Academic literature on the topic 'Pliage de circuit'

During social interaction, the brain has the enormous task of interpreting signals that are fleeting, subtle, contextual, abstract, and often ambiguous. Despite the signal complexity, the human brain has evolved to be highly successful in the social landscape. Here, we propose that the human brain makes sense of noisy dynamic signals through accumulation, integration, and prediction, resulting in a coherent representation of the social world. We propose that successful social interaction is critically dependent on a core set of highly connected hubs that dynamically accumulate and integrate complex social information and, in doing so, facilitate social tuning during moment-to-moment social discourse. Successful interactions, therefore, require adaptive flexibility generated by neural circuits composed of highly integrated hubs that coordinate context-appropriate responses. Adaptive properties of the neural substrate, including predictive and adaptive coding, and neural reuse, along with perceptual, inferential, and motivational inputs, provide the ingredients for pliable, hierarchical predictive models that guide our social interactions.

Variations in the volume and width of lateral intercellular spaces (LICS) of dog tracheal mucosa in vitro were investigated by use of stereological and linear measurements of electron micrographs. Alterations in the volume or width of LICS were then correlated with physiological conditions and electrical parameters. LICS were quite narrow between the ciliated cells compared with those around the nonciliated dark cells (goblet, brush, and basal cells). LICS comprised 6.8 +/- 2.9% of tissue volume in preparations that were mounted in an Ussing chamber and short-circuited, whereas in unmounted and open-circuited tissues it occupied only 1 +/- 0.2% of the volume of the preparations (P less than 0.016, n = 5). The effects of stimulation of Cl secretion by 1 microM epinephrine were tested. In seven epinephrine-treated tissues LICS volume was 2.9 +/- 0.9% of total epithelial volume compared with 8.7 +/- 2.9% in control tissues (P less than 0.015). The width of LICS around dark cells in epinephrine-treated tissues was 0.42 +/- 0.06 micron compared with 0.98 +/- 0.13 micron in control tissues (P less than 0.001). The data suggest that LICS act as pliable fluid reservoirs that empty and collapse on stimulation of Cl secretion.

Five genera and species of edrioasteroids co-occur in the Orchard Creek Shale (Late Ordovician, Southern Illinois) including: Savagella illinoisensis (Miller and Gurley, 1895), Hystrichopsydrax sandersi n. gen. and sp., Euhydrodiskos diktyotos n. gen. and sp., ?Isorophus sp., and ?Pyrgocystis sp. The first three listed taxa are endemic to the Orchard Creek. Savagella and Hystrichopsydrax are unusual Agelacrinitidae Chapman, 1860; Euhydrodiskos is classified within the Lebetodiscidae Bell, 1976. Skeletal features of these three taxa imply unique functional and life mode adaptations in three areas: attachment, protection, and respiration. Functional and life mode inferences are supported by paleoecologic data. Savagella and Hystrichopsydrax are unique among post-Cambrian edrioasteroids in possessing a thickened proximal peripheral rim circlet having vertical mutual articulations resulting in a rigid peripheral thecal framework. This allowed exploitation of perishable, pliant, relatively flat surfaces but presumably inhibited attachment to rigid, changing, curved surfaces such as were utilized by most post-Cambrian edrioasteroids. Hystrichopsydrax was protected by thecal plates bearing large spinose processes. Savagella and Euhydrodiskos each had camouflage protection. Euhydrodiskos has an unusually large hydropore, perhaps implying enhanced respiratory capability compared with other lebetodiscids. Orchard Creek edrioasteroids occur in a thin silty shale to limestone transitional shallow marginal marine sequence and are accompanied by a sparse but diverse invertebrate macrofauna.

