Journal articles on the topic 'Planning Appeals Commission'

The study of Ministry of Internal Affairs economic activities gives an opportunity to look at relationships with other departments and its role as an economy agent. The studying of departmental correspondence materials allows us to speak about the conflict of interests among The Ministry of Internal Affairs, The State Planning Committee and other сommissariat-ministries. Contradictions were settled at the highest party and the state levels. All actors in the Soviet planned economy had their own interests and the most important was provision of resources for the government tasks and timely fulfilment of obligations by other economic organizations. During this process the departments involved tried to obtain more favorable conditions for themselves. Heads of different levels (from the ministries to separate agencies), who sent appeals and requests to the center, served as channels for information on the fulfillment of government directives. The conflicts helped to determine if a plan was impossible to fulfill and to correct figures and decisions. This allowed the Stalinist system to react and overcome contingent problems like a personal dispute with producers, and structural, such as economic capacity. The result was paid with material costs and overextended bureaucratic procedures for coordination of departmental interests.

AbstractThe discussion in this paper examines the emergence of what may now be fairly described as the ‘European cartel offence’: that species of infringement of Article 81 of the EC Treaty, increasingly referred to as ‘hard core cartel’ activity, connoting real delinquency which justifies the imposition of severe penal sanctions. This development is significant not just as a matter of more explicit regulation within the field of competition law, but also as part of a wider context of vilification and criminalisation of certain well-established forms of cartel behaviour. As national systems (such as that in Britain) have introduced new criminal offences in relation to cartels, it is illuminating to consider and compare the evolution of the supranational ‘European cartel offence’. Having its basis in the infringement of Article 81 of the EC Treaty, the offence is necessarily one of collusion, being an agreement or concertation for anti-competitive purposes. As such, the more specific nature of the ‘offence’ has been established incrementally, very much as the product of argument presented in appeals relating to issues of evidence and penalties. It has been necessary to consider whether the offence resides in the planning or the implementation of anti-competitive activity, or both, and whether it comprises specific acts or a continuing pattern of behaviour. The mature version of the ‘offence’, worked out in the jurisprudence of the European Commission and the Community Courts, is based on the organising concept of ‘the cartel as a whole’. This process of forging a ‘European cartel offence’ provides an instructive lesson in the legal construction of criminality and the resort to a form of organisational responsibility. It also points to the emergence of a bifurcated system of both individual and corporate liability in this context.

Early planning in Ottawa takes the form of a piece-meal architectural admixture. On paper there remains a series of largely unrealized proposals designed to promote an image symbolic of national identity. Successive federal and municipal agencies worked to various degrees of success to augment Ottawa's appearance and amenity. British planner Thomas Adams' departure from, and the subsequent demise of the Federal Commission of Conservation in the early 1920's marked a low point in efforts to evolve comprehensive planning strategies. The career of Noulan Cauchon, first head of the Ottawa Town Planning Commission, aimed to keep the notion of planning alive in the city. Certain of his little-acknowledged proposals bear remarkable similarity to the pre-W.W. II planning efforts of MacKenzie King and Jacques Greber. Cauchon's legacy endures in proposals which appear to have been incorporated into federal planning activities during the post-war era.

In 1909, moving freight by rail cost seven to ten times more than by water. Yet despite crowded terminals and a severe shortage of rolling stock, railroads carried eight times more freight by weight than ships and barges, and canal tonnage had fallen by two-thirds since 1880. The railroads, according to President Theodore Roosevelt, were “no longer able to move crops and manufactures rapidly enough to secure the prompt transaction of the business of the Nation.…There appears to be but one complete remedy–the development of a complementary system of transportation by water.” Perishable foods and high-value factory goods would always travel by rail, Roosevelt acknowledged, but bulky cargo such as wheat, coal, timber, and iron could and should move by water. Improving the nation's waterways would increase the profits of railroads and manufacturers, provide capital for expansion, and reduce the cost of living. It would serve as a tonic to the entire economy.

Lord Reid played a vital role as chairman in a Commonwealth commission in framing the Malayan Independence constitution between 1956 and 1957. The Scottish Lord of Appeal sought to ensure the commission's impartiality and to achieve a fair balance between the demands of the various interest groups. The Federation of Malaya was a complex emerging nation-state with a diverse population and the framers had to manage competing interests and demands. This article, through a close examination of the primary constitutional documents, considers Reid's influence on the framing of the Malayan (and hence, Malaysian) federal constitution. The article begins with a brief discussion of Lord Reid's appointment to head the commission and then considers in some depth areas where his influence on the framing of the draft constitution is evident. The article argues that Reid was the main playmaker and moderator during the constitution-framing process and played a critical role in ensuring a balance was achieved between the competing demands of the federal government and the states, safeguarding the fundamental rights of the citizens against the state, and in moderating the various communal demands.

Following a negotiated transition to democracy in South Africa, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was established to deal with crimes of the past regime. Despite the detail of submissions and the length of the Final Report, this article highlights the partiality of truth recognised by the Commission. The usefulness of acknowledged truth to deal with South Africa's past is shown to have been neutralised by wider concerns of social and criminal justice. In detailing the governmental reticence to provide reparations, the judicial disregard to pursue prosecutions, and the dismissal of responsibility for apartheid at a wider social level, the author argues that opportunities for reconciliation and developmental change are limited. Against the problems of crime, violence and unresolved land issues, the potential of the TRC to build a ‘reconciliatory bridge’ is called into question. The truth offered by the Commission increasingly appears of limited value.

Abstract The Bailiwick of Guernsey is a small, semi-autonomous archipelago in the English Channel. Although it is a British Crown dependency and part of the British Isles, it has its own parliament and does not belong to the United Kingdom or the European Union. This unusual geopolitical situation means that the nation-state has little relevance. It is only recently that the indigenous former vernacular has been accorded any worth, at either grass-roots or government level: as its vitality declines (increasingly rapidly), its perceived value for individual and collective identification has grown. Although public opinion overtly supports indigenous language maintenance, and increasing its vitality is a stated aim (e.g., a government Language Commission was announced in 2012), effective top-down measures to increase the number and fluency of speakers appear to be low on the agenda. This article explores the implications of this socio-political background for language policy. It discusses language-related activities which reveal a lack of ideological clarification and strategic direction at all levels, compounded by issues of control, epistemic stance and language ownership.

Most developed communities, such as Japan, the European Union and the USA, are experiencing a shortage of sites for waste disposal facilities (WDFs) (e.g. Alter 1991; Schall 1992; Chilton 1993; Ikeguchi 1994; Anon. 1994; Berenyi 1996; European Commission 1999). Strong control of local public bodies over site selection decisions and public opposition appear to be the chief causes (Schall 1992; Charles 1993; Capua & Magagni 2000). Recently, in the USA adequate landfill capacity has been ensured, but mainly because of the ease of planning permission for new very large regional landfills (Berenyi 1999). This further illustrates the artificial nature of waste disposal site availability.

This paper focuses on New Labour's policy towards the nuclear renaissance. It places this policy in the context of wider discussions on the democratic implications of the new constellations of governance emerging from the drive towards more sustainable futures. The paper identifies two crucial developments within the nuclear renaissance: firstly, the controversy surrounding the consultative process in 2006 and 2007; and secondly, the creation of new ‘efficient’ and ‘streamlined’ planning procedures through the establishment of the Planning Act 2008 and The Infrastructure and Planning Commission (IPC). The article builds on work which seeks to bring together questions of ‘democracy’ and ‘the political’ within discussions on ‘sustainability’. It argues that an understanding of these moments can only be properly established through an analysis of the wider discursive frame of ‘sustainability’ in which nuclear has been reinvented, and the way it has been utilized as a strategic tool of governing. The apparent ‘consensus’ on sustainability appears to foreclose discussions on multiple and divergent political imaginaries into a single shared vision. This is symptomatic of the wider conditions of the post-political and the post-democratic, where debate is reduced to managerial and technocratic particularities in which, regardless of public engagement, nuclear power becomes an ‘inevitability’.

In June 2003 the Care Standards Tribunal heard an appeal from Alternative Futures Limited against a decision by the National Care Standards Commission to refuse Alternative Futures' application for voluntary cancellation of the registration of 11 care homes under Section 15 (1) (b) of the Care Standards Act 2000. Alternative Futures had applied for the cancellation of registration because it felt that the homes were no longer functioning as registered residential homes but were supported housing with domiciliary care. The service users had learning disabilities and had been granted tenancies. The article summarises some of the key points of the judgement.

In the contemporaneity, the issues of land or soil consumption and of the protection of areas that, within the urban areas, provide ecosystem services (ESs) is becoming increasingly important also in relation of the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals. The concept of "Ecosystem Service" appears, in this respect, a fruitful support to define the land consumption effects on the loss of functionality and of settlement quality. Following this considerations the paper presents the first results of a research developed in Tuscany and commissioned by the Regional Government. The research aims to measure the loss of ESs in connection with land use / land cover transformations, and to verify the contribution of soil consumption to these variations. The research use methodologies for elaborating of the geographical data required for territorial governance, LUCL 2010/2016 and Land Cover Flow (LCF) model and the theoretical model of the “Capacity matrix” to provide ecosystem services.

Five Years after the lapse that occurred in European-Latin American relations as a result of the Malvinas/Falklands conflict (Rhein, 1983; Bodemer, 1985), and two years after the entry of Spain and Portugal into the European Community (CE), it would appear appropriate to review the relations between the European Community and Latin America. At the suggestion of the president of the Spanish government, Felipe González, who, among European heads of state, not only has a strong personal interest in Latin America, but also displays the most differentiated knowledge of the region, the European Council decided, in 1986 at The Hague (La Vanguardia, 1986), to charge the Commission of the European Community to come up with new guidelines regarding EC relations with Latin America.

Abstract Objective The Clock Drawing Test (CDT) is among the most researched cognitive measures and is frequently used to screen for neurocognitive disorders (NCDs). No study to date has investigated the relationship between qualitative errors on the CDT and independence in instrumental activities of daily living (IADLs) or discrete cognitive abilities. Therefore, this study sought to evaluate the correlations between qualitative errors on the CDT and IADL status as well as performance in individual cognitive domains. Method Data were retrospectively collected from patients seen at an outpatient clinic in eastern Massachusetts, including 16 healthy controls, 22 patients with mild NCD, and 35 patients with major NCD. Analyses were performed between qualitative errors on the CDT and patients’ scores on the Lawton IADL Scale, Mattis Dementia Rating Scale-2 (DRS-2), Digit Span Forward and Backward, Trail Making Test (TMT), and the Boston Naming Test (BNT). Results IADL scores were moderately correlated with CDT error types. DRS-2 scores were strongly correlated commission of qualitative errors. Strong to very strong correlations were observed between TMT parts A & B scores and all qualitative error types. BNT performance was strongly correlated with conceptual deficits and spatial/planning errors. Digit Span Forward and Backward scores showed low correlations with all CDT errors. Conclusions Functional status appears only moderately correlated with commission of various CDT errors; however, several cognitive measures showed high correlation with various CDT error types. These findings suggest that certain qualitative errors may be indicative of cognitive impairments warranting further workup. Clinical implications and future directions are discussed.

AbstractLack of access to affordable quality homes constitutes a significant crisis for workers, families and communities in the Republic of Ireland. Current government plans appear to be insufficient to make a significant impact. Pressure on individuals and families is a direct consequence of under - investment over many years, as well as a failure on the part of a market-led and property-developer-led model of housing to deliver enough dwellings to meet the needs of a growing population. The optimum solution, we propose, is the establishment of The Housing Company of Ireland, which will draw on long-term borrowing combined with an equity injection from the Ireland Strategic Investment Fund, and will undertake or commission, on a commercial basis, a programme of planning, building, acquiring and renting of new homes. This investment will supplement and further strengthen work by the local authorities and the voluntary housing associations in the area of social housing.

AbstractThis article focuses on petitions by Ottoman women from Greater Syria during the late Ottoman era. After offering a general overview of women's petitions in the Ottoman Empire, it explores changes in women's petitions between 1865 and 1919 through several case studies. The article then discusses women's “double-voiced” petitions following the empire's defeat in World War I, particularly those submitted to the King-Crane Commission. The concept of “double-voiced” petitions, or speaking in a voice that reflects both a dominant and a muted discourse, is extended here from the genre of literary fiction to Ottoman women's petitions. We argue that in Greater Syria double-voiced petitions only began to appear with the empire's collapse, when women both participated in national struggles and strove to protect their rights as women in their own societies.

