Academic literature on the topic 'Plague Epidemics Great Plague'
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Journal articles on the topic "Plague Epidemics Great Plague"
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Theilmann, John, and Frances Cate. "A Plague of Plagues: The Problem of Plague Diagnosis in Medieval England." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 37, no. 3 (2007): 371–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2007.37.3.371.
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Recent works by historians and biologists have called into doubt whether the great epidemic of 1348/49 in England was the plague. Examination of the biological evidence, however, shows their arguments to be faulty. The great epidemic of 1348/49 may have included other diseases, but it was clearly yersinia pestis.
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Earn, David J. D., Junling Ma, Hendrik Poinar, Jonathan Dushoff, and Benjamin M. Bolker. "Acceleration of plague outbreaks in the second pandemic." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 117, no. 44 (2020): 27703–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2004904117.
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Historical records reveal the temporal patterns of a sequence of plague epidemics in London, United Kingdom, from the 14th to 17th centuries. Analysis of these records shows that later epidemics spread significantly faster (“accelerated”). Between the Black Death of 1348 and the later epidemics that culminated with the Great Plague of 1665, we estimate that the epidemic growth rate increased fourfold. Currently available data do not provide enough information to infer the mode of plague transmission in any given epidemic; nevertheless, order-of-magnitude estimates of epidemic parameters suggest that the observed slow growth rates in the 14th century are inconsistent with direct (pneumonic) transmission. We discuss the potential roles of demographic and ecological factors, such as climate change or human or rat population density, in driving the observed acceleration.
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Woods, David. "Adomnán, plague and the Easter controversy." Anglo-Saxon England 40 (December 2011): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675111000032.
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AbstractAdomnán's description (Vita Columbae II.46) of how the intercession of St. Columba preserved the Picts and the Irish in Britain alone among the peoples of western Europe against two great epidemics of bubonic plague is a coded defence of their use of the traditional Irish 84-year Easter table against the Dionysian Easter table as used throughout the rest of western Europe. His implication is that God sent the plagues to punish those who used the Dionysian table. Hence Adomnán still adhered to the 84-year table by the time that he composed the Vita Columbae c. 697. It probably took a third epidemic 700–c. 702 to persuade Adomnán that his interpretation of the earlier epidemics was incorrect, so that Bede (HE V.15) is correct to date his conversion to the Dionysian table to a third visit to Northumbria c. 702.
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Boruszkowska, Iwona. "La mortelega grande, czyli „wielkie umieranie”. Zaraza jako katastrofa (w) wyobraźni." Konteksty Kultury 17, no. 3 (2020): 312–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23531991kk.20.024.13138.
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Artykuł omawia dwa literackie przykłady reprezentacji epidemii: libretto młodopolskiego pisarza i krytyka Karola Irzykowskiego Zaraza w Bergamo (1897) oraz utwór przedstawiciela polskiego futuryzmu – Brunona Jasieńskiego Palę Paryż (1928), które ukazują tendencje do pesymistycznego ujmowania rzeczywistości poprzez metaforę zarazy. Autorka wskazuje, iż zainteresowanie twórców chorobą i epidemią jako tematem literackim powraca w momentach przełomów i kryzysów. Narracje o zarazie, pladze czy innym powszechnym zagrożeniu będą w literaturze modernistycznej i międzywojennej reprezentowały właśnie narracje katastroficzne. Twórczość polskich modernistów i awangardzistów ujmuje bowiem całe spektrum katastroficznych tematów, nawet jeśli katastrofę zawęzić do plagi: morowa zaraza, zadżumione miasta i szalejące śmiertelne grypy goszczą na kartach literatury XIX i XX wieku. La Mortelega Grande or the “Great Mortality:” Pestilence as a Disaster for/in the Imagination The present paper discusses two examples of literary depictions of epidemics: the libretto Zaraza w Bergamo (1897) by Young Poland writer and critic Karol Irzykowski and the novel Palę Paryż (1928) by Polish futurist author Bruno Jasieński, with both works exemplifying the trend to use the metaphor of pestilence to create a pessimistic image of reality. The author points out that interest in disease and epidemic as a literary subject often grows in the times of radical change and crises. The narratives of pestilence, plague or other collective threat in modernist and interwar literature were examples of apocalyptic narratives. The output of Polish modernist and avant-garde writers encompassed the entire spectrum of catastrophic themes, even if the range of disasters was limited only to plagues: the Black Death, cities ravaged by the bubonic plague, and raging epidemics of deathly flu strains frequently featured on the pages of literary works produced in the 19th and the 20th century.