An inhalational technique for rapid induction of anaesthesia in unsedated cats using sevoflurane and nitrous oxide is described. Using a pliable, tight-fitting, face mask, sevoflurane (7.5–8%) was delivered from an out-of-circuit precision vaporiser connected to a coaxial non-rebreathing system using a fresh gas flow of 1 l oxygen and 2 l nitrous oxide per min. Cats were restrained with gentle but firm pressure applied by scruffing the dorsal cervical skin until the righting reflex was lost and the patient could be positioned in lateral recumbency. Typically, cats could be positioned on their side in a light plane of anaesthesia within 1 min of applying the mask, at which time the sevoflurane concentration was reduced to 5% or less. A similar protocol, using a lower initial concentration of sevoflurane, is recommended for old or debilitated patients. Maintenance of light sevoflurane (2–4%) anaesthesia by mask permitted minor interventions to be performed readily, including blood collection, intravenous chemotherapy, abdominal palpation, radiography and ultrasonography. More painful procedures, such as bone marrow aspiration, required a deeper plane of anaesthesia. Cats were sufficiently deep to be intubated, if this was required, about 3 min after commencing the induction. Recovery from sevoflurane/nitrous oxide anaesthesia was smooth and rapid, with most cats being able to right within 5 min of discontinuing the agents. This protocol for rapid inhalational induction and recovery is particularly suited to feline practice, where rendering an uncooperative patient unconscious greatly facilitates the completion of many minor diagnostic and therapeutic procedures, especially when these must be performed on successive days or when peripheral vascular access is limited. For longer procedures, isoflurane may be substituted for sevoflurane for maintenance of anaesthesia in order to minimise cost.

La imagen del laberinto ha sido objeto de múltiples revisiones en el dominio artístico durante todo el siglo XX. Pero fue la década de los sesenta la que hizo de ella una figura esencial para numerosos teóricos y creadores que se negaban a seguir los preceptos del urbanismo dominante. A partir de la noción deleuziana de pliegue, el presente artículo pretende esclarecer las razones que motivaron el rescate de ciertos aspectos del arte Barroco y determinar cuál es su relación con el recurso a lo laberíntico y el andar performativo. Para finalizar, trataremos de situarnos en las últimas décadas de la centuria con el objetivo de comprobar qué fortuna ha tenido esta metáfora como mecanismo de actuación política.

The latest reality program about weight loss makeover, Australian Channel Seven’s Bringing Sexy Back maintained the dominant frame of fat as bad, shameful and unsexy. Similar to other programs’ point of view, only slim bodies could claim to be healthy and sexy. Conversely the Fat Acceptance movement presents fat as beautiful, sexy, and healthy. But what did online audiences in 2014 think about Bringing Sexy Back? In this article online-viewer-generated comments are analysed to find out: a) whether audiences challenged and contested the dominant framing; and b) what phrases did they use to do this. The research task is a discourse analysis in which key words and phrases are highlighted and colour coded as categories and patterns begin to emerge. My intention is to represent the expressions of the participants responding to the articles and or online forums about the program. The focus is on the ‘language-in-use’ (Gee 34), in particular their gut reactions to the idea of whether only slim people can be sexy and their experience of viewing the program. Selected television websites, online television forums and blogs will be analysed. Introduction The latest makeover television program drawing on the obesity-epidemic discourse Bringing Sexy Back (BSB) promises the audience that by the end of the program participants will have bought their sexy back. Sexy in the program is equated with one’s younger and slimmer self; the program host Samantha Armytage (from Sunrise the national Australian morning show) tells viewers sexy can be reclaimed if participants (from their late 30s and up to 51 years) drop kilos, commit to a strenuous exercise regime, and re-style their wardrobe. Experts, the usual suspects, are bought in—the medical machinery, the personal trainer, the stylist, and the hairdresser etc.