This article examines the CCP's “falun gong problem” with reference to PRC law and policy on “heretical cults,” paying particular attention to the implications of this problem for the ongoing struggle to establish human rights under the rule of law. Official PRC commentary contends that the falun gong not only committed criminal acts but also wilfully sought to undermine the rule of law itself. Human rights critics and agencies, such as the US Commission on International Religious Freedom, have, on the other hand, attacked the PRC for a “repressive legal framework” that threatens human rights. The “falun gong problem” is an important chapter in the struggle for the rule of law in China, and it appears that the law has not been able to transcend the conceptual bias of past criminal law on counter-revolution. The related politicization of the law through a revived principle of “flexibility” challenges the internal process of criminal justice reform and the recent reform focus on the balance of human rights protection and public order.

Abstract. To support the transition from traditional flood defence strategies to a flood risk management approach at the basin scale in Europe, the EU has adopted a new Directive (2007/60/EC) at the end of 2007. One of the major tasks which member states must carry out in order to comply with this Directive is to map flood hazards and risks in their territory, which will form the basis of future flood risk management plans. This paper gives an overview of existing flood mapping practices in 29 countries in Europe and shows what maps are already available and how such maps are used. Roughly half of the countries considered have maps covering as good as their entire territory, and another third have maps covering significant parts of their territory. Only five countries have very limited or no flood maps available yet. Of the different flood maps distinguished, it appears that flood extent maps are the most commonly produced floods maps (in 23 countries), but flood depth maps are also regularly created (in seven countries). Very few countries have developed flood risk maps that include information on the consequences of flooding. The available flood maps are mostly developed by governmental organizations and primarily used for emergency planning, spatial planning, and awareness raising. In spatial planning, flood zones delimited on flood maps mainly serve as guidelines and are not binding. Even in the few countries (e.g. France, Poland) where there is a legal basis to regulate floodplain developments using flood zones, practical problems are often faced which reduce the mitigating effect of such binding legislation. Flood maps, also mainly extent maps, are also created by the insurance industry in Europe and used to determine insurability, differentiate premiums, or to assess long-term financial solvency. Finally, flood maps are also produced by international river commissions. With respect to the EU Flood Directive, many countries already have a good starting point to map their flood hazards. A flood risk based map that includes consequences, however, has yet to be developed by most countries.

In this article, we examine how the Putin government is attempting to respond and adapt to the YouTube phenomenon and the vibrant oppositional online visual culture on Runet. We show how these processes are giving rise to new forms of state propaganda, shaped and driven above all by the quest for high-ranking search-engine results and the concomitant desire to appeal to the perceived new sensibilities of the Internet generation through the commissioning and production of “viral videos.” We focus in particular on the videos created by Iurii Degtiarev, a pioneer in the development of this genre, whose works we explore in light of the “Kremlingate” email leaks, which offer inside information on the strategies and aims being pursued on the online visual front of the campaign to manage the Russian mediascape, and Degtiarev's own reflections on this subject. Examining the output of young creatives patronized by the Kremlin offers a “bottom-up” view to supplement studies of the Russian ideological and media landscape as shaped by “political technologists” such as Vladislav Surkov and Gleb Pavlovskii.

In this paper the influence of macrosocietal shifts on municipal reforms in metropolitan areas, as reflected by the cyclic swing from periods of increased efforts to rationalize metropolitan governance to periods of acceptance and promotion of a fragmented pattern, is demonstrated. An analogy between the changes in industrial organization and municipal organization is suggested. The paper is focused on Israel's economic core region—the Tel Aviv metropolis—with surveys of reports of commissions dealing with municipal reforms and of boundary commissions assessing claims for municipal boundary changes between 1960 and 1993. A unique feature of Tel Aviv is the region's past failure to implement proposals for major rationalization during a period when such reforms were common in countries with similar political systems. This failure was a result of specific political and geographical factors that counterbalanced the broad processes that supported reform. The subsequent period of economic stagnation weakened prospects for comprehensive reforms. Renewed growth in the 1990s has intensified pressures for municipal change but has not been associated with the comeback of old notions of metropolitan government. Rather, flexible modes of cooperation and coordination appear to be preferred, priority being given to reorganizing local government in the urban—rural fringes of the metropolis rather than dealing with the inner parts of the metropolis.

Even as it remains an informal term defining the emergence of humans as a force transforming Earth as a system, the Anthropocene is stimulating novel research and discussion across the academy and well beyond. While geography has always been deeply connected with the coupled human–environment paradigm, physical geographer’s embrace of the Anthropocene still appears lukewarm at best. While there are good reasons to hesitate, including the fact that the Anthropocene is not yet, and might never be, formalized in the Geologic Time Scale, physical geographers have much to gain by embracing what is rapidly becoming the most influential scholarly discussion on human–environmental relations in a generation. This editorial was commissioned for the author’s debut as Contributing Editor of Progress in Physical Geography.

This volume comprises a compilation of essays written by distinguished Indian economists, and international economists and observers on India, in honour of Montek Singh Ahluwalia, an eminent economist and currently Deputy Chairman, Planning Commission, widely recognised as one of the main architects and drivers of the economic reform process. In a very well-written Introduction to this festschrift, capturing the essence of the contributions to the volume and weaving them into an excellent overview, Shankar Acharya and Rakesh Mohan state, “Indeed the story of India’s economic policies over the past three decades could easily be woven around Montek’s career as the pre-eminent government economist through most of this time”. This role is earlier acknowledged in the foreword to the volume by the current Indian Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, the initiator of the overall reform process as Finance Minister from 1991-96, when Montek (as he is popularly known) worked under him in important positions. This recognition also finds strong support amongst the authors, who were close associates of Montek in policy-making, as they recount the role he played in both shaping and driving the economic policy reform agenda. How a small but well-knit team of economists, most of whom had earlier worked in the World Bank or the IMF, could actually achieve this in a country as large and complex as India would baffle any observer. While the book provides no explicit answer, the reform process appears to have initially found favour in response to the economic crisis in 1991. The process then gained momentum as the reforms showed measurable success, and this helped win over the trust and confidence of the political ruling élite.

In European Union rational and purposeful human recourse use and their high professional preparation is regarded as a priority target of education and labour market policy. Professional guidance, career education and career planning services are important for education system and labour market and their close interrelationship. Career management as a lifelong lasting process in our contemporary society becomes very urgent due to many reasons. First, labour market demand change is becoming more rapid. People more often have to change the type of activity and organisation. Second, at this moment labour market needs new quality workers, not only able to acquire a certain level professional education, but also to adequately react to organisational, regional, national, global, social and economic environment dynamics, able to establish and implement strategies how to choose, master, coordinate work and other social roles with personal life values and ambitions. New requirements appear for human activity, a new career conception. Therefore, it is necessary to systematically provide career services to people, seeking to help them plan career and be successful professionals. Professional consultation service importance reflects in various European Commission and Lithuanian documents. In many documents it is emphasised that professional consultation services is the most important teaching and occupation policy element. Professional consultation has to play a crucial role encouraging learning availability, mobility, to raise learners’ motivation, to increase occupation and to decrease unemployment.

Background/Objectives: This study examined the risks of new AI technologies and their impact on policy governance. Artificial intelligence is bringing about changes in various fields such as politics, economy and culture through information society and technology. In particular, it has a positive effect on solving various problems of existing society and overcoming limitations. But this advancement in artificial intelligence can create the opposite problem as expected. This appears to be a risk. We identify the factors that recognize this risk and investigate the possible impact on government governance.Methods/Statistical analysis: The questionnaire and data of this journal were analyzed by Korean public portal data, and the analysis data were designated by the Korea Information Technology Agency, AI related company, AI association, Ministry of Science, ICT and Future Planning, IT society, government research institute, Korea Communications Commission, and National Security Agency The questionnaire survey was based on AI experts working in the field.The analysis program uses IBM SPSS Statistics 22. The analysis methods are descriptive statistical analysis, reliability analysis and exploratory factor analysis.Findings: This study examined the risks of new AI technologies and their impact on policy governance. The survey was conducted to clarify comments on awareness of new AI-related technologies, awareness of AI risks, and improvements to AI-related policies.AI risk has become an integral part of regulation and the government's role as a risk manager is important.Improvements/Applications: Further discussion is needed regarding the commercialization effects of AI technology awareness, benefit items and timing items on policy governance through risk awareness.

Over time we can observe a dramatic global shift in shipbuilding activities, from Great Britain to Continental Europe to Japan to South Korea; most recently China is gaining ground. Every transition is accompanied by institutional and political reactions, leading to protectionism and trade conflicts. The most recent of these battles is being fought out between the European Commission, in particular Germany as a major player in this market, and South Korea, which is accused of illegally supporting its shipyards. As state support has traditionally played an important role, both in establishing and in protecting shipbuilding as a strategic industry within a national economy, the concept of political lock-in appears to provide a promising method for explaining both the rise, through its enabling element, and delayed fall, through its constraining element, of these specific regional economies. Against the background of this theoretical concept, an empirical study comparing two competing shipbuilding regions—Mecklenburg-Vorpommern in eastern Germany and Gyeongnam in South Korea—was conducted; the results are twofold. First, restructuring the shipbuilding industry in these two regions seems less affected by local and regional factors than it is by national and international organisations. National and international organisations are, under globalisation conditions, increasingly responsible for regulating the conditions of competition, but are failing to do so. Second, because of the multiscale involvement of political and economic actors and, hence, the increasing complexity of the restructuring process, the concept of political lock-in needs to be integrated into a much broader explanatory framework—which the authors develop.

The European Commission and EU member states have prioritised the renovation of the existing housing stock as a means of achieving their energy-efficiency targets. As buildings account for 40% of Europe’s energy consumption and much of this is used in the residential sector a major breakthrough could be realized here. Despite the fact that energy saving targets have been prioritized in EU and national policy programme’s, progress is slow. The actual rate and extent of renovations are by fare not enough to achieve the targets. Although the necessity of energy savings is acknowledged by institutional investors in housing, housing associations, individual homeowners and occupants, it appears to be difficult to get sufficient support for energy efficiency renovations. The current economic situation is an additional barrier preventing large scale investments in energy renovating the housing stock. This article connects the realisation of energy efficiency goals with the creation of jobs in the EU. The shift from new-build to renovation will have considerable effects on employment in especially the construction industry and the qualifications required by the workforce. Studies show that for every €1 million investment in the existing building stock in the form of energy renovation work, 12 to 17 new jobs could be created. Potentially this could lead to may new jobs. However, there are many uncertainties in these calculations. Are these direct or indirect jobs, what sectors would benefit, are these jobs created within the EU and what would be the net effect on the labour market? Nonetheless these uncertainties, the positive employment effects will prevail. A new and ambitious investment programme in the housing sector could not only improve the energy performance of the sector but create 100.000’s of valuable jobs at a time when these are seriously needed.

Shortly into his path-breaking study of The Small House in Eighteenth-Century London, Peter Guillery remarks that ‘houses are principally interesting because people live in them’ (p. 10). To urban historians the observation might seem unexceptional, even banal. To many architectural historians his comment would be incomprehensible. Therein lies the difficulty for the urban historian with a concern for housing, public buildings and planning. There is a wealth of serious academic studies of architecture, but the majority are written in a language which can seem arcane to the uninitiated and address an agenda which appears little interested in those who inhabited the buildings. At the heart of the problem lies the requirement to treat the built form primarily as a work of art, so that what is studied has to justify itself as an object worthy of aesthetic consideration, and has to relate to an established stylistic canon and chronology. Judged in this light, considerations of user and usage are largely irrelevant, and can appear an invitation to slip into the sort of popular architectural discourse, common in the Victorian and Edwardian periods, in which dwellings are valued primarily for the celebrities and anecdotes associated with them. People are germane only to the extent that they designed buildings, as architects, or commissioned them, as patrons of the arts. Among the two most influential figures in developing and in particular disseminating the art-history perspective on architecture in twentieth-century Britain were Nikolaus Pevsner and John Summerson. Today their presence is felt not only in the world of scholarship, where it has not gone unchallenged, but also and more importantly in popular perceptions of architecture, as mediated through guide literature, the amenity societies (like the National Trust, the Georgian Group and the Victorian Society) and the conservation movement. It is an influence which has been ambivalent. On the one hand, it has led to a far deeper popular understanding and appreciation of architectural form and its history, and has saved many fine buildings. On the other hand, it is has led to a dissociation of form and human usage, a devaluation of structures and traditions not defined as canonic and a blindness to the subjective and ideological nature of architectural history itself.