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Burgess, Wendy. "The Great White Plague and other epidemics: Lessons from early." Journal of Home Health Care Practice 6, no. 1 (1993): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/108482239300600108.
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Yule, W. L. "A Scottish Doctor's Association with the Discovery of the Plague Bacdllus." Scottish Medical Journal 40, no. 6 (1995): 184–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003693309504000609.
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Plague killed at least a quarter of the population of Europe in 1348.‘ This was the first wave of the epidemic known as ‘The Black Death’ which continued for two years and then recurred sporadically till the late 17th Century. In London in 1603, 22.6% of the population died from plague and in the outbreak known as The Great Plague of London in 1694 there were over 70,000 deaths out of a population of 460,000. Many English villages were completely wiped out at this time. Marseilles suffered severely in 1720. The next serious outbreak was in Canton in China in 1894, the disease spreading to Hong Kong. 80,000 died, the great majority of these being in China. A Scottish doctor played an important part in the management of this epidemic when it reached the British colony, and by chance found himself on the periphery of the controversy about who first discovered Yersinia Pestis, the Gram negative bacillus that causes plague.
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Enard, David, and Dmitri A. Petrov. "Ancient RNA virus epidemics through the lens of recent adaptation in human genomes." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 375, no. 1812 (2020): 20190575. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2019.0575.
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Over the course of the last several million years of evolution, humans probably have been plagued by hundreds or perhaps thousands of epidemics. Little is known about such ancient epidemics and a deep evolutionary perspective on current pathogenic threats is lacking. The study of past epidemics has typically been limited in temporal scope to recorded history, and in physical scope to pathogens that left sufficient DNA behind, such as Yersinia pestis during the Great Plague. Host genomes, however, offer an indirect way to detect ancient epidemics beyond the current temporal and physical limits. Arms races with pathogens have shaped the genomes of the hosts by driving a large number of adaptations at many genes, and these signals can be used to detect and further characterize ancient epidemics. Here, we detect the genomic footprints left by ancient viral epidemics that took place in the past approximately 50 000 years in the 26 human populations represented in the 1000 Genomes Project. By using the enrichment in signals of adaptation at approximately 4500 host loci that interact with specific types of viruses, we provide evidence that RNA viruses have driven a particularly large number of adaptive events across diverse human populations. These results suggest that different types of viruses may have exerted different selective pressures during human evolution. Knowledge of these past selective pressures will provide a deeper evolutionary perspective on current pathogenic threats. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Insights into health and disease from ancient biomolecules’.
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Abdel, Z. Zh, T. K. Erubaev, G. Zh Tokmurzieva, et al. "Demarcation of the Boundaries of the Central Asian Desert Natural Focus of Plague of Kazakhstan and Monitoring the Areal of the Main Carrier, Rhombomys opimus." Problems of Particularly Dangerous Infections, no. 2 (July 21, 2021): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21055/0370-1069-2021-2-71-78.