—to assess, admonish, advise and appraise the participants. At the final reveal the audience—made up of family, friends and the local community—show enthusiasm for the aesthetic desirability of the participants slimmer sexier body as evidenced by descriptors such as “wow”, and “oh my God” as well as an outpouring of emotion such as crying and squeals of delight. Previous researchers of fat-shaming television programs have found audience’s reactions divided: some audience members see it as motivating; others see it as humiliating; and others see it as what the contestants deserve (Holland, Blood and Thomas; Rodan, Ellis and Lebeck; Sender and Sullivan)! I want to find out if online and social media audiences of the relatively tame makeover program BSB, which features individual Australians and couples who are overweight and obese, challenge and contest the dominant framing. In my analysis of the phrases online audiences’ have used about BSB, posters mostly found the program inspiring and motivating. From this inauspicious first strike, I will push onto examine the phrases posters have used to respond to the program. The paper begins with a short background about the program. The key elements of the makeover television genre are then discussed. Following this, I provide an analysis of the program’s official BSB Facebook site, and unofficial viewer-generated sites, such as the bubhub, TVTONIGHT, MamaMia, The Hoopla and the hashtag #sexybackau on Twitter. Posters to these sites were regular, infrequent or intermittent viewers. My approach to the analysis of these online forums and social media sites is a discourse analysis that examines “language-in-use”—as well as other elements such as values, symbols, tools and thinking styles—so as to identify and track tacit knowledge—that is, meanings emerging from obesity-epidemic discourse (Gee 34, 40–41). Such a method is apt given its capacity to analyse contributors’ spontaneous statements of their feelings—in particular their gut reactions to the program and the participants. The paper ends with my findings and conclusions. Bringing Sexy Back: Background Information Screened in 2014, season one of BSB format consists of a host Samantha Armytage, fitness trainer Cameron Byrnes and stylist Jules Sebastian and her team of hairdresser, groomers etc. Undoubtedly, part of the program’s construction is to select participants who appeal to a broad range of viewers. Participants’ ages range from 21 years (Courney Gollings) to 51 years (Vicki Gollings). The individuals or couples who make up the series include: Ned (truck driver), Sam and Gary (parents of two boys), Lisa Wilson (single mother and hairdresser), Vicki and Courtney Golling (mother and daughter), Livio Caldarone (pizza/small restaurant owner), and Paula Beckton (mother of four), The first episode was aired on Australia’s Channel Seven on 12 August 2014 and the final episode on 13 January 2015. This particular series consisted of 9 episodes. In this paper I focus on the six episodes that were aired in 2014. Generally each individual episode consisted of: the intervention, presenting medical facts about participant’s weight; the helper figures setting training and diet regimes; the trials leading to transformation; and the happy ending evident in the reveal. Essentially, these segments illustrate that the program series is highly contrived and they also demonstrate the program’s method of challenging participants to lose weight. Makeover Television I now provide a further construct to assist the reader’s understanding of ‘what is going on’ in the BSB program, which fits within the genre of makeover program. As reflected in the literature, makeover television has some or all of the following ingredients: personal fitness trainer as expertstylist and grooming expertsfamily members and contestant’s reflexivity (reflect on their own behaviour)new self-celebrated photo shootscontestant winning challengessymbols, such as the dream outfit, and before and after photographstransformation before the ‘big reveal’ Moreover, makeover programs are about the ordinary person on television. According to Redden, identities on these programs are individual rather than collective in that they serve to show a type of “individuality” as if it exists irrespective of any social or cultural group (156). And what is the role of the expert? Redden points out the expert on makeover programs interprets the “life situation of the given person, who may represent a certain social category of ordinary person” (153). So while makeover programs purport to be about the ordinary person and make claims about the actuality of the ordinary person’s life (Skeggs and Wood 559; Stagi 138), they also depict a hierarchy of social categories. The participants’ class also features in makeover programs like BSB. Class is evident in that participants who are selected to be on the program are often from lower-middle class backgrounds. Most participants have non-professional occupations—truck driver (Ned), hairdresser (Lisa), pizza/small restaurant owner (Livio), body caster, a person who makes body casts (Paula). Similar to The Biggest Loser (2004–2014) on American NBC, and Australia Network Ten, the participants in BSB were also mainly from lower–middle class backgrounds (Rodan; Sender and Sullivan 575) Several researcher’s show that makeover television promises advancement for lower–middle class citizens (Fraser 188–189; Miller 589; Redden 155; Skeggs and Wood 561) based on the proposition that contestants have the power to transform themselves (Bratich 17; Ouellette and Hay 471–472; Lewis 443; Sender and Sullivan 581). Like other makeover programs BSB takes advantage of the aspirations of working and lower-middle class