The ‘reclaiming’ by Paris of its water back into public hands is a paradox in the homeland of transnational water companies and at a time when the European Commission rather favours the liberalisation of public services ‘of general economic interest’. Yet what has happened is more complex. A quick historical review of management formulas in Europe reveals both the specific model of delegation to private companies made in France, and also the maintained direct labour management formula (with direct public procurement by municipalities) used in several French cities to be presented. Paris has a long history of public procurement of water, whilst using a private company for metering and billing customers. Mayor Chirac changed to a semi-public company with public production and private distribution contracted out to two private companies (with responsibility for the right and left banks). Mayor Delanoë managed to reclaim the distribution in a commercial but public institution called an Établissement Public à caractère Industriel et Commercial (EPIC); this had unsuspected impacts on water supply issue in the suburbs. While Paris can obviously run its services directly, the emerging issue appears to be multi-level governance at the metropolitan level, rather than just a public–private debate. This paper also discusses in detail the arguments put forward by Anne le Strat, Deputy Mayor for Water, in favour of returning to public control, and presents the difficulties of assessing the performance of a service operator, under both delegation and direct management.

While a general rule of ‘eco-protection’ in armed conflict may be derived from the basic principles of distinction, proportionality, avoidance of unnecessary suffering and humanity, international humanitarian law provides little by way of more specific rules for the protection of the natural environment except for in extreme situations that can rarely be expected to occur. Nevertheless, opinio juris has changed since the adoption of pertinent instruments in 1977. This development needs to be balanced against a still prevailing general reluctance to accept specific ecological obligations and procedures in military operations. Thus a detailed evaluation of planning and decision-making processes appears necessary. Revisiting the San Remo Manual on International Law Applicable to Armed Conflicts at Sea and the ICRC Study on Customary International Humanitarian Law, this article argues that certain qualifications made in these documents relating to requirements of ‘imperative military necessity’ are to be assessed in the light of their specific implications and should be used with caution. Furthermore, it is suggested that pertinent consequences of the International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on the Effects of Armed Conflicts on Treaties deserve further study. To this end, interdisciplinary case studies should be conducted to support fact-oriented evaluations of military requirements, ecological assessments and political effects post-conflict, rather than insisting on thresholds for legal regulation that already appeared to be escapist decades ago and which may prove counter-productive in the years to come. New activities aimed at protecting the natural environment in armed conflict should focus on a reaffirmation of existing rules and their effective implementation.

IntroductionMental health issues appear as a growing problem in modern societies and tend to be more frequent in big cities. Where increased evidence exists for positive links between nature and mental health, associations between urban environment characteristics and mental health are still not well understood. These associations are highly complex and require an interdisciplinary and integrated research approach to cover the broad range of mitigating factors. This article presents the study protocol of a project called Nature Impact on Mental Health Distribution that aims to generate a comprehensive understanding of associations between mental health and the urban residential environment.Methods and analysisFollowing a mixed-method approach, this project combines quantitative and qualitative research. In the quantitative part, we analyse among the Brussels urban population associations between the urban residential environment and mental health, taking respondents’ socioeconomic status and physical health into account. Mental health is determined by the mental health indicators in the national Health Interview Survey (HIS). The urban residential environment is described by subjective indicators for the participant’s dwelling and neighbourhood present in the HIS and objective indicators for buildings, network infrastructure and green environment developed for the purpose of this project. We assess the mediating role of physical activity, social life, noise and air pollution. In the qualitative part, we conduct walking interviews with Brussels residents to record their subjective well-being in association with their neighbourhood. In the validation part, results from these two approaches are triangulated and evaluated through interviews and focus groups with stakeholders of healthcare and urban planning sectors.Ethics and disseminationThe Privacy Commission of Belgium and ethical committee from University Hospital of Antwerp respectively approved quantitative database merging and qualitative interviewing. We will share project results with a wide audience including the scientific community, policy authorities and civil society through scientific and non-expert communication.

Generally speaking, there are two dominant schools of thought with regard to the British annexation of Sind in the Indian sub-continent in 1843. One takes the view that individuals on the spot make history. It was a harsh, bitter and frustrated soldier by the name of General Sir Charles Napier who was determined to seek glory and wealth for himself by annexing Sind. In this respect, the eminent historian and former Special Commissioner for Sind (1943–46), H. T. Lambrick, has put his case extremely well. The other school interprets the annexation in strategic terms, as part of a search for a defence system which would safeguard British India from the dangers of attack from the northwest. In about 600 pages, the distinguished historian M. E. Yapp has achieved his goal with remarkable success. Furthermore, Yapp has done so without discounting the first school of thought. Indeed, the two are not mutually exclusive. In this paper I wish to suggest that there is a third dimension, an economic one; and that the three are not mutually exclusive either. Indeed, all three appear to have different weights at different levels of the policy-making process.

Current arguments in Australia concerning horizontal fiscal equalisation may help inform the debate in the United Kingdom concerning possible changes to the Barnett formula and the establishment of financial relations with any regional governments in England. Although Australia is a long-established federation, with mature institutions for managing the financial aspects of intergovernmental relations, the most populous states are now pushing for a per-capita-based system to replace the existing formula—based on needs and costs—overseen by the independent Commonwealth Grants Commission. This has important implications for the United Kingdom, where the Barnett formula—a per capita system for deciding annual changes in the funding for the devolved administrations—has been increasingly challenged. In particular, the Barnett system has been vulnerable to nontransparent ‘formula-bypass’ agreements. We argue that the status quo in the United Kingdom appears secure as long as England remains a single entity and the UK Treasury sees the financial implications of larger per capita expenditure in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland as relatively small. However, we speculate that regionalisation of government in England would be likely to increase the pressure: to abandon the Barnett system; to look more systematically at need and cost, rather than population, as criteria for allocating funds between governments; and to move towards an Australian-type system. However, the recent experience of Australia also shows that larger states prefer a per-capita-based system allied to more political, less transparent, arrangements to deal with ‘special circumstances’. It may be that a Barnett-type formula would suit the new ‘dominant states’ in a fully federalised United Kingdom which would, ironically, create an alliance of interests between Scotland and London.

Relationships between interest groups and the European Community have generally been regarded as more pluralist than neocorporatist in character. In part, this is because of a prevailing view of Euro interest associations as weak ‘federations of federations’, often unable to agree and act upon meaningful common positions. Evidence from the pharmaceutical industry suggests that such a blanket generalisation cannot be sustained, not least because of the commonality of regulatory experiences across member states, and prior experience of the industry in transnational political action. These have been reproduced at the EC level to the point of a Euro private interest government. There are, however, other forms of interest representation besides the ‘super federation’, and a cursory examination of one area—biotechnology—reveals the multiplicity of these. Of interest is that here it is the Euro organisations themselves rather than an aggregation of national concerns which have been of prime importance in engaging the European level, a feature of the development of biotechnology at a time of the enhanced competence of the EC in the shape of the Single European Act. This may suggest the pattern for the future in newly emerging arenas of industrial activity. Only one of the many Euro aggregations in biotechnology—a direct firm membership forum—has proved to be an effective interest outlet. What appears to be a challenge to the possibility of the existence of a neocorporatist structure through a Euro federation in fact shows the importance of Euro federations in the creation of appropriate transnational representational structures, which may develop reciprocal relationships with the Commission which are characteristic of neocorporatist patterns. The explanatory power of neocorporatist ideas in revealing the dynamics of completing the internal market should therefore not be dismissed.

Landscape water is an important part of natural landscape, and a reasonable assessment of water landscape color is the basis for scientifically evaluating the quality of water landscape. To evaluate water landscape color with different concentrations of sediment objectively and quantitatively, a method of evaluating water landscape color based on hyperspectral technology is proposed to calculate water landscape color. The color spectrum calculation model of the water landscape color was constructed using the Commission Internationale de L’Eclairage spectrum three stimulus system (CIE-XYZ) calculation method and the response relationship among water reflectance, water depth, and sediment concentration. Under the conditions of eliminating as many external factors as possible, using a hyperspectral instrument to measure the reflectance of sediment and water, the response relationship between water depth and sediment concentration and water reflectance is calculated. Water depth and sediment concentration, which did not appear previously, were verified by experiments that proved the reliability of the water landscape color spectrum calculation model. By using different absolute value of chromatic coordinates in the international CIE-XYZ calculation method, a formula for determining the difference in sediment concentration for water landscape color was defined, and the quantitative evaluation method of landscape color of sand-laden water was established. In this research, we found that the predicted water landscape color, quantified by the color spectrum calculation model, is basically consistent with the actual color of landscape water and is basically in line with actual observation about significant difference assessment, which demonstrated the accuracy and reliability of the model. Hence, this research provides a scientific basis for the establishment of other water quality factors to evaluate water color, which makes it possible to quantify the color of the water landscape based on the establishment the color spectrum calculation model.

Congratulatory Message Congratulations to the Journal of Disaster Research on successfully completing 10 years of publishing scientific, technical, and policy articles and studies examining and refining issues related to disaster management. Among the Journal’s many contributions to scientific knowledge is its progressive development of the disaster resilience concept benefitting societies and communities worldwide. With social, environmental, economic, and technological conditions changing continuously and with new uncertainties discussed daily in the media, we must question how well we can plan to safely and productively develop our societies and communities. How well can we embrace and respond effectively to new information about natural and human-based hazards that increase uncertainty and interfere with orderly, beneficial societal and community development? The number and intensity of disasters appear to be increasing around the globe due to a combination of factors such as natural hazards, technological accidents, urban growth, inadequate planning, and most recently climate change. Some societies and communities may be more vulnerable than others to specific hazard events, but it must be realized that none are immune. Key questions that must be answered include how to minimize potential future loss from natural and human hazards through timely mitigation and preparedness and how to safely and expeditiously respond and recover after disasters strike. The JDR and other scientific publications have demonstrated how prominent the concept of disaster resilience has become in the last decade alone. The concept of resilience is broadly defined as the capacity of a community to 1) Survive a major disaster or other damaging crisis, 2) Retain essential community structure and functions, and 3) Adapt during post-disaster recovery to conditions for transforming community structures and functions and meeting new challenges (Topping et al., “Toward Disaster Resilient Communities” in Journal of Disaster Research Vol.5, No.2, April 2010). Operating alongside resilience is the concept of sustainability. Sustainability emerged initially from the environmental movement. The Bruntland Commission (World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987) has defined sustainable development as that “… meeting the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.” Sustainability has broadened in meaning to include preserving and maintaining resources – environmental, physical, social, economic, and cultural. Together with this arises the realization that disasters destroy resources of all kinds. Disaster resilience and sustainable development are intertwined. A society or community that is not disaster-resilient risks suffering irreversible losses of resources – something that cannot be considered sustainable. A disaster-resilient society or community, in contrast, minimizes the risk of losses due to natural or technological hazards by executing mitigation and preparedness efforts in a timely way – thus protecting resources for use by future generations. Congratulations again to the many JDR authors, reviewers, and editors who have so carefully and thoughtfully contributed to the evolution of the important concepts above – concepts that, implemented over time, will help protect and preserve societies and communities around the world. Ken Topping 504 Warwick Street, Cambria, CA 93428, USA June 15, 2015

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to report the findings of a rapid evidence synthesis commissioned by the Diocese of Winchester with a remit to provide an empirical basis for church contributions to large housing community developments. It sought to respond to three questions concerning new community developments. These related to risks and causes of failure; learning from past corporate and intermediate tier interventions at diocesan and equivalent levels by religious denominations; and the transferable learning available from developments described in community health and liveability literatures. Design/methodology/approach The review took a purposive approach to sampling evidence from within academic literature, policy and “think tank” outputs and theological texts. The search was instigated with the use of keywords (including New Settlements, Urban Redevelopment, Diocese, Faith and Community), principally within the SCOPUS, NIHR, PUBMED and Google Scholar databases. A pragmatic snowballing approach to relevant references was then employed. Findings Segregation and separation were identified as the main risk for new settlements. Connectivity is required between and across neighbours, ensuring communal access to services, transport and recreation. Communal places where people can come together for conversation and social interaction are identified as contributing significantly to healthy communities. Churches have a particular positive contribution to make here, through a focus on inclusion, hospitality and common values, rather than single faith-based, evangelical approaches. Practical implications The initial effect of the study has been to increase confidence in and awareness of the diocesan contribution. In the longer term the three areas of practice highlighted for enhanced faith-based contributions are those of public communications, community integration and civic leadership. An evidence-based approach appears to be especially significant in facilitating the latter. Originality/value The importance of “creational narratives” in defining and making explicit the values underpinning new housing communities is identified as a singular source of shared motivation for planning and faith agencies.