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The aim of the study was to clarify the boundaries of the Central Asian natural plague focus of Kazakhstan and the modern boundaries of the areal of the great gerbil (Rhombomys opimus) in order to improve epizootiological monitoring and increase the effectiveness of preventive (anti-epidemic) measures.Materials and methods. Data from the epizootiological monitoring of the great gerbil populations in 14 autonomous foci of the Central Asian desert natural plague focus in the Republic of Kazakhstan between 2010 and 2020 were used for the analysis. An epizootiologic survey of an area of 875350 km2 was carried out. When processing the data, epidemiological, epizootiological, statistical research methods, as well as GIS technologies were used.Results and discussion. An increase in the total area of the Central Asian desert natural plague focus of the Republic of Kazakhstan by 79710 km2 (9.98 %) has been established for the period of 1990–2020. It is noted that the change in the area of plague-enzootic territory was a consequence of the ever changing areal of the main carrier of plague pathogen – the great gerbil – under the influence of climatic and anthropogenic factors. The most significant changes were found in the southeastern part of the plague-enzootic territory, including those for the Betpakdala (50 %), Balkhash (34.3 %), Taukum (13.3 %) and Mojynkum (0.32 %) autonomous foci. The area of the Aryskum-Dariyalyktakyr autonomous focus decreased by 2100 km2 (4 %). In 2000–2002, new Alakol’sky and Ili intermountain autonomous foci with a total area of 26759 km2 were discovered. It is shown that due to the regression of the Aral Sea, the areal of the great girbil expanded and the area of the North Aral and Kyzylkum natural plague foci increased by 10500 km2 (29.2 %) and 560 km2 (0.4%), respectively. The areas of the Aral-Karakum and UralEmba desert autonomous foci, on the contrary, decreased by 2000 km2 (2.6 %) and 12300 km2 (17.6 %), respectively. Passportization and landscape-epizootiologic zoning of the territory of the Central Asian desert natural plague focus of the Republic of Kazakhstan has been completed.
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Tauber, V. A. "“This time of God’s visitation”: Church of England and the London plague of 1563." Russian Journal of Church History 1, no. 3 (2020): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15829/2686-973x-2020-3-36.
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The article deals with the epidemic of plague which happened in London in 1563. It is studied through the lens of sources connected with the Church of England, namely, the documents establishing extraordinary services, special homily written and published in the same year, and the correspondence of ecclesiastical as well as secular authorities. This approach leads to the conclusions of how the plague was understood by theologians, which measures (both, spiritual and practical) were considered to be efficient, and how the epidemic reflected in the administrative practice of the English church. The Early Modern people perceived plague as a supernatural calamity as it was sent by God in order to punish people for their sins and move them towards repentance. The natural mechanisms of plague’s spreading, most commonly explained through the theory of miasma, were nothing more but an instrument of God’s will. Thus, the reaction to the plague became primarily a matter spiritual which belonged to the competence of the church. Practical measures were inextricably entwined with the theological comprehension of the problem as well as the reasons of ecclesiastical policy. The London plague of 1563 was the first “great” epidemic for the reformed Church of England to face. The ecclesiastical administration introduced in cooperation with the secular authorities a special form of service and a homily for ‘this time of God’s visitation’ which determined the whole posterior tradition of reactions towards plague.
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Ha, Sha. "Plague and Literature in Western Europe, from Giovanni Boccaccio to Albert Camus." International Journal of Comparative Literature and Translation Studies 9, no. 3 (2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijclts.v.9n.3p.1.
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In medieval times the plague hit Europe between 1330 and 1350. The Italian novelist Giovanni Boccaccio, one of the exponents of the cultural movement of Humanism, in the introduction (proem) of his “Decameron” described the devastating effects of the ‘black plague’ on the inhabitants of the city of Florence. The pestilence returned to Western Europe in several waves, between the 16th and 17th centuries. William Shakespeare in “Romeo and Juliet” and other tragedies, and Ben Jonson in “The Alchemist” made several references to the plague, but they did not offer any realistic description of that infective disease. Some decennials later Daniel Defoe, in his “A Journal of the Plague Year” (1719), gave a detailed report about the ‘Great Plague’ which hit England in 1660, based on documents of the epoch. In more recent times, Thomas S. Eliot, composing his poem “The Waste Land” was undoubtedly influenced by the spreading of another infective disease, the so-called “Spanish flu”, which affected him and his wife in December 1918. Some decennials later, the French writer and philosopher Albert Camus, in his novel “The Plague”, symbolized with a plague epidemic the war which devastated Europe, North Africa and the Far East from 1937 to 1945, extolling a death toll of over 50 million victims. Those literary works offered a sort of solace to the lovers of literature. To recall them is the purpose of the present paper, in these years afflicted by the spreading of the Covid-19 Pandemic.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Plague Epidemics Great Plague"
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Gatelytė, Ieva. "Ypač pavojingų užkrečiamųjų ligų istorinė raida Lietuvoje XIV - XVIII a." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20140627_170457-21610.
