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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Plantations – Barbados

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Journal articles

Academic literature on the topic 'Plantations – Barbados'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Plantations – Barbados"

1

Beckles, Hilary McD. "Plantation Production and White “Proto-Slavery”: White Indentured Servants and the Colonisation of the English West Indies, 1624-1645." Americas 41, no. 3 (1985): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007098.

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Two dominant features of agricultural history in the English West Indies are the formation of the plantation system and the importation of large numbers of servile labourers from diverse parts of the world—Africa, Europe and Asia. In Barbados and the Leeward Islands, the backbone of early English colonisation of the New World, large plantations developed within the first decade of settlement. The effective colonisation of these islands, St. Christopher (St. Kitts) in 1624, Barbados 1627, Nevis 1628, Montserrat and Antigua 1632, was possible because of the early emergence of large plantations which were clearly designed for large scale production, and the distribution of commodities upon the world market; they were instrumental in forging an effective and profitable agrarian culture out of the unstable frontier environment of the seventeenth century Caribbean. These plantations, therefore, preceded the emergence of the sugar industry and the general use of African slave labour; they developed during the formative years when the production of tobacco, cotton and indigo dominated land use, and utilised predominatly European indentured labour. The structure of land distribution and the nature of land tenure Systems in the pre-sugar era illustrate this. Most planters who accelerated the pace of economic growth in the late 1640's and early 1650's by the production of sugar and black slave labour, already owned substantial plantations stocked with large numbers of indentured servants.

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2

Handler, Jerome S. "Escaping slavery in a Caribbean plantation society : marronage in Barbados, 1650s-1830s." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 71, no. 3-4 (1997): 183–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002605.

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Disputes the idea that Barbados was too small for slaves to run away. Author describes how slaves in Barbados escaped the plantations despite the constraints of a relatively numerous white population, an organized militia, repressive laws, and deforestation. Concludes that slave flight was an enduring element of Barbadian slave society from the 17th c. to emancipation.

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3

Giovannetti, Jorge L. "Subverting the Master's Narrative: Public Histories of Slavery in Plantation America." International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990111.

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AbstractThis article examines public representations of slavery on plantation sites devoted to heritage tourism in the Americas. Plantations of various colonial backgrounds are compared in terms of the narratives they present, finding that the history of slavery is largely hidden in Barbados and Puerto Rico, while addressed more explicitly (although still problematically) in the Brazilian and Cuban cases. The article highlights the importance of tour guides and site administrators in the production of histories of slavery and advocates for a more proactive role of historians in the production of public histories of slavery and for more productive and instructive discussions on this thorny topic.

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4

Rosenthal, Caitlin C. "From Memory to Mastery: Accounting for Control in America, 1750–1880." Enterprise & Society 14, no. 4 (2013): 732–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht086.

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From Memory to Mastery explores the development of commercial numeracy and accounting in America and the English-speaking Atlantic world between 1750 and 1880. Most histories of accounting begin in the factories of England and New England, largely ignoring slave economies. I analyze both traditional sites of innovation, including textile mills and iron forges, and also southern and West Indian plantations. Along several dimensions, the calculative practices of slave owners advanced ahead of northern merchants and manufacturers, and many recorded and analyzed the productivity of their human capital with cruel precision. Following threads from Jamaica and Barbados to the American South, I show how plantation power relations stimulated the development of new accounting practices. The control of planters over their slaves made data easier to collect and more profitable to use. Commercial recordkeeping also expanded in free factories, but in different ways than on southern plantations. The mobility of labor made accounting necessary for keeping track of wages but relatively futile for detailed productivity analysis.

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5

Marcin, Freddy. "From Plantations to University Campus: The Social History of Cave Hill, Barbados." Caribbean Quarterly 64, no. 2 (2018): 356–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00086495.2018.1480329.

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6

POST, CHARLES. "Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantations Agriculture in Early Barbados - by Russell R. Menard." Journal of Agrarian Change 8, no. 1 (2007): 144–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-0366.2007.00166_1.x.