participants. And, not surprisingly, the desired transcendence is something most participants/viewers from lower-middle and working class backgrounds cannot strive to achieve without participating in the program (Miller 589). Transcendence in BSB comes from losing weight, and acquiring new gym equipment, gym clothing, access to a personal trainer, gym membership, holiday at a health retreat, new wardrobe, new haircut, and new gym clothes. These acts to transform oneself are often “presented” as the middle class “standard,” taste and specific ongoing “intimate practices” of the “middle class” (Skeggs and Wood 561; Redden 155). But clearly much of the sprucing up (such as a private gym at home, personal trainers) are expensive and beyond the budget of even an Australian middle-class family. Analysis Posters on the official BSB Channel Seven Facebook forum overall were the most positive about the program—they found the program motivating and inspiring. Several posters on Facebook asked how they might apply to be on the program. After the airing of the reveal, posters on all the online forums and social media analysed consistently used adjectives such as fantastic, awesome, congratulations, stunning, amazing, gorgeous, wow, incredible, look sensational, look hot, look great, champion effort, fabulous, impressive, beautiful, inspirational. Fat-Shaming In BSB fat-shaming works through the use of medical machines and imagery, which measure weight and body fat percentage (BMI) using the DXA scanner and X-ray machine. Even though many physicians object to BMI measurement, it has become an “infallible marker of dangerous risk-saturated obesity” (Morgan 205) in Health Department campaigns, insurance company policies and on makeover television. Participants’ current weight is compared to the weight of their 20 year-old self. The program also induces fat-shaming through visuals of food and drink stashes found in participant’s bedroom cupboards (Ned), remnants of take-away packaging in rubbish bins (Lisa), processed foods in pantry cupboards (Vicki and Courtney), and pizza cartons at work (Livio). Here food amounts are quantified for audiences to gasp with shock and horror reinforcing the stereotype that people are fat because they have insufficient willpower and overeat (Farrell 34), thus perpetuating the view that obese people are undisciplined, sloppy and “less likely to do productive work” (Greenberg et al.). Banners are produced of participants’ photographs in their 20s; the photographs chosen have been taken when participants were slim and looked hot at the beach or night clubbing. These banners are juxtaposed with a banner of participant’s current self—appearing overweight in unflattering short crop top and underwear. Both banners are flashed onto the screen during the program especially in the final reveal presumably as a visual measurement to shame participants for “letting themselves go”. Even though host Samantha provides reasons for participants gaining weight—such as the stress of being a single parent, having a busy life as a mother of four, work commitments etc—the visual banners powerfully signify more than the presenter’s dialogue. Katrina Dowd on Facebook suggests it is the banners that signified the truth about participants’ lifestyles when she comments: Absolutely. Amazing how people whom follow unhealthy eating patterns for years with lack of exercise get congratulated because they’ve lost weight. Should never have let yourself get to that stage. Using your children and work commitments as excuses for why you got that way is a big “fail”. Some social media participants on Twitter and online forum posters saw the participants as “Bogan” ( a white working-class person who lacks fashion sense, is uncouth unsophisticated and invokes disgust), lazy, slobs as represented in the following comments: “Bogan Hunters Makeover” (tvaddict); “STILL A FUCKING FAT BOGAN […] JUST STOP EATING” (Al_Mack); “Stop being a lazy bitch […] Seriously lazy slobs” (Dutchess of Tweet St); “learn to cook lazy cow” (Gidgit VonLaRue). Thus, for Katrina and the posters above, it is the “fat body” that is seen as the “uncivilized body” that lacks the self-control of the thin body (Richardson 80). Inspirational and Motivational I discovered that many online forum and social media participants found the program BSB inspiring and motivating. A similar finding to my study of The Biggest Loser online viewers (Rodan), as well as other researchers who interviewed audiences about The Biggest Loser (Readdy and Ebbeck). For instance, Twitter posters said the BSB inspires “everyday women” (Sharon@Shar0n) and “inspires me that I can do the same” (Sharon@KeepitRealV), “another great show #inspiring” (miss shadow). On Facebook most of the posters talked about how inspired they were by the show and or by the individual participants, for instance: Hi Lisa, I think I see a lot of me in you, I pretty much cried through the whole show. You have inspired me, much admiration for sharing your story with Australia. (Haigh) Many posters on Facebook identified with Lisa