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Ypač pavojingos užkrečiamosios ligos ištisus amžius sėjo mirtį pasaulyje. Nuo XIX a. susirgimai šiomis ligomis Europoje registruoti rečiau nei Viduramžiais, o pastaraisiais amžiais tos ligos tapo retenybe. Tačiau Pasaulio sveikatos organizacija įspėja – turime išlikti budrūs, nes sergamumas maru, cholera ir kitomis ypač pavojingomis užkrečiamosiomis ligomis vis dar stebimas kai kuriose Azijos valstybėse (Indija, Kinija), Arabijoje, Afrikoje. Pagal Pavojingų ir ypač pavojingų užkrečiamųjų ligų, dėl kurių ligoniai, asmenys, įtariami, kad serga pavojingomis ar ypač pavojingomis užkrečiamosiomis ligomis, asmenys, turėję sąlytį, ar šių ligų sukėlėjų nešiotojai turi būti hospitalizuojami, izoliuojami, tiriami ir (ar) gydomi privalomai, sąrašą (toliau Pavojingų ir ypač pavojingų užkrečiamųjų ligų sąrašas), ypač pavojingoms užkrečiamosioms ligoms priskiriamos:  maras,  cholera ar sukėlėjo nešiojimas,  beždžionių raupai,  geltonoji karštligė,  virusinės hemoraginės karštligės. Šiame magistro darbe dižiausias dėmesys skiriamas maro istorinei raidai Lietuvoje XIV – XVIII a. a., kadangi ši liga darė didžiausią įtaką tautos demografiniam kitimui mūsų nagrinėtu laikotarpiu. Šis darbas užpildys medicinos ir visuomenės sveikatos istorijos spragą, kurioje labai trūksta duomenų apie minėtų amžių ypač pavojingas užkrečiamąsias ligas. Darbe taip pat pateikta informacija apie sifilio protrūkius Lietuvoje. Sifilis, pagal aukščiau minėtą Pavojingų ir ypač... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]<br>The especially dangerous contagious diseases were very important in every century. From the 19th century comparing to the Medieval centuries there were less cases of especially dangerous contagious diseases in Europe and at the last time that cases became very rare. But the World Health Organization warns – people have to stay careful because various dangerious contagious diseases like plague or cholera are still common in such Asia countries like India, China, in Africa continent and in Arabic countries too. According to the Health Care minister’s order of Dangerous and especially dangerous contagious diseases, the especially dangerous contagious diseases are classified like that:  Plague,  Cholera,  Monkey’s variola,  The yellow fever,  The viral haemorrhage fever. On this Master’s Final Thesis the most information is concentrated on plague history in Lithuania in 14th – 18th centuries, because plague was the most important reason of the country’s population demographic changes. These Thesis will fill the section of medicine’s history part of the contagious diseases in 14th – 18th centuries. The syphilis is mentioned on that Thesis too, because this disease is classified as dangerous contagious disease on the list of dangerous contagious diseases by the order of minister. Cholera and variola are important for Lithuania’s medicine history too, but knowing because the diseases started in a country just from the 19th century, so we are... [to full text]
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Leonard, Marie-Louise. "Plague epidemics and public health in Mantua, 1463-1577." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5704/.