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7

Jacoberger, Nicole A. "Sugar Rush: Sugar and Science in the British Caribbean." Britain and the World 14, no. 2 (2021): 128–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2021.0369.

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This article examines the contrasting evolution in sugar refining in Jamaica and Barbados incentivized by Mercantilist policies, changes in labor systems, and competition from foreign sugar revealing the role of Caribbean plantations as a site for experimentation from the eighteenth through mid-nineteenth century. Britain's seventeenth- and eighteenth-century protectionist policies imposed high duties on refined cane-sugar from the colonies, discouraging colonies from exporting refined sugar as opposed to raw. This system allowed Britain to retain control over trade and commerce and provided exclusive sugar sales to Caribbean sugar plantations. Barbadian planters swiftly gained immense wealth and political power until Jamaica and other islands produced competitive sugar. The Jamaica Assembly invested heavily in technological innovations intended to improve efficiency, produce competitive sugar in a market that eventually opened to foreign competition such as sugar beet, and increase profits to undercut losses from duties. They valued local knowledge, incentivizing everyone from local planters to chemists, engineers, and science enthusiasts to experiment in Jamaica and publish their findings. These publications disseminated important findings throughout Britain and its colonies, revealing the significance of the Caribbean as a site for local experimentation and knowledge.

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8

Wood, Beverley P., Frank Gumbs, and John V. Headley. "Dissipation of Atrazine and Two N‐Dealkylated Metabolites in Soils of Sugarcane Plantations Under Field Conditions in Barbados." Communications in Soil Science and Plant Analysis 36, no. 4-6 (2005): 783–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1081/css-200043386.

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9

Mulcahy, Matthew. "Weathering the Storms: Hurricanes and Risk in the British Greater Caribbean." Business History Review 78, no. 4 (2004): 635–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25096952.

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The risk of hurricanes made planting in the British Greater Caribbean, a region stretching from Barbados through South Carolina, an especially volatile and uncertain business during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The storms were a new experience for European colonists, and they quickly became the most feared element of the region's environment. Hurricanes routinely leveled plantations and towns, destroyed crops and infrastructure, and claimed hundreds of lives. The widespread destruction resulted in significant losses for planters and necessitated major reconstruction efforts. Most planters survived these economic shocks, often with the help of outside credit, but at times hurricanes were the breaking point for smaller or heavily indebted planters. The profits that came from sugar and rice kept planters rebuilding, but the threat posed by the storms shaped the experience of plantership in the region throughout the period.

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10

Guharajan, Roshan, Nicola K. Abram, Mohd Azzumar Magguna, et al. "Does the Vulnerable sun bear Helarctos malayanus damage crops and threaten people in oil palm plantations?" Oryx 53, no. 4 (2017): 611–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605317001089.

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AbstractLargely as a result of the expansion of oil palm Elaeis guineensis, forest fragmentation has occurred on a large scale in Borneo. There is much concern about how forest-dependent species, such as the Vulnerable sun bear Helarctos malayanus, can persist in this landscape. The absence of sufficient natural food in forest fragments could drive sun bears into oil palm plantations, where they risk coming into conflict with people. We interviewed oil palm plantation workers and farmers in the Lower Kinabatangan region of Sabah, Malaysian Borneo, to ascertain if sun bears were utilizing plantations, if they were causing damage to the crop, and how the bears were perceived by people. To obtain a comparative baseline we extended these questions to include other species as well. We found that bears were rarely encountered in plantations and were not considered to be destructive to the oil palm crop, although they were generally feared. Other species, such as macaques Macaca spp., bearded pigs Sus barbatus, and elephants Elephas maximus, had more destructive feeding habits. Sun bears could use this readily available food resource without being targeted for retribution, although incidental human-related mortality remains a risk. Although bears could gain some nutritional benefit from oil palm, plantations do not provide the diversity of food and cover available in a natural forest.

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