral ritual is, and what the symbols in the ethnic Chinese funeral ritual mean. This research provides an answer solution. This research is a qualitative research. The results of the study concluded that before the funeral ritual is carried out, younger family members pay their respects to the older deceased. During the funeral ritual, the next of kin accompany the vehicle carrying the body to the burial or cremation site, on foot, if the burial place is relatively close, or by vehicle if the burial place is far away. During the funeral, flowers, offerings, food and burnt incense are served. The culture of the Chinese funeral ritual was based on belief as a form of human relations with the creator of life and also as a way to maintain the symbol of family or relatives with the deceased and to bear the sins of the deceased.
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Adams, William Seth. "The Place of the Dead: Christian Burial and the Liturgical Environment." Liturgy 10, no. 3 (December 1992): 69–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0458063x.1992.10392123.
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Rugg, Julie. "Defining the place of burial: What makes a cemetery a cemetery?" Mortality 5, no. 3 (November 2000): 259–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713686011.
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Кравченко, Александр, Aleksandr Kravchenko, Татьяна Меркулова, and Tatyana Merkulova. "The base of calculation of geotextile containers from fabric materials of high durability." Construction and Architecture 2, no. 1 (March 31, 2014): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/3389.
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The problem of processing, warehousing and a burial place
of a various kind of a waste is considered. The analysis of the reasons
of occurrence of degradation of the small rivers and its consequence
has been made. The new economic innovative technology of dehydration
and a burial place of a waste on the basis of containers from
textile material is offered. Methods of calculation of geotextile containers
are developed.
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Maldonado, Adrián. "What does early Christianity look like? Mortuary archaeology and conversion in Late Iron Age Scotland." Scottish Archaeological Journal 33, no. 1-2 (October 2011): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/saj.2011.0023.
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The study of the inhumation cemeteries of Late Iron Age Scotland tends to revolve around the vexed question of whether or not they provide evidence for Christianity. As a result, our approach has been to look for ‘Christian’ practices (lack of grave goods, west-east orientation) that are expectations based on analogy with the more standardised Christianity of the later medieval period. As these burial practices originate in a Late Iron Age context, recent theoretical approaches from the study of late prehistory also need to be applied. It is the emergence of cemeteries that is new in the mid-first millennium AD, and this distinction is still under-theorised. Recent theoretical models seek to understand the significance of place, and how these cemeteries are actively involved in creating that place rather than using a predefined ‘sacred’ place. By tracing their role in shaping and being shaped by their landscapes, before, during and after their use for burial, we can begin to speak more clearly about how we can use mortuary archaeology to study the changes of c. AD 400–600. It is argued that the ambiguity of these sites lies not with the burials themselves, but in our expectations of Christianity and paganism in the Late Iron Age.
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N., Nikolaev. "Funerary rite of Xiongnu children’s burials (at the example of the local group of kurgan no. 18 at the cemetery of Orgoyton)." Archaeological news 30 (2020): 125–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31600/1817-6976-2020-30-125-133.
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This paper considers the materials from the first local group revealed at the cemetery of Orgoyton situ- ated on the left bank of the Selenga River in the Trans-Baykal region. Analysis of these finds suggests some observations concerning the funerary rite at child burials of the Xiongnu. It has been established that the choice of the burial place for the deceased child depended on the social status of the latter and simultaneously highlighted this status.
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Přichystalová, Renáta. "Organisation of funerary areas and character of burial practices at Pohansko near Břeclav (based on a comparison of the cemetery around the second church and the dispersal burial grounds in the stronghold’s southern suburb)." Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia 72, no. 1-2 (2019): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/amnh-2018-0005.