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This thesis investigates how health officials sought to preserve or recover good health during plague epidemics in Mantua, from 1463-1577. Scholarship on health boards in Italy has focused primarily on larger cities such as Milan, Florence and Venice, while many smaller cities and states which formed part of the wider network of interdependent health offices have yet to receive significant attention. This study attempts to address this imbalance by focussing on Mantua, a hitherto neglected area in the heart of northern Italy. Historians have shown by the sixteenth century health offices had wide-ranging responsibilities, yet their most important function remained tackling plague outbreaks through measures including trade and travel bans, quarantine periods and lazaretti. An analysis of the Mantuan health office’s actions and reactions reveal that it does not fit neatly with the health board model historians have established elsewhere in northern and central Italy. I will argue that while the hallmarks of the ‘Italian system’ of public health procedures are evident, closer examination of their organisation and composition reveals that they were shaped by the incidence and severity of outbreaks. Above all, however, they were dependent upon and defined by the evolving state apparatus and by participation of the wider community, both lay and ecclesiastic. Contrary to the view that permanent Italian health offices enforced plague regulations uniformly, there was a degree of flexibility in application within the structures created to fight plague. Further, it will be argued that by examining in detail symbolic acts, such as processions, in conjunction with practical methods we see with greater clarity how civic and ecclesiastical authorities worked together in the attempt to restore the city to good health. By exploring the dialogues between civic authorities, the people they governed and interactions between specific health agencies across the peninsula, this thesis contributes to the understanding of the Gonzagan state-building process and concepts of public health in Renaissance Italy.
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Low, Michael Christopher. "Empire of the Hajj pilgrims, plagues, and pan-Islam under British surveillance,1865-1926 /." unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07082007-174715/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.<br>Stephen H. Rapp, committee chair; Donald M. Reid, committee member. Electronic text (210 p. : ill. (some col.), maps, facsim.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Dec. 20, 2007; title from file title page. Includes bibliographical references (p. 192-210).
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Rodgers, M. "The biology of crayfish plague (Aphanomyces astaci : Schikora) in Great Britain." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.233882.
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Phoofolo, Pule. "In time of plague : the Basotho and the rinderpest, 1896-8." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002405.
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Rinderpest, the most dreaded bovine plague, struck the cattle of the BaSotho in British Basutoland early in 1897. By December the murrain had spent itself, having reduced the cattle population by half As it did so, the rinderpest claimed the primary historical significance of an epidemic. By sharpening behaviour and illuminating latent or developing tendencies, the rinderpest helped to reveal the nooks and crannies of contemporary historical processes that would have otherwise eluded historical visibility. This thesis brings out the complexities and ambiguities surrounding the epidemic. It uses the crisis occasioned by the panzootic in its multifaceted manifestations as a prism through which we might view the complex aspects of contemporary historical processes. It goes beyond the narrow limits of the crisis itself to discerning the broader and wider historical patterns that the rinderpest helped to highlight.
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Muckart, Heather Diane. "The face of death : prints, personifications and the great plague of London." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/5103.
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This thesis examines a mass-produced broadsheet printed during the Great Plague of London (1664-1666), which unites the textual modes of poetry and medical prescription with imagery and statistical tabulation, titled Londons Lord Have Mercy Upon Us. The central woodcut on the broadsheet presents a view of London as a bounded expansion, and relegates the images of death, particularly registered in the personification of Death, to the outskirts of the city. This visual separation of the city from the plague sick (and the plague dead) is most profoundly registered on the border of the broadsheet, which is adorned with momento mori imagery. The ordered presentation of the plague city is likewise established in the mortality tabulations on the sheet. These tabulations, which were culled from the contemporaneous London Bills of Mortality, make visible the extent of the disease in the city, while simultaneously linking the plague to the poor London suburbs. Of particular interest are the representation of faces on the broadsheet – the face of the dead, the face of Death and the face of the city – and how these images relate to the plague orders imposed on the city population by the Corporation of London. These orders sought medically and legally to contain, and spatially to control, the larger social body of London through enacting a kind of erasure upon the identities of the sick and dead. These erasures registered themselves in material form as a kind of facelessness, a motif found on the figure of Death and in the skull-faces of the dead. This motif visually registers the various anxieties expressed towards the faces of the plague-sick by many contemporaries living in plague-London, an anxiety about those who visibly displayed the signs of their contagion and, more threatening still, about those who were asymptomatic. An increasing understanding of the plague as both visible and controllable in the early modern city of London was continuously being challenged by the conflicting belief that plague was a disease of invisible extension and manifestation. This variance is deeply registered in the ambiguous depiction of the plague-dead in the frame of the sheet.