ABSTRACTThis article considers the legal and policy issues surrounding the establishment of continental shelves beyond 200 nautical miles (nm) from sub-Antarctic islands. Under the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) a coastal state may establish a continental shelf that extends seawards beyond 200 nm where the continental shelf continues, normally to a total distance of no more than 350 nm. To establish such an extended continental shelf (ECS) a coastal state must file a submission of delineation data with the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS), a technical body established by UNCLOS.The rights of coastal states present particular difficulties in the Antarctic Treaty area (ATA), due to the general non-recognition of the seven territorial claims and the provisions of article IV of the Antarctic Treaty. Accordingly, Antarctic claimant states are generally adopting a restrained approach to the issue of ECS as appertaining to claimed territories in Antarctica in their submissions to the CLCS. These states appear to recognise that they cannot secure the normal prerogatives of a coastal state from territorial sea baselines within the ATA, at least for the duration of the present Antarctic Treaty system (ATS). A different approach is being taken with respect of sub-Antarctic islands lying north of the ATA. Sovereignty over sub-Antarctic territory north of the ATA is, with the exception of South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands, not contested. Accordingly, rights in relation to any continental shelf attaching to sub-Antarctic islands may be realised, apparently without challenging the Antarctic modus vivendi.However, the ECS of several sub-Antarctic islands penetrate the ATA. In 2008, the CLCS largely endorsed the 2004 Australian submission that included data on ECS from Australia's sub-Antarctic islands of Macquarie Island and the Heard and McDonald group. The ECS from both groups penetrates south of 60°S into the ATA, in the case of Heard and McDonald covering a huge area. Although the wider dispute regarding sovereignty between the United Kingdom and Argentina adds complexity to the case, the South Sandwich Islands are sufficiently close to the ATA that their continental shelf also penetrates the area. In the event that the CLCS were ever able to make a recommendation on a submission of data relating to the South Sandwich Islands (something that could only occur with the consent of Argentina and the United Kingdom) the result would be a situation similar to that pertaining to the Australian sub-Antarctic islands.The consequence of these developments is that rights to seabed areas within the ATA have been assigned to individual states. On the face of it, this appears to be in conflict with the norm of collective responsibility that was established by the Antarctic Treaty 50 years ago precisely to constrain sovereignty issues in the region. What is suggested by this practice is a difference in the attitude of Antarctic Treaty Consultative Parties (ATCPs) to rights generated from territory within the ATA and rights generated from external territory. Nonetheless, there may be significant implications flowing from the latter for resource issues within the ATA. Minerals exploitation on sub-Antarctic extended continental shelf within the ATA is precluded in the near-term because of cost, the formal prohibition under article 7 of the 1991 Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty, and the fact that all sub-Antarctic coastal states are ATCPs. However the situation in regard to other resource activities is less clear. Bioprospecting could proceed subject to coastal state approval pursuant to the provisions of UNCLOS relating to marine scientific research, and there is no mandatory regulation under the ATS. The possibility that a coastal state may seek to realise rights on the ECS in relation to genetic resources may complicate collective ATS approaches and pose wider geopolitical challenges. In the longer term, the fact that some Antarctic states are presently seeking to secure rights that are essentially about ensuring their preclusive access to resources may have significant implications for strategic interests in the greater Antarctic region.

This paper has practical implications in three areas of application in corporate management: strategy research corporate planning governmental regulation. The authors' review of the literature reveals a trend toward an increased use of the uncalibrated Herfindahl Index by regulators and of the uncalibrated Entropy measure by researchers. This trend involves considerable risks if it continues unabated into the new century. In the latter domain, the lack of discrimination power of current indices of concentration or diversification is becoming a major problem in that limit values specified by regulations are based on biased indicators. These are compounded when the Herfindahl Index becomes the sole anti-trust instrument for industry regulation as has been codified in the US by the guidelines jointly issued in 1992 by the Federal Trade Commission and the US Department of justice. Complementing the empirical investigations published in the research literature over the last ten years, this paper examines the existing measures of industry concentra- tion or product-line diversity on theoretical grounds and found them wanting in certain respects: There is a lack of calibration with respect to the effect of the number of product lines or scope variable n. Diversification studies are distorted by the fact that these diversity measures of firms with several product lines become unreliable and biased toward the high end of their range. There is a lack of sensitivity with respect to capturing intermediate load distributions Sbetween the two extreme cases of a single firm (or product) or of a very large number of them. This article presents clear criteria for designing diversity indices and gauging them. Industrial Organization (IO) economists appear to have been suspicious of these problems for a number of years, yet very little has been done to warn regulatory agencies and strategy researchers of the problems inherent in their increasing use of the uncalibrated indices. In contrast, this article develops two intrinsically calibrated indices, A1 and A2, for use by researchers, strategic planners, and industry regulators. An ideal composite measure should incorporate both the effect of cardinality or scope and the effect of shape or distribution. The existing indices bundle these two effects; the objective of this research is to ‘unbundle’ them. Most large North-American firms tend to be multi-product corporations for which the measurement of product-line diversity as well as social diversity will be affected by the above considerations. Chances are that the same holds true in the Indian context. However, this is partly an empirical question that could be further investigated by follow-up studies on databases such as Capital-Line and Prowess, leading to some useful information for strategic and legal considerations.

Frequently in the past, attempts have been made to systematize the notion of judicial review of administrative action. Thus, the Donoughmore Commission proposed the judicial, quasi-judicial, purely administrative model of analysis. The Commission was severely criticized, especially after the implementation of certain recommendations of the Franks Report which, in improving the quality of the control exercised on administrative tribunals, underscored the ridiculous character of that existing in other fields. The most violent criticisms came certainly from Griffith and Street, and also from Professor Wade who denounced the progressive atrophy of natural justice, the latter being the main topic of the present article. That concept, distinguished from "procedural ultra vires" in that a judge may look beyond the law for rules he himself has set establishing certain procedural guarantees, goes back a long way in time. Nevertheless, it is not a panacea. Its scope is limited to the study of the means whereby a decision is reached; it does not examine the conclusion, but rather how that conclusion is determinded. The usefulness of the notion was diminished when a condition of its application, the duty to act judicially, was added. Ridge v. Baldwin put the pieces of the puzzle back into place by discarding the decisions which gave the concept a much too restrictive interpretation. These first steps of the fairness concept were rapidly followed in matters concerning the allocation of licences. Judicial intervention here dates back to the last century. Yet, the Nakkuda Ali and Parker decisions restrained the spread of control through an erroneous interpretation of an opinion by Lord Atkin. Both decisions were overturned by the Ridge case. Later on, it seems that Lord Denning took the lead in a movement aimed at extending the scope of the duty to act fairly. That principle received its modem da consecration in the Crockford's decision and was used later in other decisions of a like nature. The late professor de Smith remarked this new tendency to go beyond the words to see, in the matter at issue, what is fair and what is not. Domestic tribunals, not in union matters alone (Breen) but also in sports problems (Machin), have also had this obligation to act fairly imposed on them, even though, strictly speaking, they do not have judicial powers. The question is rather to know whether a legitimate expectation of the person involved in the decision is brought into play, although the extend of the obligation varies depending on the circumstances of the case. It would appear that there is continued refusal to intervene in matters of labour contracts when faced with a purely master and servant relation (Sylva). But now the complete absence of statutory guarantees is required (Malloch). Procedural guarantees have continued to evolve since then. More and more, in different areas, thanks to the initiative of judges like Lord Denning, a system of English administrative law has developed. The principle of the existence of more or less defined minimal procedural guarantees has been established, no matter whether the administrative act implies the exercise of judicial power or not. Yet, British courts still refuse to intervene in legislative functions, including regulations issuing from statutory committees, even should the legislative instrument result from false representations. Control over immigration matters has become increasingly tightened, even though, at one time, there was an apparent desire to sanctify the absolute character of the discretion exercised in that field. The widening ofthat control came about as much from legislative changes as from judicial decisions. Thus it is that in the Re H.K. decision, there was established the duty to act fairly on the part of an immigration officer who might wish to turn a person back at the border whom he considers to be inadmissible. Soon (if it has not already happened) Britons will also benefit from procedural guarantees in matters of land planning. A recent decision made use of the fairness concept in that field. English courts have undertaken to sanctify fundamental procedural guarantees. The name, the scope and the extent of these rules has varied and continues to vary. It would seem, however, that there is a desire to leave the categorization of the act of administration to one side in favour of dealing with the consequences of an act for the individual. If a decision touches an interest, an vested right, or a legitimate expectation, the citizen is entitled to have certain minimal procedural guarantees respected, which may vary according to the circumstances, but which always involve the determination of what is fair in the particular instance. It is a necessary adaptation to the new reality of administration, something we hope to see come about in the very near future in Canada.

Summary On behalf of a group of sponsors consisting of the Norwegian Petroleum Directorate (NPD) and most E&P companies active in Norway, a work group was established to author a report on the best practices and methods in hydrocarbon resource estimation, production and emissions forecasting, uncertainty evaluation, and decision making. The work group is part of Norway's forum for Forecasting and Uncertainty evaluatioN (FUN). Following a detailed data acquisition and interviewing phase used to establish an inventory of the current practice of all sponsors involved, the work group postulated a relationship between a company's practices and its economic performance. A key distinguishing factor between companies is the degree to which probabilistic methods are adopted in integrated multidisciplinary processes aimed at supporting the decision-making process throughout the asset life cycle and portfolio of assets. Companies have been ranked in terms of this degree of integration, and best practices are recommended. In many companies, a gap seems to exist between available and applied technology. Data and (aggregated) information exchange between governments and companies is also discussed. A best practice based on their respective decision-making processes is recommended. Introduction FUN1 was established in 1997 and has 18 member companies, in addition to NPD. The forum is a Norwegian Continental Shelf (NCS) arena used to determine best practices and methods for hydrocarbon resource and emissions estimation, forecasting uncertainty evaluation, and decision making. It focuses on matters related to forecasting and uncertainty evaluation of future oil and gas production. Its main purpose is to optimize the interplay between the private industry and the national authorities wishing to regulate their national assets. The basic question that began the FUN Best Practices project was whether the accuracy of Norway's historical production forecasts has been disappointing because of erroneous contributions from the companies or because of wrong aggregation by NPD. Which best practices could improve this situation? Whereas reserves form the basis for production, capital expenditures, operating expenditures, and emissions forecasting, the decision-making process in the various companies and national authorities links the various components together. Using the latest guidelines created by SPE, the World Petroleum Congresses (WPC), and the American Assn. Of Petroleum Geologists (AAPG)2 for reserves reporting (allowing the use of probabilistic methods), the project concentrated on assessing the potential advantages of probabilistic techniques when used in combination with fully integrated asset management workflow processes. After a discussion of the current practices of the various companies and authorities visited, best practices are formulated in the fields of estimating reserves, production, costs and emissions forecasting, decision making, planning, and communications. The paper concludes with recommendations on how to move from the current practices to the desired best practices. Methodology of the Study The methodology used by the FUN Best Practices Team involved a series of interviews with:The Norwegian Operating Units of the oil companies sponsoring the project to obtain their views on the current practices.The Norwegian authorities.The headquarters of several major oil companies to obtain their views on best practices in production and emissions forecasting and decision making.Government officials in other major oil- or gas-producing countries to learn from their experiences. The interview comments were analyzed, and a set of best practices was formulated. A project currently in progress concentrates on disseminating the best practices through workshops and elearning combined with classical training courses. Current Practices Reserves Estimation. All companies trading on the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) use the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) reporting standards, which are encumbered with anomalies as to changes in (end-year) oil prices, novel contracts (production sharing), and a modification for North Sea fields (by exception). They are difficult to change because such changes would have consequences for financial reporting by means of the (unit of production) depreciation of capital assets by the oil companies. Most companies adhere to the SEC rules for reporting proved reserves as a single, deterministic number. Commonly, however, probabilistic methods are used internally; only recently did a few governments start to ask for probabilistic reserves reporting from the companies. In response, SPE, WPC, and AAPG have formulated guidelines that include the option for probabilistic reserves reporting. The standard adopted by NPD3 relates reserves to their maturity and is, with a few minor modifications, eminently suitable to be linked with business processes, as is done internally by several oil companies. It appears that, for a number of companies, the NPD classification is not too different from the systems used internally, which are indeed linked, in some cases, to a business process. For some companies with simpler classifications, additional work will be required to comply with the NPD standards. In Table 1, the various standard classifications and those used by the companies are compared.