as a single mother (Jenkins) and her declaration that she was “an emotional eater” (McTavish). This may account for Lisa Wilson (5,824 likes) receiving the most likes on Facebook. There were those who identified with individual participants, such as Paula, who were attempting to lose weight. On the forum the bubhub, a forum for parents established in 2002, the administrator BH-bubhub started a thread titled “Need some motivation to shift those kilos? Our pal Paula is here to help hubbers!” Paula was the participant on BSB who lost the most weight, and was invited onto the forum to answer forum members’ questions. On this forum, disparaging, negative, demotivating comments were removed from public viewing (see caveat BH-bubhub). Overall, online forum posters on the bubhub expressed positive feelings about BSB as a weight loss program. Participants comments included “Awesome work Paula, I have no doubt you will inspire many and I look forward to hearing all your tips” (Mod-Uniquey) “and … you look fabulous” (BH-KatiesMum), “Wow, you must be so proud of yourself! That is an amazing effort and you look great” (Curby), “What an inspirational story!” (Mod-Nomsie). Facebook posters on the BSB official forum found the show motivating and evidence of others finding the same are: “I feel great after watching #sexybackau” (Freeburn), “an uplifting hour” (Hustwaite), “feeling motivated now to change a lot of things about myself” (McDonald). However, online posters rarely commented that the program inspired or motivated them to take specific actions about their own body size or lifestyle. For some, as other researchers have found about makeover programs, it is a form of televisual escapism (Holland, Blood and Thomas; Readdy and Ebbeck 585)—that is, the pleasure of watching others’ emotions in achieving their goal. For many others, identifying with the participants’ struggle, and seeing them overcome daily challenges and obstacles to losing weight, gave posters insights about themselves and how to change their own lifestyle. But maintaining weight-loss and a lifestyle that supports it—as Facebook posters frequently suggest—is very challenging for most people who are overweight. The transformations and reveals make for fairy-tale endings (the essence of makeover television), but the reality of losing weight is persistence, perseverance and hard work. Criticisms of the Program Posters on Facebook were censored more than some of the other online forums and social media. Facebook criticisms about the program BSB were dealt with swiftly by other posters—that is, posters were pressured to only express positive feelings about the program. For instance, Lynne Nicholas in response to Peter Thomson’s criticism that the program is “exploiting these people for cheap television entertainment” (Facebook, 14 August 2014) posted on Facebook: If you don’t like the show then don’t come on the page and comment. Channel 7 gives these people a chance to change their life and inspire others to do the same. (Facebook, 14 Aug. 2014) And in response to criticisms about the amount of processed food Cam discarded from participants Vicki and Courtney’s cupboard, Emily McCabe commented: If you don’t enjoy the concept of the program, feel free to change the channel and keep your negative comments to yourself. (Facebook, 2 Sep. 2014) Nevertheless, a lot of criticism appeared on the various online and social media outlets ranging from: the commercial aspects (matúš; Hales); the constant use of the word “fat” by the host (Spencer); the sponsorship and advertisements by a take-away food company (Daisy Murray; Patriot); the “irresponsible/unsafe training!” (M_Gardner; Ashton); the insufficient number of “diet tips” (Pedron-Peggs); and “sick of seeing all that food thrown away!!” (Barkla; Dunell; Robbie; Martin; Coupland). As noted above, some of the sites were censored. Criticisms of the program were only aired if the online forum and social media allowed people to vent their feelings and express their opinion. Allowing viewers to express their concerns about mainstream television programs such as BSB counters the argument made by other researchers suggesting that makeover programs do the work of audiences becoming “self-managing” and self-governing citizens (see Stagi; Ouellette and Hay 471-472; Sender and Sullivan 581; Ringrose and Walkerdine); and makeover programs perpetuate the myth that obesity is solely an individual behavioural problem (Yoo). Such critical comments (above) reveal that some viewers do question the show’s premises, and as a consequence they do not accept the dominant framing. Thus the hypothesis that all viewers of makeover programs are pliable and docile cannot be supported in my analysis. Findings and Conclusion Most BSB posters said they found the program inspiring and motivating. It seems many of the online posters identified with the participants’ struggle to lose their weight, and stay motivated to keep it off. So there was little fat-shaming from posters on Facebook and the online forums. The posters on Facebook expressed the most positive