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Conlin, David Byrd. "Abundance of rodents on grasslands characterized by a patchy distribution of prairie dogs, urban development, and plague epidemics." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/colorado/fullcit?p1425773.
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Bilich, Richard Christian. "Climate Change and the Great Plague Pandemics of History: Causal Link between Global Climate Fluctuations and Yersinia Pestis Contagion?" ScholarWorks@UNO, 2007. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/632.
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The two great bubonic plague outbreaks of history, Justinian's Plague and the Black Death were responsible for the deaths of over one hundred million individuals across Eurasia and Africa. Both occurrences of the plague coincided with climatic shifts that are well documented by both literary and physical evidence. This thesis explores the possibility that both Justinian's Plague and the Black Death were precipitated by climatic shifts preceding their respective eras and that these changes also contributed to disappearance of each pandemic. A scientific analysis investigating the climatic changes including the anomalous weather of 535-536 A.D., the Medieval Warm Period, and the Little Ice Age are correlated with literary evidence recording the transmission and dormancy sequence of the plague. Although distinct differences exist between the origins of climate change in the periods preceding each plague, the effects of such changes clearly resulted in conditions ideal for the resulting pandemics.
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Graves, Carole. "The decline of the great white plague: a study of the hundred year decline of tuberculosis in America from 1850-1950." Thesis, Boston University, 2002. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27658.
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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.<br>PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.<br>2031-01-02
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Mopin, Clemence. "Stabilité du développement et stress environnemental : analyse morphométrique du fémur de l’homme." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019AIXM0068.
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Parmi les approches employées pour caractériser l’état sanitaire des populations antérieures, l’utilisation de l’asymétrie fluctuante (AF) pour rendre compte de la stabilité de développement (DS) du squelette est rare. Après plus d’un demi-siècle de recherches, la DS reste assez méconnue chez l’Homme. Aujourd’hui, les techniques de morphométrie géométrique permettent de quantifier plus finement les variations en analysant de nouveaux aspects morphologiques en 3D.Les objectifs de ce travail étaient:1-Déterminer si l’analyse morpho-géométrique de l’AF chez l’Homme permet de distinguer deux populations.2-Établir si cette distinction peut être attribuée à une différence d’état sanitaire.Les données de deux populations caractérisées par des contextes sanitaires distincts ont été confrontées. Deux échantillons de 70 paires de fémurs adultes d'âge et de sexe comparables ont été sélectionnés. Vingt-sept points-repères ont été positionnés sur chaque surface osseuse reconstruite en 3D. L’AF a été analysée en termes d’amplitude et de localisation sur le fémur.Finalement, cette analyse morpho-géométrique a permis de distinguer deux populations au contextes sanitaires distincts. La population la moins favorisée a exprimé un degré d’AF plus élevé. Considérant l’impact des facteurs potentiels de variation, le stress sanitaire explique le mieux les perturbations de la DS. Au vu de la localisation de l’AF sur le fémur, le facteur biomécanique semble aussi jouer un rôle relatif. Chez l’Homme, la localisation de l’asymétrie fluctuante peut donc être dirigée en partie par les contraintes biomécaniques, cependant son amplitude est principalement influencée par le stress sanitaire<br>Among the approaches used to characterize the health status in past populations, the use of fluctuating asymmetry (FA) to evaluate developmental stability (DS) in bone is rare. After more than half a century of research, DS remains relatively unknown in humans. Today, geometric morphometrics techniques offer new perspectives. It is now possible to quantify variations more precisely and approach them by analyzing a new morphological element: shape.The aim of this work was twofold:1-Determine whether the geometric morphometrics analysis of FA in humans can distinguish two populations.2-Determine whether this distinction can be attributed to a difference in health status.The data of two populations of known and distinct health statuses and environmental contexts were compared. Two samples of 70 pairs of adult femurs of comparable age and sex were selected. Two sets of 27 landmarks were placed on the 3D isosurfaces of each femur. FA was analyzed and characterized in terms of range of magnitude and pattern of expression in the femur.Finally, this geometric morphometrics analysis allowed to distinguish two populations that have developed under distinct environmental conditions. The population that experienced higher levels of stress expressed a higher degree of FA. After considering the impact of potential factors of variation, the health stress seems to best explain disturbances of DS. However, given its pattern of expression on the femur, the biomechanical factor seems to play also a relative role. Therefore, in humans, the pattern of expression of FA is directed in part by biomechanical constraints but its magnitude remains mostly influenced by health stress
Books on the topic "Plague Epidemics Great Plague"
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Group, Historical Geography Research, and University of London. Centre for Metropolitan History., eds. London's dreaded visitation: The social geography of the Great Plague in 1665. Historical Geography Research Group, 1995.