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The Carte Rouge is one of the most notorious Hungarian ethnographical maps to date. The map was planned and executed by Count Pál Teleki (1879&amp;ndash;1941) in 1918. Teleki, who was the chief secretary of the Hungarian Geographical Society, later served as the prime minister of Hungary twice within his political career. The first edition of this particular map was published on the 21st of February in 1919. Teleki played a central role in arranging, ascribing and allocating Hungarian geographical works for the peace-negotiations following the First World War. The term “Carte Rouge”, derives from the French; critiquing the subjective colouring of the map. During this period of time, political correspondents and those in power were responsible for planning such maps in order to support their own political programs with regards to their respective national ties and territorial claims.</p><p>The red pockets on the map signify areas which designate nationality, ethnicity, and language claims, on the part of both the locals and/or the author of the map. Particularly of note, is that this map was viewed and used by the leading politicians of the Entente-powers.</p><p>On the 16th of January in 1920, the day on which the Hungarian delegations received the peace terms of the First World War, Albert Aponyi gave a speech of significant weight in front of the Entente representatives in Paris, after the peace terms were received. Aponyi (1846&amp;ndash;1933), who was the head of the Hungarian delegation, showed this particular map to those present at this meeting following his speech, as justification and proof of his points. Apponyi sent the map to Teleki and to the members of various delegations. Isaiah Bowman (1878&amp;ndash;1950), for example, also had a private copy of the map. Bowman's critique of Teleki's ethnographical map is most significant in this discussion:</p><p>„<i>This idea has occurred to me since examining a map by Count Teleki which gives altogether a wrong impression of the distribution of Magyars in Transylvania that we ought to keep a fairly good collection of propaganda maps, of which I have here several very striking examples, and sometime after I return I should like to write a little paper on the various types of lies and liars that I met in this form of cartography. It would be good popular education, because so many people regard what appears on a map as gospel truth, and almost none of the people, who print maps, understand map technique sufficiently well to distinguish between the various principles followed in the construction of maps. (…).</i>”</p><p>It is not certain as to whether Bowman was indeed writing about this particular map, however Teleki had at that point and time-edited no other ethnographical map. Others, for example, the Austrian Randolf Rungaldier (1892&amp;ndash;1981) had a very positive opinion about the Carte Rouge.</p><p>In total, and to the best of my knowledge, the Carte Rouge has 12 editions and 27 various versions.</p><p>In the following analysis, I will consider how the Carte Rouge can be compared to other, similar international examples of the region, based on archival research I conducted in Paris, London, Budapest and Milwaukee. For instance, Emmanuel de Martonne (1873&amp;ndash;1955), who also adopted a critical approach to the Carte Rouge, planned a comparable ethnographical map of Romania. This map used another method of cartographic representation; nonetheless, the various territorial concepts designated by the colour-selection, the borders and the represented (and not represented) territories are facets that have similar features.</p><p>Later Teleki &amp;ndash; as member of the Mossul-Commission &amp;ndash; designed an ethnographical map of the Turkish-Iraqi border-area, which afforded him international professional recognition. The method of cartographic representation was the same, as was utilized in the creation of the Carte Rouge.</p><p>Resultantly, the Carte Rouge inspired the production of other ethnographical maps in Hungary as well as in other countries. In Hungary, Ferenc Fodor (1887&amp;ndash;1962) &amp;ndash; as the member of the Hungarian Peace-Preparation Office (Béke-előkészítő Iroda) &amp;ndash; edited a manuscript map about Central-Europe using the same "representing-method". This map was published under the name of G. Bery in 1938. A part of this map was also reused as a propaganda poster. Later, during the Second World War Imre Jakabffy (1915&amp;ndash;2006) continued this form of mapping with a slightly modified version of this method of cartographic representation at the Institute of Political Science (Államtudományi Intézet) in Budapest. Subsequently, other ethnographical maps were edited using this method of cartographic representation by the French and by Romanians.</p><p>In sum, this map was a typical product of the period, as it supported a particular territorial concept. The opinions about the map &amp;ndash; not independent from the political context &amp;ndash; were very differential in form. Regardless, this method of cartographic representation had an extended international carrier in the fields of geography and cartography for years to come afterwards.</p></p>

Daniel Rubinfeld of University of California, Berkeley reviews “The Microsoft Antitrust Cases: Competition Policy for the Twenty-First Century”, by Andrew I. Gavil and Harry First. The Econlit abstract of this book begins: “Provides an account of Microsoft's encounter with the global competition policy system and explores its lessons and durable meaning. Discusses the Microsoft antitrust cases; Microsoft's early encounters with the U.S. antitrust system─the Federal Trade Commission investigation and the antitrust division's licensing case; bringing the Windows 95/98 monopolization case; concluding the Windows 95/98 case─appeal and settlement; private litigation in the United States; antitrust as a global enterprise; the challenge of remedy; in praise of institutional diversity; and lessons from the Microsoft cases.” Gavil is Director of the Office of Policy Planning at the Federal Trade Commission. First is Charles L. Denison Professor of Law and Director of the Competition, Innovation, and Information Law Program at the New York University School of Law.

The bipartisan commission's 565-page report was issued after many months of investigating, reviewing documents, interviewing hundreds of individuals, and hearing testimony. Much of the material concerning the actual planning of the attacks comes from captured al-Qa‘‘ida operatives, and particularly from the man identified in the report as the ““principal architect of the 9/11 attacks,”” Khalid Shaykh Muhammad (KSM), a Kuwaiti national raised in Pakistan who earned a degree in mechanical engineering in the United States. The report notes (p. 147) that according ““to his own account, KSM's animus toward the United States stemmed not from his experiences there as a student, but rather from his violent disagreement with U.S. foreign policy favoring Israel.”” The following brief excerpts touch upon the importance attached to U.S. policy toward Israel in generating the attacks. The references are both in the narrative body of the report and in the more prescriptive chapter ““What to Do?? A Global Strategy,”” where the commission offers suggestions on how the United States can ““Prevent the Continued Growth of Islamist Terrorism””; the paragraph excerpted from this forty-page chapter is the only reference to the impact of U.S. policy with regard to Israel. The excerpts appear respectively on pp. 250, 362, and 376––77 of the report. The full report is available from the U.S. Government Printing Office online at www.gpoaccess.gov/911.

In the note by Graham, ‘Canada takes steps at both poles’ (Polar Record 25(152): 60), the second half of the fourth paragraph should read as follows: “If the Symons report is implemented, the Commission will serve as the point of contact for all international polar research, broadly defined, both in the Arctic and Antarctic; but the Canada and Polar Science recommendation concerning Polar House appears unfortunately to have been dropped. The task of representing Canada in international affairs will apparently fall to appropriate ministries, such as External Affairs.”

Abstract Background Stated principles in government policy documents serve as a set of values outlining how governments intend to work. As such, health planning principles should be reflected in health policy across the cycle of planning, implementation and evaluation. Such principles should be reflected in the process of governments commissioning and funding evaluation, and in the work of those commissioned to do evaluation on behalf of governments. Methods We reviewed health planning policy documents to identify principles Australian State and Territory and National governments stated as being important to the work they do within Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health contexts. Evaluation tenders and reports relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health policy, programs and service for the period 1-Jan-2007 to 1-Jan-2017 were retrieved and assessed as to whether they embedded principles governments state as important. Results In Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health planning policy contexts, Australian governments outline shared responsibility, cultural competence, engagement, partnership, capacity building, equity, a holistic concept of health, accountability, and evidence-based as fundamental principles that will underpin the work they will do. In total, we identified 390 publicly advertised evaluation tenders, but were only able to retrieve 18 tenders and 97 reports. Despite strong rhetoric placing importance on the abovementioned principles, these were not consistently embedded in tenders released by government commissioners, nor in reports largely commissioned by governments. Principles most widely incorporated in documents were those corresponding to Closing the Gap - accountability, evidence-based and equity. Principles of holistic concept of health, capacity building, cultural competence and partnership do not appear well applied in evaluation practice. Conclusion Notwithstanding the tensions and criticism of current practice that sees dominant governments policing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander populations and defining what principles should inform health policy and evaluation practice, this paper reveals shortcomings in current evaluation practice. Firstly, this paper reveals a lack of transparency about current practice, with only 2% of tenders and 25% of reports in the public domain. Secondly, this paper reveals that governments do not ‘walk the talk’, particularly when it comes to principles relating to Aboriginal participation in health.

Getting ready and developing foresee a remarkable event in association reasonableness and in the workplace people's views. Preparation has guidelines for employee sustainability, stability and health and understanding. All allegiances that use people want their workers to prepare and grow. Many associations understand this important and put a considerable effort and money getting ready and progression Such theory may appear to be the use of commission scheduling and staff headway and the payment of compensation to staff that are gearing up and improved. The exuberance for gearing up and progressing involves the provision and maintenance of space and equipment. It also implies that the operating power, used in the critical business limits of the association, for example, formation, maintenance, arrangements The promotion and encouragement of the board will likewise promote their thinking and actions From time to time to support the growth and movement of preparation. This implies that they are expected to pay less respect to practices that are evidently gradually gainful to the extent of the important business of the affiliation. In any case, excitement for preparing and moving forward is usually regarded as an exceptional method of planning to keep up with the right bent now and later.

Abstract STUDY QUESTION Can any new genetic factors responsible for early embryonic arrest in infertile patients be identified, together with the mechanism of pathogenic variants? SUMMARY ANSWER We identified three homozygous variants in the F-box protein 43 gene (FBXO43) in infertile patients and studies on the effects of the variants in HEK293T cells and mouse oocytes provided evidence for a causal relation between FBXO43 and female infertility. WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY FBXO43, an inhibitor of the anaphase-promoting complex/cyclosome, mediates Metaphase II arrest as a component of the cytostatic factor in oocytes. Both male and female Fbxo43 knockout mice are viable but sterile. FBXO43, therefore, appears to be an essential component of the mammalian cell-cycle machinery that regulates both male and female meiosis. Until now, only one article has reported a homozygous FBXO43 variant associated with teratozoospermia, but the causal relationship was not established with functional evidence. STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION Whole-exome sequencing (WES) and homozygosity mapping were performed in 24 probands from consanguineous families who suffered from early embryonic arrest, and two different homozygous variants in FBXO43 were identified in two independent families. WES data from a further 950 infertile women with early embryonic arrest were screened for homozygous and compound heterozygous variants in FBXO43, and a third individual with an additional homozygous variant in FBXO43 was identified. The infertile patients presenting with early embryonic arrest were recruited from August 2016 to May 2020. PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS The women diagnosed with primary infertility were recruited from the reproduction centers of local hospitals. Genomic DNA samples from the affected individuals, their family members, and healthy controls were extracted from peripheral blood. The FBXO43 variants were identified using WES, homozygosity mapping, in silico analysis, and variant screening. All of the variants were confirmed by Sanger sequencing, and the effects of the variants were investigated in human embryonic kidney (HEK) 293T cells by western blotting and in mouse oocytes by complementary RNA injection. MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE We identified three homozygous variants in FBXO43 (NM_001029860.4)—namely, c.1490_1497dup (p.(Glu500Serfs*2)), c.1747C&gt;T (p.(Gln583*)), and c.154delG (p.(Asp52Thrfs*30))—in three independent families. All of the homozygous variants reduced the protein level of FBXO43 and reduced the level of its downstream target Cyclin B1 in HEK293T cells. In addition, the variants reduced the ability of exogenous human FBXO43 to rescue the parthenogenetic activation phenotype in Fbxo43 knockdown mouse oocytes. LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION Owing to the lack of in vivo data from the oocytes of patients, the exact molecular mechanism remains unknown and should be further investigated using knock out or knock in mice. WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS Our study has identified three pathogenic variants in FBXO43 that are involved in human early embryonic arrest. These findings contribute to our understanding of the role of FBXO43 in human early embryonic development and provide a new genetic marker for female infertility. STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S) This work was supported by the National Key Research and Development Program of China (2018YFC1003800, 2017YFC1001500, and 2016YFC1000600), the National Natural Science Foundation of China (81725006, 81822019, 81771581, 81971450, 81971382, and 82001552), the project supported by the Shanghai Municipal Science and Technology Major Project (2017SHZDZX01), the Project of the Shanghai Municipal Science and Technology Commission (19JC1411001), the Natural Science Foundation of Shanghai (19ZR1444500), the Shuguang Program of the Shanghai Education Development Foundation and the Shanghai Municipal Education Commission (18SG03), the Foundation of the Shanghai Health and Family Planning Commission (20154Y0162), the Capacity Building Planning Program for Shanghai Women and Children’s Health Service, and the collaborative innovation center project construction for Shanghai Women and Children’s Health. None of the authors have any competing interests. TRIAL REGISTRATION NUMBER N/A