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At the early medieval site Břeclav – Pohansko we can distinguish two different types of funerary areas: church cemeteries with clearly defined locus sacer and dispersed burial grounds in settlements, where the boundary between the living and funerary spaces is not clearly defined. The organisation of the area for funerary activities, the selection of the burial place and the homogeneity of applied burial rites in the above-mentioned two types of funerary areas were different. In order to find out how extensive this difference is, we chose several characteristics of funerary areas and compared them with one another. The key determinants were: the spatial structure of funerary areas, and the orientation and position of individuals buried in grave pits. As an example of a church cemetery we chose the cemetery around the second church in the North-Eastern Suburb of Pohansko. The Southern Suburb of the stronghold yielded data related to funerary areas dispersed in and between settlement structures. The comparison of selected characteristics of burial customs identified in the above-mentioned church cemetery and in dispersed cemeteries demonstrates that burials around churches were most probably organised and planned centrally and that the organisation and supervision of funerary activities might have been in the hands of the clergy. The burials in cemeteries within the settlement structure, on the other hand, were organised in accordance with customs of local community. The organisation and supervision of these funerary areas were most probably in the hands of persons approved and authorised by the community, maybe some significant community member, or the “Council of Elders” or pagan priests.
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Живковић, Валентина. "ПОМЕНИ ГРОБНОГ МЕСТА У ТЕСТАМЕНТИМА КОТОРАНА (1326–1337) REFERENCES TO BURIAL PLACES IN THE TESTAMENTS OF KOTOR CITIZENS (1326–1337)." Историјски часопис, no. 66/2017 (December 31, 2017): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.34298/ic1766129z.
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Апстракт: У раду ce разматрају помени гробног места у оквиру сачуваног корпуса тестамената Которана из времена од 1326. до 1337. године. Основни задатак рада јесте утврђивање заступљености ове врсте завештања у оквиру формалне и садржајне структуре легата ad pias causas, а потом и анализа избора гробног места са становишта ширег контекста фунерарне праксе у касносредњовековном Котору. Кључне речи: тестаменти, касносредњовековни Котор, гробно местo, легати ad pias causas, катедрала Светог Трипуна, фрањевачки манастир, prandium pro anima. Abstract: The paper examines references to burial places within the preserved corpus of testaments of Kotor citizens from 1326 to 1337. The main purpose of the paper is to determine the presence of this type of testaments within the formal and content structure of ad pias causas bequests, and to analyse the choice of burial places in a wider context of funerary practice in late medieval Kotor. Keywords: testaments, late medieval Kotor, burial place, ad pias causas bequests, Cathedral of Saint Tryphon, Franciscan convent, prandium pro anima.
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FitzPatrick, Elizabeth. "THE EXILIC BURIAL PLACE OF A GAELIC IRISH COMMUNITY AT SAN PIETRO IN MONTORIO, ROME." Papers of the British School at Rome 85 (July 27, 2017): 205–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824621700006x.
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This paper presents the findings of a survey of the funerary monuments and burial vault of an exiled community of Gaelic Irish who were interred (1608–23) at San Pietro in Montorio, Rome. The site of their burial and commemoration had an eventful history that resulted in loss, fragmentation and alteration of the ledgers of élite members of the group, including those of the respective chiefs and earls of the Ulster lordships of Tyrone and Tyrconnell in Ireland. The original form and layout of the ledgers and their inscriptions is proposed and they are examined in the context of their setting in a Franciscan church patronized by Philip III of Spain. The ledger inscriptions commemorate both the suffering and Counter-Reformation confessional identity of the Gaelic Irish as Catholic exiles. They indicate tension between the complex political circumstances of the exiles’ lives in Rome and a concern to provide an appropriate burial site publicly reflecting their status and piety.
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Mattingly, David, John Dore, Marta Lahr, Muftah Ahmed, Franca Cole, Jon Crisp, Mireya Gonzalez Rodriguez, et al. "DMP II: 2008 fieldwork on burials and identity in the Wadi al-Ajal." Libyan Studies 39 (February 2000): 223–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900010086.