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The last Irish plague: The great flu epidemic in Ireland. Irish Academic Press, 2011.
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Summers, William C. The great Manchurian plague of 1910-1911: The geopolitics of an epidemic disease. Yale University Press, 2012.
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Steinberg, Jonny. Three-letter plague: A young man's journey through a great epidemic. Jonathan Ball Publishers, 2008.
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Three-letter plague: A young man's journey through a great epidemic. Jonathan Ball Publishers, 2008.
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The Black Death: The great mortality of 1348-1350 : a brief history with documents. Bedford/St. Martin's, 2005.
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Gummer, Benedict. The scourging angel: The Black Death in the British Isles. Bodley Head, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Plague Epidemics Great Plague"
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Spinage, C. A. "The Great African Rinderpest Panzootic." In Cattle Plague. Springer US, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-8901-7_22.
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Spinage, C. A. "The Second Great Plague in Britain." In Cattle Plague. Springer US, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-8901-7_9.
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Rawcliffe, Carole. "‘Great stenches, horrible sights, and deadly abominations’." In Plague and the City. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429450044-2.
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Tzortzis, Stéfan, and Michel Signoli. "Characterization of the Funeral Groups Associated with Plague Epidemics." In Paleomicrobiology of Humans. ASM Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/9781555819170.ch2.
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Cooke, Jennifer. "Plague, Jews and Fascist Anti-Semites: ‘The Great Incurable Malady’." In Legacies of Plague in Literature, Theory and Film. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230235427_6.
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Smallman-Raynor, Matthew, and Andrew Cliff. "Oceania:War Epidemics in South Pacific Islands." In War Epidemics. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198233640.003.0022.
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So far, the geographical foci of our regional–thematic examination of the linkages between war and disease have been the great continental land masses of the Americas, Europe, Asia, and Africa. We now turn our attention to a different stage for the geographical spread of war epidemics—oceanic islands. As well as the particular interest which attaches to islands as natural laboratories for the study of epidemiological processes (Cliff et al., 1981, 2000), island epidemics also hold a special place in war history. For example, we saw in Chapter 2 how the islands of the Caribbean became staging posts for the spread of wave upon wave of Old World ‘eruptive fevers’ (especially measles, plague, smallpox, and typhus) brought by the Spanish conquistadores to the Americas during the sixteenth century. Much later, the mysterious fever that broke out on the island of Walcheren in 1809 ranks as one of the greatest medical disasters to have befallen the British Army. In this chapter, we examine the theme of island epidemics with special reference to the military engagements of Australia, New Zealand, and the neighbouring islands of the South Pacific since 1850. Figure 11.1 serves as a location map for the discussion, while sample conflicts—exclusive of tribal feuds, skirmishes, and other minor events for which little or no documentary evidence exists—are listed in Table 11.1. Our analysis begins in Section 11.2. There we provide a brief review of the initial introduction and spread of some of the Old World diseases which occurred in association with South Pacific colonization and conflicts during the last half of the nineteenth century. In Sections 11.3 and 11.4, we move on to the twentieth century. In the Great War, Australia and New Zealand made a relatively larger contribution to military manpower than any other allied country. At the end of the conflict, the return of many tens of thousands of antipodean troops from the battlefields of Europe fuelled the extension of the 1918–19 ‘Spanish’ influenza pandemic into the South Pacific region (Cumpston, 1919). In Section 11.3, we examine the spread of influenza on board returning troopships and subsequently within Australia, New Zealand, and the neighbouring islands of the region.