Kangaroo Island has embraced sustainable tourism in the hope that it will maintain its integrity as a close-knit rural community. In the centre of the front cover of the Kangaroo Island 1999 Visitor Guide is a photograph of a group of Australian sea lions on a beach. Between the photograph and the garland of native wildflowers which line the border of the cover is a margin of white space. This, along with the absence of humans, conveys a sense of pristine wilderness. The front cover design with its encompassing wreath and purity of white space simulates an iconographic representation which transforms the sea lion picture into a sacred object. The garland of flowers honours the seal in its natural habitat -- the most appealing aspect of the island for the tourist (Warren, personal communication). However, hovering ambiguously among the wildflowers is the possibility that the front cover's frame represents a funeral wreath -- perhaps in memory of those early days when fur traders turned the South Australian island into a slaughterhouse. Or maybe it is as a foreshadowing of the consequences of a tourist "invasion". Despite the sacralising of the seal, the marine mammal remains a commodity to be "consumed" by those who visit. Kangaroo Islanders are aware that tourism has sounded the death knell for many small communities -- in the 1950s the Gold Coast was a small fishing village, in the 1970s Cairns was a sugar cane town -- and are attempting to impose management practices which will control the amount and type of tourism consumption in order to prevent destruction of the island's native wildlife, its fragile biological systems and the authenticity of the local community. Residents' acceptance of the significance of native fauna and flora in recent years is, to some degree, driven by a pragmatism not dissimilar to that of early fur traders: both view the seal as a commodity, although behaviour towards these protected mammals contrasts strongly with past behaviour when sealing was an especially lucrative industry. Although seal numbers have increased, their classification as an endangered species is a legacy to those days when "fur seals [and Australian sea lions] made a valuable contribution to the economy of the colony of New South Wales" as the sale of the skins enabled the new colony to buy imports (Newnham 34). By the end of the nineteenth century changing market demands and severely depleted sources meant native animal skins were no longer a major source of income. Problems of land and wildlife management increased when sheep farming was introduced. With the allocation of land to farming for soldier/settler communities in the twentieth century, heavy tree clearing and overgrazing resulted in problems of soil erosion and increasing salinity levels, problems which also confront those in mainland rural communities. Following the decline in rural commodity prices for sheep, wool and beef in the 1990s, the local community has targetted tourism as one of the preferred alternative industries. Despite some opposition, the majority of locals feel that with proper management and monitoring, sustainable tourism will offer salvation rather than destruction of their island community. Local views are evident in the high profile given to tourism by the Kangaroo Island Economic Development Board (KIDB), "whose 1998-1999 Annual Plan has identified a number of opportunities to develop the Island's tourism infrastructure, and encourage visitors to stay longer and provide more value to the Island" (Islander 9 July 1998). From 1991 to 1993-1994, 85,000 visits per annum of at least one night stay were recorded with an estimated 50,000 additional annual visitors from day trips (Kangaroo Island Regional Tourism Profile 1). By 1998 over 160,000 visitors arrive on Kangaroo Island each year. KIDB's year long visitor exit survey shows viewing the island's wildlife is the main reason why international and interstate tourists travel to the island and is one of the main reasons why intrastate visitors come (Islander 9 July 1998: 6). However, KIDB is aware of local community concern "to [facilitate] development processes particularly towards sustainable development" (UNCSD, Paper 16 22). Community concerns that tourism must be carefully managed to avoid invasion has led to a number of initiatives including the publication of the Tourism Management and Development on Kangaroo Island Working Party Report in 1984 (KI Tourism Policy 1). The publication in 1991 of the Kangaroo Island Tourism Policy acknowledged a need for the island to "diversify and strengthen its economic base" by aiming to be a "specialised destination that emphasises quality before quantity" (12). Kangaroo Island's increasing importance as an tourism destination is also significant to South Australia's ailing economy -- a fact which could impede rather than aid the island's goal to maintain control tourism management. To date they have successfully prevented large scale development. However, Democrats spokesman on Regional Development and Small Business, and local resident of the island, Ian Gilfillan, is reported to be alarmed at the South Australian government's plan to fast-track tourism development. The government's Kangaroo Island Working Group Report talks of "bypassing normal planning procedures" and claims that tourism developments should not have a maximum size imposed upon them but rather should be "determined by commercial factors". Gilfillan fears that the government's "fast-track" development policies "will not only jeopardise Kangaroo Island's unique environment, but will also ensure that profits from tourism will mostly leave the Island and go to the mainland, interstate or overseas" (Islander 22 January 1998: 1). In 1998 a residents' survey conducted by the KIDB indicated that 89 per cent of islanders felt that tourism was either "good" or "very good" for the island (Islander 14 May 1998: 2), whereas the proposed tuna farm at Penneshaw was least supported with only 17 per cent saying it was "good" or "very good" and 60 per cent saying it was "bad" or "very bad". Residents' opposition to the tuna farm is evident in a number of letters to the editor of the Islander. Newspaper articles express concern about the impact of the industry upon the local Australian sea lion population, the island's major tourist drawcard. Besides discouraging tourism, the industry might lead to the "attraction of sharks, entanglement of marine mammals and waste disposal" problems. Support from "CSIRO experts and marine researchers" also lent weight to the local position (Islander 9 Apr. 1998: 1&3). The Kangaroo Island 1999 Visitor Guide markets the island as "nature's pleasure island" implying that it welcomes low impact tourism for those who want to experience a combination of wilderness and comfort. Words such as "visitor", "guests" and "invited" construct an image of the island as a destination for those who might willingly fit Urry's definition of the Romantic traveller -- those wishing to escape so called mass or intensive tourism (46-7). A number of Letters to the Editor of the Islander reinforce the concept of the island as a supportive and hospitable community, as excerpts from the following letter illustrate: The island is magic, but it is magic because it is what it is, and the locals are unpretentious, fun loving, good hearted and innovative. Tart up the island too much and impact negatively on the natural environment and laid back style, and visitors will find somewhere else to go. Kangaroo Island is one of the last places on earth where we can experience what the planet might have been like if we hadn't wrecked it in the pursuit of wealth and power. And the locals remind us stressed out city folk of the joys of a simpler life style. (Islander 2 April 1998: 9) Trish Edwards has visited the island eight times. She advises the islanders that "visitors want to meet locals and get a feel of what it is like to live in such a magical place" and that tourism "needs the anchor of human interaction to make [a location] memorable". Her enjoyment of the island is based upon the seeming lack of "front stage/backstage" hospitality and tourist performance (MacCannell 92-93). Her letter reinforces the concern some local residents expressed to me in interviews I conducted, namely, that tourism must be contained and kept under the control of the local community so that an "invasion" does not destroy what is at the very heart of the island's appeal: its authenticity as a small rural community in a location of great natural beauty where visitors can view wildlife in its natural habitat with minimum impact to that environment. But is this realistic? Tourism is a massive global industry based on our consumer society with its insatiable demand for new experiences and new places. Travel and tourism is the world's largest industry, directly and indirectly accounting for 11.7 per cent of world's gross domestic product in 1999 (WTTC 1). There were 650 million international travellers in 1998, and predictions are that the number will double in the next decade. An estimated 30 to 40 per cent of tourist demand is for nature-based experiences (WTTC 1). This 21st century threat of invasion will be very difficult for Kangaroo Islanders to contain. References Centre for Tourism and Hotel Management Research, Griffith University, Gold Coast. Kangaroo Island Regional Tourism Profile. Adelaide: South Australian Tourism Commission, 1996. "Commission Hears of KI's Concerns." Islander 9 Apr. 1998: 1&3. Eastick, A.B. "Tourism Key to Island's Continued Growth." Islander 9 July 1998: 6. Edwards, Trish. Islander. 2 Apr. 1998: 9. "Focus is on Tourism." Islander 14 May 1998: 1-2. Kangaroo Island Tourism Commission Survey. Kent Town: Tan Research, 1998. Newnham, W.H. Kangaroo Island Sketchbook. Adelaide: Rigby, 1975. "Report Not Looking at Real Issues." Islander 22 Jan. 1998: 1. Tourism Kangaroo Island. Kangaroo Island South Australia 1999 Visitor Guide. TKI Inc. 1999. United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development. Briefing Papers, 1999. Urry, John. The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in Contemporary Societies. London: Sage, 1990. Warren, M. Personal interview. 16 Sep. 1998. World Travel and Tourism Council. Travel and Tourism Economic Impacts: March 1999. London: WTTC, 1999. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Sandra Brunet. "Is Sustainable Tourism Really Sustainable? Protecting the Icon in the Commodity at Sites of Invasion." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.2 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9903/tourism.php>. Chicago style: Sandra Brunet, "Is Sustainable Tourism Really Sustainable? Protecting the Icon in the Commodity at Sites of Invasion," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 2 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9903/tourism.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Sandra Brunet. (1999) Is sustainable tourism really sustainable? Protecting the icon in the commodity at sites of invasion. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(2). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9903/tourism.php> ([your date of access]).