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AbstractThe second season of the Desert Migrations Project took place in January 2008, with work following several substrands. The Burials and Identity component of the project is the subject of this report. Excavation and survey work were concentrated in the Watwat embayment, expanding on, and completing the work begun in 2007. Forty burials have now been excavated from the approximately 2,500 surveyed by the project team in a series of different cemeteries and burial zones within the closed valley that cuts back into the escarpment of the Massak, approximately 3 km southwest of Jarma. The most exciting discovery this year was the recovery of two mummified bodies from the UAT008 cemetery, along with further well-preserved textiles, including some exquisitely woven multi-coloured fragments. Another major discovery was a richly furnished Garamantian burial (UAT050.T5), containing numerous imported vessels (fineware, glass and amphorae) from the Roman world. Additional excavations included two child burials from GSC048, located in a modern quarry due south of Jarma, and a preliminary investigation of one of the Taqallit cemeteries, located approximately 30 km to the west (to be the subject of the main excavation effort in 2009).
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Plavinski, M. A., and M. I. Stsiapanava. "EXCAVATIONS OF KASTYKI BARROW CEMETERY IN THE VILIYA UPPER REACHES IN 1973." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 30, no. 1 (March 25, 2019): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2019.01.10.
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The complex of archaeological monuments near the village Kastyki of the Viliejka district of the Minsk region consists of an Old Rus’ barrow cemetery and an open settlement, which functioned from the late Neolithic period to the third quarter of the 1st millennium AD.
The complex of archaeological sites under the question is located in the eastern part of the village Kastyki in the upper reaches of the Vilija, on its right bank, 2.5 km from the confluence of the Servač River into Vilija River. For the first time, studies at Kastyki were carried out by K. Tyszkiewicz in 1856, when he excavated here one partially destroyed mound, containing neither traces of burial nor burial goods. In 1973, J. Zviaruha conducted a study of the barrow cemetery in Kastyki and excavated here 7 burial mounds.
This article is devoted to the publication of materials from the Kastyki barrow cemetery, which took place in 1973 under the direction of J. Zviaruha. The focus is on rethinking the results of the 1973 excavations in the light of new research conducted in 2016 and 2018.
The analysis of materials from the excavation of the burial mound, carried out in 1973, suggests that the necropolis functioned during the middle of the 11th—12th centuries. It belonged to a group of residents of the Polatsk land, who made burials according to the rites of inhumation on the basis of burial mounds, with their heads directed to the west. This, in turn, suggests that the members of the Old Rus’ community, which left the necropolis in Kastyki, had a certain understanding of the Christian burial rites.
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Beckett, Jessica F. "Interactions with the Dead: A Taphonomic Analysis of Burial Practices in Three Megalithic Tombs in County Clare, Ireland." European Journal of Archaeology 14, no. 3 (2011): 394–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/146195711798356719.
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Burial is a highly symbolic activity through which concepts of the world are reflected in the representation and treatment of human remains. While mortuary studies in archaeology and anthropology have had a long history, our understanding of Neolithic societies through such analyses is lacking. This article has attempted to broaden our understandings of one such society, focusing upon the megalithic tomb tradition in Ireland, through an integrated study of the burial practices taking place at several sites located on the Burren, County Clare. The Parknabinnia chambered tomb, Poulnabrone portal tomb, and Poulawack Linkardstown-type cairn are located within three kilometres of each other and date to contemporary periods. Several questions are explored through the use of archaeological evidence, osteological analysis, and taphonomy to allow for a broader appreciation of social practices in the past – most notably burial practices. What types of burial practices were taking place; how do the sites compare to each other; and how do they fit within the overall scheme of Neolithic practices we have come to understand?
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Stenton, Douglas R., Anne Keenleyside, and Robert W. Park. "The “Boat Place” Burial: New Skeletal Evidence from the 1845 Franklin Expedition." ARCTIC 68, no. 1 (February 23, 2015): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14430/arctic4454.