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"Plague." In Emerging Epidemics. John Wiley & Sons, Inc, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118393277.ch6.
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Oldstone, Michael B. A. "Influenza Virus, the Plague That Will Continue to Return." In Viruses, Plagues, and History. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190056780.003.0018.
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This chapter focuses on the influenza virus. Even though the casualties, both military and civilian, were massive during World War I, deaths from the epidemic of influenza virus in 1918–1919 surpassed the war’s toll: some 40 to 50 million people died of influenza in less than a year. Although respiratory infection was a common companion of influenza during the 1918–1919 pandemic, pneumonia in young adults has been rare before and since. Over 80% of current and past deaths related to influenza have occurred in people over the age of 70, who most often die from secondary bacterial infections. Yet the risk is almost as great for patients of any age who suffer from chronic heart, lung, kidney, or liver disease; children with congenital abnormalities; or anyone undergoing transplant surgery or afflicted with AIDS. The last influenza pandemic recorded, the “swine flu” pandemic of 2009–2010, provided a scorecard of how far people have come in surveillance, epidemiology, vaccination, and treatments since the 1918–1919 pandemic and the four pandemics that followed.
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Smallman-Raynor, Matthew, and Andrew Cliff. "Wars and War Epidemics." In War Epidemics. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198233640.003.0010.
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Disease is a head of the Hydra, War. In his classic book, The Epidemics of the Middle Ages, J. F. C. Hecker (1859) paints an apocalyptic picture of the war–disease association. For Hecker, infectious diseases, the ‘unfettered powers of nature . . . inscrutable in their dominion, destructive in their effects, stay the course of events, baffle the grandest plans, paralyse the boldest flights of the mind, and when victory seemed within their grasp, have often annihilated embattled hosts with the flaming sword of the angel of death’ (Hecker, 1859: 212). The theme is developed by August Hirsch who, in the second edition of his Handbook of Geographical and Historical Pathology (1883), was repeatedly moved to comment on the manner in which wars fuelled the spread of infectious diseases. Writing of Asiatic cholera in the Baltic provinces and Poland in 1830–1, Hirsch concluded that the ‘military operations of the Russo-Polish war contributed materially to its diffusion’ (i. 398). Similarly, Hirsch traced one of the last ‘considerable’ outbreaks of bubonic plague in nineteenth-century Europe to ‘1828–29, when the Russian and Turkish forces came into collision in Wallachia’ (i. 503–4), while the waves of typhus fever that rolled around early-modern Europe were attributed to ‘the turmoil of great wars, which . . . shook the whole framework of European society to its foundations’ (i. 549). In much earlier times, Book I of Homer’s epic poem the Iliad—which may well be based on historical fact—tells of a mysterious epidemic that smote the camp of the Greek Army outside Troy around 1200 BC. According to Homer, the fate of King Agamemnon’s legions was sealed thus: . . . Say then, what God the fatal strife provoked? Jove’s and Latona’s son; he filled with wrath Against the King, with deadly pestilence The camp afflicted,—and the people died,— For Chryses’ sake . . . . . . Elsewhere, the celebrated works of ancient Greek historians—Herodotus (?484–?425 BC) on the later Assyrian Wars, Thucydides (?460–?395 BC) on the Great Peloponnesian War and Diodorus Siculus ( fl. first century BC) on the Carthaginian Wars—all attest to the antiquity of the war–disease association. Of ancient Rome, Bruce-Chwatt notes that ‘Foreign invaders . . . found that the deadly fevers of the Compagna Romana protected the Eternal City better than any man-made weapons’ (cited in Beadle and Hoffman, 1993: 320).
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Slack, Paul. "2. Pandemics and epidemics." In Plague. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199589548.003.0002.
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