Special Care Notice This article contains images of deceased people that might cause sadness or distress to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers. Introduction Like many cities, Perth was founded on wetlands that have been integral to its history and culture (Seddon 226–32). However, in order to promote a settlement agenda, early mapmakers sought to erase the city’s wetlands from cartographic depictions (Giblett, Cities). Since the colonial era, inner-Perth’s swamps and lakes have been drained, filled, significantly reduced in size, or otherwise reclaimed for urban expansion (Bekle). Not only have the swamps and lakes physically disappeared, the memories of their presence and influence on the city’s development over time are also largely forgotten. What was the site of Perth, specifically its wetlands, like before British settlement? In 2014, an interdisciplinary team at Edith Cowan University developed a digital visualisation process to re-imagine Perth prior to colonisation. This was based on early maps of the Swan River Colony and a range of archival information. The images depicted the city’s topography, hydrology, and vegetation and became the centerpiece of a physical exhibition entitled Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands and a virtual exhibition hosted by the Western Australian Museum. Alongside historic maps, paintings, photographs, and writings, the visual reconstruction of Perth aimed to foster appreciation of the pre-settlement environment—the homeland of the Whadjuck Nyoongar, or Bibbulmun, people (Carter and Nutter). The exhibition included the narrative of Fanny Balbuk, a Nyoongar woman who voiced her indignation over the “usurping of her beloved home ground” (Bates, The Passing 69) by flouting property lines and walking through private residences to reach places of cultural significance. Beginning with Balbuk’s story and the digital tracing of her walking route through colonial Perth, this article discusses the project in the context of contemporary pressures on the city’s extant wetlands. The re-imagining of Perth through historically, culturally, and geographically-grounded digital visualisation approaches can inspire the conservation of its wetlands heritage. Balbuk’s Walk through the City For many who grew up in Perth, Fanny Balbuk’s perambulations have achieved legendary status in the collective cultural imagination. In his memoir, David Whish-Wilson mentions Balbuk’s defiant walks and the lighting up of the city for astronaut John Glenn in 1962 as the two stories that had the most impact on his Perth childhood. From Gordon Stephenson House, Whish-Wilson visualises her journey in his mind’s eye, past Government House on St Georges Terrace (the main thoroughfare through the city centre), then north on Barrack Street towards the railway station, the site of Lake Kingsford where Balbuk once gathered bush tucker (4). He considers the footpaths “beneath the geometric frame of the modern city […] worn smooth over millennia that snake up through the sheoak and marri woodland and into the city’s heart” (Whish-Wilson 4). Balbuk’s story embodies the intertwined culture and nature of Perth—a city of wetlands. Born in 1840 on Heirisson Island, Balbuk (also known as Yooreel) (Figure 1) had ancestral bonds to the urban landscape. According to Daisy Bates, writing in the early 1900s, the Nyoongar term Matagarup, or “leg deep,” denotes the passage of shallow water near Heirisson Island where Balbuk would have forded the Swan River (“Oldest” 16). Yoonderup was recorded as the Nyoongar name for Heirisson Island (Bates, “Oldest” 16) and the birthplace of Balbuk’s mother (Bates, “Aboriginal”). In the suburb of Shenton Park near present-day Lake Jualbup, her father bequeathed to her a red ochre (or wilgi) pit that she guarded fervently throughout her life (Bates, “Aboriginal”).Figure 1. Group of Aboriginal Women at Perth, including Fanny Balbuk (far right) (c. 1900). Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: 44c). Balbuk’s grandparents were culturally linked to the site. At his favourite camp beside the freshwater spring near Kings Park on Mounts Bay Road, her grandfather witnessed the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Irwin, cousin of James Stirling (Bates, “Fanny”). In 1879, colonial entrepreneurs established the Swan Brewery at this significant locale (Welborn). Her grandmother’s gravesite later became Government House (Bates, “Fanny”) and she protested vociferously outside “the stone gates guarded by a sentry [that] enclosed her grandmother’s burial ground” (Bates, The Passing 70). Balbuk’s other grandmother was buried beneath Bishop’s Grove, the residence of the city’s first archibishop, now Terrace Hotel (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Historian Bob Reece observes that Balbuk was “the last full-descent woman of Kar’gatta (Karrakatta), the Bibbulmun name for the Mount Eliza [Kings Park] area of Perth” (134). According to accounts drawn from Bates, her home ground traversed the area between Heirisson Island and Perth’s north-western limits. In Kings Park, one of her relatives was buried near a large, hollow tree used by Nyoongar people like a cistern to capture water and which later became the site of the Queen Victoria Statue (Bates, “Aboriginal”). On the slopes of Mount Eliza, the highest point of Kings Park, at the western end of St Georges Terrace, she harvested plant foods, including zamia fruits (Macrozamia riedlei) (Bates, “Fanny”). Fanny Balbuk’s knowledge contributed to the native title claim lodged by Nyoongar people in 2006 as Bennell v. State of Western Australia—the first of its kind to acknowledge Aboriginal land rights in a capital city and part of the larger Single Nyoongar Claim (South West Aboriginal Land and Sea Council et al.). Perth’s colonial administration perceived the city’s wetlands as impediments to progress and as insalubrious environments to be eradicated through reclamation practices. For Balbuk and other Nyoongar people, however, wetlands were “nourishing terrains” (Rose) that afforded sustenance seasonally and meaning perpetually (O’Connor, Quartermaine, and Bodney). Mary Graham, a Kombu-merri elder from Queensland, articulates the connection between land and culture, “because land is sacred and must be looked after, the relation between people and land becomes the template for society and social relations. Therefore all meaning comes from land.” Traditional, embodied reliance on Perth’s wetlands is evident in Bates’ documentation. For instance, Boojoormeup was a “big swamp full of all kinds of food, now turned into Palmerston and Lake streets” (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Considering her cultural values, Balbuk’s determination to maintain pathways through the increasingly colonial Perth environment is unsurprising (Figure 2). From Heirisson Island: a straight track had led to the place where once she had gathered jilgies [crayfish] and vegetable food with the women, in the swamp where Perth railway station now stands. Through fences and over them, Balbuk took the straight track to the end. When a house was built in the way, she broke its fence-palings with her digging stick and charged up the steps and through the rooms. (Bates, The Passing 70) One obstacle was Hooper’s Fence, which Balbuk broke repeatedly on her trips to areas between Kings Park and the railway station (Bates, “Hooper’s”). Her tenacious commitment to walking ancestral routes signifies the friction between settlement infrastructure and traditional Nyoongar livelihood during an era of rapid change. Figure 2. Determination of Fanny Balbuk’s Journey between Yoonderup (Heirisson Island) and Lake Kingsford, traversing what is now the central business district of Perth on the Swan River (2014). Image background prepared by Dimitri Fotev. Track interpolation by Jeff Murray. Project Background and Approach Inspired by Fanny Balbuk’s story, Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands began as an Australian response to the Mannahatta Project. Founded in 1999, that project used spatial analysis techniques and mapping software to visualise New York’s urbanised Manhattan Island—or Mannahatta as it was called by indigenous people—in the early 1600s (Sanderson). Based on research into the island’s original biogeography and the ecological practices of Native Americans, Mannahatta enabled the public to “peel back” the city’s strata, revealing the original composition of the New York site. The layers of visuals included rich details about the island’s landforms, water systems, and vegetation. Mannahatta compelled Rod Giblett, a cultural researcher at Edith Cowan University, to develop an analogous model for visualising Perth circa 1829. The idea attracted support from the City of Perth, Landgate, and the University. Using stories, artefacts, and maps, the team—comprising a cartographer, designer, three-dimensional modelling expert, and historical researchers—set out to generate visualisations of the landscape at the time of British colonisation. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup approved culturally sensitive material and contributed his perspective on Aboriginal content to include in the exhibition. The initiative’s context remains pressing. In many ways, Perth has become a template for development in the metropolitan area (Weller). While not unusual for a capital, the rate of transformation is perhaps unexpected in a city less than 200 years old (Forster). There also remains a persistent view of existing wetlands as obstructions to progress that, once removed, are soon forgotten (Urban Bushland Council). Digital visualisation can contribute to appreciating environments prior to colonisation but also to re-imagining possibilities for future human interactions with land, water, and space. Despite the rapid pace of change, many Perth area residents have memories of wetlands lost during their lifetimes (for example, Giblett, Forrestdale). However, as the clearing and drainage of the inner city occurred early in settlement, recollections of urban wetlands exist exclusively in historical records. In 1935, a local correspondent using the name “Sandgroper” reminisced about swamps, connecting them to Perth’s colonial heritage: But the Swamps were very real in fact, and in name in the [eighteen-] Nineties, and the Perth of my youth cannot be visualised without them. They were, of course, drying up apace, but they were swamps for all that, and they linked us directly with the earliest days of the Colony when our great-grandparents had founded this City of Perth on a sort of hog's-back, of which Hay-street was the ridge, and from which a succession of streamlets ran down its southern slope to the river, while land locked to the north of it lay a series of lakes which have long since been filled to and built over so that the only evidence that they have ever existed lies in the original street plans of Perth prepared by Roe and Hillman in the early eighteen-thirties. A salient consequence of the loss of ecological memory is the tendency to repeat the miscues of the past, especially the blatant disregard for natural and cultural heritage, as suburbanisation engulfs the area. While the swamps of inner Perth remain only in the names of streets, existing wetlands in the metropolitan area are still being threatened, as the Roe Highway (Roe 8) Campaign demonstrates. To re-imagine Perth’s lost landscape, we used several colonial survey maps to plot the location of the original lakes and swamps. At this time, a series of interconnecting waterbodies, known as the Perth Great Lakes, spread across the north of the city (Bekle and Gentilli). This phase required the earliest cartographic sources (Figure 3) because, by 1855, city maps no longer depicted wetlands. We synthesised contextual information, such as well depths, geological and botanical maps, settlers’ accounts, Nyoongar oral histories, and colonial-era artists’ impressions, to produce renderings of Perth. This diverse collection of primary and secondary materials served as the basis for creating new images of the city. Team member Jeff Murray interpolated Balbuk’s route using historical mappings and accounts, topographical data, court records, and cartographic common sense. He determined that Balbuk would have camped on the high ground of the southern part of Lake Kingsford rather than the more inundated northern part (Figure 2). Furthermore, she would have followed a reasonably direct course north of St Georges Terrace (contrary to David Whish-Wilson’s imaginings) because she was barred from Government House for protesting. This easier route would have also avoided the springs and gullies that appear on early maps of Perth. Figure 3. Townsite of Perth in Western Australia by Colonial Draftsman A. Hillman and John Septimus Roe (1838). This map of Perth depicts the wetlands that existed overlaid by the geomentric grid of the new city. Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: BA1961/14). Additionally, we produced an animated display based on aerial photographs to show the historical extent of change. Prompted by the build up to World War II, the earliest aerial photography of Perth dates from the late 1930s (Dixon 148–54). As “Sandgroper” noted, by this time, most of the urban wetlands had been drained or substantially modified. The animation revealed considerable alterations to the formerly swampy Swan River shoreline. Most prominent was the transformation of the Matagarup shallows across the Swan River, originally consisting of small islands. Now traversed by a causeway, this area was transformed into a single island, Heirisson—the general site of Balbuk’s birth. The animation and accompanying materials (maps, images, and writings) enabled viewers to apprehend the changes in real time and to imagine what the city was once like. Re-imagining Perth’s Urban Heart The physical environment of inner Perth includes virtually no trace of its wetland origins. Consequently, we considered whether a representation of Perth, as it existed previously, could enhance public understanding of natural heritage and thereby increase its value. For this reason, interpretive materials were exhibited centrally at Perth Town Hall. Built partly by convicts between 1867 and 1870, the venue is close to the site of the 1829 Foundation of Perth, depicted in George Pitt Morrison’s painting. Balbuk’s grandfather “camped somewhere in the city of Perth, not far from the Town Hall” (Bates, “Fanny”). The building lies one block from the site of the railway station on the site of Lake Kingsford, the subsistence grounds of Balbuk and her forebears: The old swamp which is now the Perth railway yards had been a favourite jilgi ground; a spring near the Town Hall had been a camping place of Maiago […] and others of her fathers' folk; and all around and about city and suburbs she had gathered roots and fished for crayfish in the days gone by. (Bates, “Derelicts” 55) Beginning in 1848, the draining of Lake Kingsford reached completion during the construction of the Town Hall. While the swamps of the city were not appreciated by many residents, some organisations, such as the Perth Town Trust, vigorously opposed the reclamation of the lake, alluding to its hydrological role: That, the soil being sand, it is not to be supposed that Lake Kingsford has in itself any material effect on the wells of Perth; but that, from this same reason of the sandy soil, it would be impossible to keep the lake dry without, by so doing, withdrawing the water from at least the adjacent parts of the townsite to the same depth. (Independent Journal of Politics and News 3) At the time of our exhibition, the Lake Kingsford site was again being reworked to sink the railway line and build Yagan Square, a public space named after a colonial-era Nyoongar leader. The project required specialised construction techniques due to the high water table—the remnants of the lake. People travelling to the exhibition by train in October 2014 could have seen the lake reasserting itself in partly-filled depressions, flush with winter rain (Figure 4).Figure 4. Rise of the Repressed (2014). Water Rising in the former site of Lake Kingsford/Irwin during construction, corner of Roe and Fitzgerald Streets, Northbridge, WA. Image Credit: Nandi Chinna (2014). The exhibition was situated in the Town Hall’s enclosed undercroft designed for markets and more recently for shops. While some visited after peering curiously through the glass walls of the undercroft, others hailed from local and state government organisations. Guest comments applauded the alternative view of Perth we presented. The content invited the public to re-imagine Perth as a city of wetlands that were both environmentally and culturally important. A display panel described how the city’s infrastructure presented a hindrance for Balbuk as she attempted to negotiate the once-familiar route between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford (Figure 2). Perth’s growth “restricted Balbuk’s wanderings; towns, trains, and farms came through her ‘line of march’; old landmarks were thus swept away, and year after year saw her less confident of the locality of one-time familiar spots” (Bates, “Fanny”). Conserving Wetlands: From Re-Claiming to Re-Valuing? Imagination, for philosopher Roger Scruton, involves “thinking of, and attending to, a present object (by thinking of it, or perceiving it, in terms of something absent)” (155). According to Scruton, the feelings aroused through imagination can prompt creative, transformative experiences. While environmental conservation tends to rely on data-driven empirical approaches, it appeals to imagination less commonly. We have found, however, that attending to the present object (the city) in terms of something absent (its wetlands) through evocative visual material can complement traditional conservation agendas focused on habitats and species. The actual extent of wetlands loss in the Swan Coastal Plain—the flat and sandy region extending from Jurien Bay south to Cape Naturaliste, including Perth—is contested. However, estimates suggest that 80 per cent of wetlands have been lost, with remaining habitats threatened by climate change, suburban development, agriculture, and industry (Department of Environment and Conservation). As with the swamps and lakes of the inner city, many regional wetlands were cleared, drained, or filled before they could be properly documented. Additionally, the seasonal fluctuations of swampy places have never been easily translatable to two-dimensional records. As Giblett notes, the creation of cartographic representations and the assignment of English names were attempts to fix the dynamic boundaries of wetlands, at least in the minds of settlers and administrators (Postmodern 72–73). Moreover, European colonists found the Western Australian landscape, including its wetlands, generally discomfiting. In a letter from 1833, metaphors failed George Fletcher Moore, the effusive colonial commentator, “I cannot compare these swamps to any marshes with which you are familiar” (220). The intermediate nature of wetlands—as neither land nor lake—is perhaps one reason for their cultural marginalisation (Giblett, Postmodern 39). The conviction that unsanitary, miasmic wetlands should be converted to more useful purposes largely prevailed (Giblett, Black 105–22). Felicity Morel-EdnieBrown’s research into land ownership records in colonial Perth demonstrated that town lots on swampland were often preferred. By layering records using geographic information systems (GIS), she revealed modifications to town plans to accommodate swampland frontages. The decline of wetlands in the region appears to have been driven initially by their exploitation for water and later for fertile soil. Northern market gardens supplied the needs of the early city. It is likely that the depletion of Nyoongar bush foods predated the flourishing of these gardens (Carter and Nutter). Engaging with the history of Perth’s swamps raises questions about the appreciation of wetlands today. In an era where numerous conservation strategies and alternatives have been developed (for example, Bobbink et al. 93–220), the exploitation of wetlands in service to population growth persists. On Perth’s north side, wetlands have long been subdued by controlling their water levels and landscaping their boundaries, as the suburban examples of Lake Monger and Hyde Park (formerly Third Swamp Reserve) reveal. Largely unmodified wetlands, such as Forrestdale Lake, exist south of Perth, but they too are in danger (Giblett, Black Swan). The Beeliar Wetlands near the suburb of Bibra Lake comprise an interconnected series of lakes and swamps that are vulnerable to a highway extension project first proposed in the 1950s. Just as the Perth Town Trust debated Lake Kingsford’s draining, local councils and the public are fiercely contesting the construction of the Roe Highway, which will bisect Beeliar Wetlands, destroying Roe Swamp (Chinna). The conservation value of wetlands still struggles to compete with traffic planning underpinned by a modernist ideology that associates cars and freeways with progress (Gregory). Outside of archives, the debate about Lake Kingsford is almost entirely forgotten and its physical presence has been erased. Despite the magnitude of loss, re-imagining the city’s swamplands, in the way that we have, calls attention to past indiscretions while invigorating future possibilities. We hope that the re-imagining of Perth’s wetlands stimulates public respect for ancestral tracks and songlines like Balbuk’s. Despite the accretions of settler history and colonial discourse, songlines endure as a fundamental cultural heritage. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup states, “as people, if we can get out there on our songlines, even though there may be farms or roads overlaying them, fences, whatever it is that might impede us from travelling directly upon them, if we can get close proximity, we can still keep our culture alive. That is why it is so important for us to have our songlines.” Just as Fanny Balbuk plied her songlines between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford, the traditional custodians of Beeliar and other wetlands around Perth walk the landscape as an act of resistance and solidarity, keeping the stories of place alive. Acknowledgments The authors wish to acknowledge Rod Giblett (ECU), Nandi Chinna (ECU), Susanna Iuliano (ECU), Jeff Murray (Kareff Consulting), Dimitri Fotev (City of Perth), and Brendan McAtee (Landgate) for their contributions to this project. The authors also acknowledge the traditional custodians of the lands upon which this paper was researched and written. 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The Australian Government has been actively evaluating how best to merge the functions of the Australian Communications Authority (ACA) and the Australian Broadcasting Authority (ABA) for around two years now. Broadly, the reason for this is an attempt to keep pace with the communications media transformations we reduce to the term “convergence.” Mounting pressure for restructuring is emerging as a site of turf contestation: the possibility of a regulatory “one-stop shop” for governments (and some industry players) is an end game of considerable force. But, from a public interest perspective, the case for a converged regulator needs to make sense to audiences using various media, as well as in terms of arguments about global, industrial, and technological change. This national debate about the institutional reshaping of media regulation is occurring within a wider global context of transformations in social, technological, and politico-economic frameworks of open capital and cultural markets, including the increasing prominence of international economic organisations, corporations, and Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). Although the recently concluded FTA with the US explicitly carves out a right for Australian Governments to make regulatory policy in relation to existing and new media, considerable uncertainty remains as to future regulatory arrangements. A key concern is how a right to intervene in cultural markets will be sustained in the face of cultural, politico-economic, and technological pressures that are reconfiguring creative industries on an international scale. While the right to intervene was retained for the audiovisual sector in the FTA, by contrast, it appears that comparable unilateral rights to intervene will not operate for telecommunications, e-commerce or intellectual property (DFAT). Blurring Boundaries A lack of certainty for audiences is a by-product of industry change, and further blurs regulatory boundaries: new digital media content and overlapping delivering technologies are already a reality for Australia’s media regulators. These hypothetical media usage scenarios indicate how confusion over the appropriate regulatory agency may arise: 1. playing electronic games that use racist language; 2. being subjected to deceptive or misleading pop-up advertising online 3. receiving messaged imagery on your mobile phone that offends, disturbs, or annoys; 4. watching a program like World Idol with SMS voting that subsequently raises charging or billing issues; or 5. watching a new “reality” TV program where products are being promoted with no explicit acknowledgement of the underlying commercial arrangements either during or at the end of the program. These are all instances where, theoretically, regulatory mechanisms are in place that allow individuals to complain and to seek some kind of redress as consumers and citizens. In the last scenario, in commercial television under the sector code, no clear-cut rules exist as to the precise form of the disclosure—as there is (from 2000) in commercial radio. It’s one of a number of issues the peak TV industry lobby Commercial TV Australia (CTVA) is considering in their review of the industry’s code of practice. CTVA have proposed an amendment to the code that will simply formalise the already existing practice . That is, commercial arrangements that assist in the making of a program should be acknowledged either during programs, or in their credits. In my view, this amendment doesn’t go far enough in post “cash for comment” mediascapes (Dwyer). Audiences have a right to expect that broadcasters, production companies and program celebrities are open and transparent with the Australian community about these kinds of arrangements. They need to be far more clearly signposted, and people better informed about their role. In the US, the “Commercial Alert” <http://www.commercialalert.org/> organisation has been lobbying the Federal Communications Commission and the Federal Trade Commission to achieve similar in-program “visual acknowledgements.” The ABA’s Commercial Radio Inquiry (“Cash-for-Comment”) found widespread systemic regulatory failure and introduced three new standards. On that basis, how could a “standstill” response by CTVA, constitute best practice for such a pervasive and influential medium as contemporary commercial television? The World Idol example may lead to confusion for some audiences, who are unsure whether the issues involved relate to broadcasting or telecommunications. In fact, it could be dealt with as a complaint to the Telecommunication Industry Ombudsman (TIO) under an ACA registered, but Australian Communications Industry Forum (ACIF) developed, code of practice. These kind of cross-platform issues may become more vexed in future years from an audience’s perspective, especially if reality formats using on-screen premium rate service numbers invite audiences to participate, by sending MMS (multimedia messaging services) images or short video grabs over wireless networks. The political and cultural implications of this kind of audience interaction, in terms of access, participation, and more generally the symbolic power of media, may perhaps even indicate a longer-term shift in relations with consumers and citizens. In the Internet example, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission’s (ACCC) Internet advertising jurisdiction would apply—not the ABA’s “co-regulatory” Internet content regime as some may have thought. Although the ACCC deals with complaints relating to Internet advertising, there won’t be much traction for them in a more complex issue that also includes, say, racist or religious bigotry. The DVD example would probably fall between the remits of the Office of Film and Literature Classification’s (OFLC) new “convergent” Guidelines for the Classification of Film and Computer Games and race discrimination legislation administered by the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC). The OFLC’s National Classification Scheme is really geared to provide consumer advice on media products that contain sexual and violent imagery or coarse language, rather than issues of racist language. And it’s unlikely that a single person would have the locus standito even apply for a reclassification. It may fall within the jurisdiction of the HREOC depending on whether it was played in public or not. Even then it would probably be considered exempt on free speech grounds as an “artistic work.” Unsolicited, potentially illegal, content transmitted via mobile wireless devices, in particular 3G phones, provide another example of content that falls between the media regulation cracks. It illustrates a potential content policy “turf grab” too. Image-enabled mobile phones create a variety of novel issues for content producers, network operators, regulators, parents and viewers. There is no one government media authority or agency with a remit to deal with this issue. Although it has elements relating to the regulatory activities of the ACA, the ABA, the OFLC, the TIO, and TISSC, the combination of illegal or potentially prohibited content and its carriage over wireless networks positions it outside their current frameworks. The ACA may argue it should have responsibility for this kind of content since: it now enforces the recently enacted Commonwealth anti-Spam laws; has registered an industry code of practice for unsolicited content delivered over wireless networks; is seeking to include ‘adult’ content within premium rate service numbers, and, has been actively involved in consumer education for mobile telephony. It has also worked with TISSC and the ABA in relation to telephone sex information services over voice networks. On the other hand, the ABA would probably argue that it has the relevant expertise for regulating wirelessly transmitted image-content, arising from its experience of Internet and free and subscription TV industries, under co-regulatory codes of practice. The OFLC can also stake its claim for policy and compliance expertise, since the recently implemented Guidelines for Classification of Film and Computer Games were specifically developed to address issues of industry convergence. These Guidelines now underpin the regulation of content across the film, TV, video, subscription TV, computer games and Internet sectors. Reshaping Institutions Debates around the “merged regulator” concept have occurred on and off for at least a decade, with vested interests in agencies and the executive jockeying to stake claims over new turf. On several occasions the debate has been given renewed impetus in the context of ruling conservative parties’ mooted changes to the ownership and control regime. It’s tended to highlight demarcations of remit, informed as they are by historical and legal developments, and the gradual accretion of regulatory cultures. Now the key pressure points for regulatory change include the mere existence of already converged single regulatory structures in those countries with whom we tend to triangulate our policy comparisons—the US, the UK and Canada—increasingly in a context of debates concerning international trade agreements; and, overlaying this, new media formats and devices are complicating existing institutional arrangements and legal frameworks. The Department of Communications, Information Technology & the Arts’s (DCITA) review brief was initially framed as “options for reform in spectrum management,” but was then widened to include “new institutional arrangements” for a converged regulator, to deal with visual content in the latest generation of mobile telephony, and other image-enabled wireless devices (DCITA). No other regulatory agencies appear, at this point, to be actively on the Government’s radar screen (although they previously have been). Were the review to look more inclusively, the ACCC, the OFLC and the specialist telecommunications bodies, the TIO and the TISSC may also be drawn in. Current regulatory arrangements see the ACA delegate responsibility for broadcasting services bands of the radio frequency spectrum to the ABA. In fact, spectrum management is the turf least contested by the regulatory players themselves, although the “convergent regulator” issue provokes considerable angst among powerful incumbent media players. The consensus that exists at a regulatory level can be linked to the scientific convention that holds the radio frequency spectrum is a continuum of electromagnetic bands. In this view, it becomes artificial to sever broadcasting, as “broadcasting services bands” from the other remaining highly diverse communications uses, as occurred from 1992 when the Broadcasting Services Act was introduced. The prospect of new forms of spectrum charging is highly alarming for commercial broadcasters. In a joint submission to the DCITA review, the peak TV and radio industry lobby groups have indicated they will fight tooth and nail to resist new regulatory arrangements that would see a move away from the existing licence fee arrangements. These are paid as a sliding scale percentage of gross earnings that, it has been argued by Julian Thomas and Marion McCutcheon, “do not reflect the amount of spectrum used by a broadcaster, do not reflect the opportunity cost of using the spectrum, and do not provide an incentive for broadcasters to pursue more efficient ways of delivering their services” (6). An economic rationalist logic underpins pressure to modify the spectrum management (and charging) regime, and undoubtedly contributes to the commercial broadcasting industry’s general paranoia about reform. Total revenues collected by the ABA and the ACA between 1997 and 2002 were, respectively, $1423 million and $3644.7 million. Of these sums, using auction mechanisms, the ABA collected $391 million, while the ACA collected some $3 billion. The sale of spectrum that will be returned to the Commonwealth by television broadcasters when analog spectrum is eventually switched off, around the end of the decade, is a salivating prospect for Treasury officials. The large sums that have been successfully raised by the ACA boosts their position in planning discussions for the convergent media regulatory agency. The way in which media outlets and regulators respond to publics is an enduring question for a democratic polity, irrespective of how the product itself has been mediated and accessed. Media regulation and civic responsibility, including frameworks for negotiating consumer and citizen rights, are fundamental democratic rights (Keane; Tambini). The ABA’s Commercial Radio Inquiry (‘cash for comment’) has also reminded us that regulatory frameworks are important at the level of corporate conduct, as well as how they negotiate relations with specific media audiences (Johnson; Turner; Gordon-Smith). Building publicly meaningful regulatory frameworks will be demanding: relationships with audiences are often complex as people are constructed as both consumers and citizens, through marketised media regulation, institutions and more recently, through hybridising program formats (Murdock and Golding; Lumby and Probyn). In TV, we’ve seen the growth of infotainment formats blending entertainment and informational aspects of media consumption. At a deeper level, changes in the regulatory landscape are symptomatic of broader tectonic shifts in the discourses of governance in advanced information economies from the late 1980s onwards, where deregulatory agendas created an increasing reliance on free market, business-oriented solutions to regulation. “Co-regulation” and “self-regulation’ became the preferred mechanisms to more direct state control. Yet, curiously contradicting these market transformations, we continue to witness recurring instances of direct intervention on the basis of censorship rationales (Dwyer and Stockbridge). That digital media content is “converging” between different technologies and modes of delivery is the norm in “new media” regulatory rhetoric. Others critique “visions of techno-glory,” arguing instead for a view that sees fundamental continuities in media technologies (Winston). But the socio-cultural impacts of new media developments surround us: the introduction of multichannel digital and interactive TV (in free-to-air and subscription variants); broadband access in the office and home; wirelessly delivered content and mobility, and, as Jock Given notes, around the corner, there’s the possibility of “an Amazon.Com of movies-on-demand, with the local video and DVD store replaced by online access to a distant server” (90). Taking a longer view of media history, these changes can be seen to be embedded in the global (and local) “innovation frontier” of converging digital media content industries and its transforming modes of delivery and access technologies (QUT/CIRAC/Cutler & Co). The activities of regulatory agencies will continue to be a source of policy rivalry and turf contestation until such time as a convergent regulator is established to the satisfaction of key players. However, there are risks that the benefits of institutional reshaping will not be readily available for either audiences or industry. In the past, the idea that media power and responsibility ought to coexist has been recognised in both the regulation of the media by the state, and the field of communications media analysis (Curran and Seaton; Couldry). 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