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Oestigaard, Terje. "Cremations as Transformations: When the Dual Cultural Hypothesis was Cremated and Carried Away in Urns." European Journal of Archaeology 2, no. 3 (1999): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/eja.1999.2.3.345.
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A cremation and subsequent burial can be analysed as a set of technological, social and ritual transformations. It consists of three parts: first, the place where the body was burnt or cremated; secondly, the intermediary period in time and space, where the cleaned bones are often transported somewhere else; this interval increases the room for manoeuvre in those aspects which are concerned with the renewal, reorganization and re-legitimization of relations between the living; and, finally, the place where the ashes or the bones were deposited or buried, which may be the same place where the body was cremated, but normally it is not. Thus the urn represents the place where the deceased died, the cremated bones are from the rite of cremation, whereas the burial of the urn and the deposition of undamaged artefacts are from the final burial site, where other rituals were performed by the descendants, relatives and others. The distribution of urns may illuminate the notion that distance has hardly been a barrier and that people from, the ‘northern margins’ have travelled all over Europe from the late Bronze Age to the Viking period. This approach attacks the dual cultural hypothesis and some elements of core–periphery models.
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DAFULEYA, GIFT. "ENTERPRISING IN THE FACE OF DEATH: SOCIAL ENTREPRENEURSHIP IN AFRICAN BURIAL SOCIETIES." Journal of Enterprising Culture 20, no. 03 (September 2012): 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s021849581250015x.
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African households prioritize funeral rites, with important consequences on their welfare. Poor workers with no savings have one investment — their burial society. This article uses the transformation taking place in burial societies to make three arguments. First, social relationships do not only make and help entrepreneurs, but they can also transform and be the threshold of social entrepreneurship. Second, burial societies' innovation in pro-poor products is local-demand specific but lacks adequate and sustainable capital back-up. Finally, meaningful entrepreneurial returns demand scaling down the membership size of clubs which unfortunately limit venture capitalization and cause network failures — a trade-off that seemingly maintains the social entrepreneurship in African Burial Societies.
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Montgomery, Janet, Paul Budd, and Jane Evans. "Reconstructing the lifetime movements of ancient people: A Neolithic case study from southern England." European Journal of Archaeology 3, no. 3 (2000): 370–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/146195700807860828.
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A new procedure is described in which combined lead and strontium isotope analysis of archaeological human dental tissues can be used to comment on the lifetime movements of individuals. A case study is presented of four Neolithic burials – an adult female and three juveniles – from a shared burial pit excavated at Monkton-up-Wimbourne, Dorset. It is demonstrated that the adult's place of origin was at least 80km to the north-west in the area of the Mendips. It is also shown that all three juveniles moved over significant distances during their lives.
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Salazar-García, Domingo C., Oreto García-Puchol, María Paz de Miguel-Ibáñez, and Sahra Talamo. "Earliest Evidence of Neolithic Collective Burials from Eastern Iberia: Radiocarbon Dating at the Archaeological Site of Les Llometes (Alicante, Spain)." Radiocarbon 58, no. 3 (June 27, 2016): 679–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2016.34.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the Valencia region of Spain, the dominant use of natural caves for collective burials during the Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods has been documented. Collective burials are central to the hypothesis about social relationships in Copper Age societies from Iberia, and key to interpreting kinship-based societies. Les Llometes (Alcoi, Alicante) is one of the biggest collective burial sites existing in eastern Iberia. This article presents the direct14C dates on 25 skeletal remains at the site. The results indicate that the site was used as a burial place from the end of the 5th millennium cal BC until the end of the 4th millennium cal BC, and is a first milestone for future studies that will shed light on the transition towards social structure through the use of a cemetery space. Moreover, this research is one of the few investigations of Late Neolithic collective burials in Iberia that comprises an extensive accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS)14C data set of almost all the individuals reported at a single site. This case also serves to highlight the utility of revisiting materials from historic excavations by14C dating all the skeletal remains that define the minimum number of individuals, and therefore ensuring a more complete picture of the prehistoric human record.