comments about the BSB program and the participants; however, the Facebook site was the official BSB social media site. It seems that many of the Facebook and online forum discussants were makeover television fans who had acquired a taste for the makeover genre – that is the transformation and the big reveal at the end, the re-styled self, the symbols as well as the tips, information and ideas about how to lose weight and change their lifestyle. Questions were often asked by posters about the participants’ eating plan, exercise regime, maintenance program etc., as well as how they (the posters) could apply to be on the show. Very few social media or online posters questioned and challenged the makeover genre, the advertising during the program, the quality and number of diet and nutrition tips, and the time as well as financial cost required to maintain the new self. References Al_Mack. “STILL A FUCKING FAT BOGAN.” 26 Aug. 2014, no time. Tweet. Al_Mack. “JUST STOP EATING.” 26 Aug. 2014, no time. Tweet. Ashton, Susan. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 13 Jan. 2015, 17:56. Facebook comment. Barkla, Michelle. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 9 Sep. 2014, 18:39. Facebook comment. BH-bubhub Administrator. “Need Some Motivation to Shift Those Kilos? Our Pal Paula Is Here to Help Hubbers!” The Bubhub 3 March 2015. 15:27. BH-KatiesMum. “Need Some Motivation to Shift Those Kilos? Our Pal Paula Is Here to Help Hubbers!” The Bubhub 3 Mar. 2015 19:26. Bratich, Jack Z. “Programming Reality: Control Societies, New Subjects and the Powers of Transformation.” Ed. Dana Heller. Makeover Television: Realities Remodelled. London: I.B. Tauris, 2007. 6-22. Coupland, Allison. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 2 Sep. 2014, 17:55. Facebook comment. Curby. “Need Some Motivation to Shift Those Kilos? Our Pal Paula Is Here to Help Hubbers!” The Bubhub 3 Mar. 2015, 19.30. Dowd, Katrina. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 19 Aug. 2014, 21:07. Facebook comment. Dunell, Meredith. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 9 Sep. 2014, 17:54pm. Facebook comment. Dutchess of Tweet St (Appy_Dayz). “Seriously lazy slobs feeling sorry for themselves on #SexyBackAu are just bloody annoying.” 19 Aug. 2014, no time. Tweet. Farrell, Amy E. Fat Shame: Stigma and the Fat Body in American Culture. New York: New York University Press, 2011. Fraser, Kathryn. “‘Now I Am Ready to Tell How Bodies Are Changed into Different Bodies…’ Ovid, The Metamorphoses.” Ed. Dana Heller. Makeover Television: Realities Remodelled. London: I.B. Tauris, 2007. 177-92. Freeburn, Tim (TimBurna). “I feel great after watching #sexybackau I would’ve felt better if I didn’t eat all that Lindt chocolate while watching it though.” 19 Aug. 2014, no time. Tweet. Gee, James Paul. An Introduction to Discourse Analysis: Theory and Method. 3rd ed. New York: Routledge, 2010. Gidgit VonLaRue. “You want to eat crap nightly fine, it’s your body – but not fair to your poor kid. Learn to cook lazy cow.” 19 Aug. 2014, no time. Tweet. Greenberg, B., M. Eastin, L. Hofschire, K. Lachlan, and K.D. Brownell. “Portrayals of Overweight and Obese Individuals on Commercial Television.” American Journal of Public Health 93.8 (2003): 1324–48. Haigh, Renee J. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 26 Aug. 2014, 18:47. Facebook comment. Hales, Wendy. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 26 Aug. 2014, 18:38. Facebook comment. Holland, Kate, R., Warwick Blood, and Samantha Thomas. “Viewing The Biggest Loser: Modes of Reception and Reflexivity among Obese People.” Social Semiotics 25.1 (2015): 16-32. Hustwaite, Megan. “What an uplifting hour @BSBon7 is! @sam_armytage shines and @julessebastian is a talent #sexybackau.” 19 Aug. 2014, no time. Tweet. Jenkins, Yohti. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 26 Aug. 2014, 18:45. Facebook comment. Lewis, Tanya. “Introduction: Revealing the Makeover Show.” Continuum: Journal of Media and Cultural Studies 22.4 (2008): 441-46. M_Gardner (MSGardner_1). “This show has just trumped biggestloser for irresponsible/unsafe training! Do not try at home people #SexyBackAu.” 12 Aug. 2014, no time. Tweet. Martin, Tania. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 2 Sep. 2014, 18:41. Facebook comment. matúš (MattLXS). “Sales are going to increase now for the fit bit flex thanks to #sexybackau sorry jaw bone up.” 19 Aug. 2014, no time. Tweet. McCabe, Emily. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 2 Sep. 2014, 21:01. Facebook comment. McDonald, Christine (Clubby_R8). “Watching #sexyback I’m really feeling motivated now to change a lot of things about myself. Although the smoking thing is a tough call.” 26 Aug. 2014, no time. Tweet. McTavish, Karen. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 26 Aug. 2014, 18:51. Facebook comment. Miller, Toby. “Afterword: The New World Makeover.” Continuum: Journal of Media and Cultural Studies 22.4 (2008): 585-90. miss shadow (Miss_Shadow). “another great show #inspiring.” 26 Aug. 2014, no time. Tweet. Mod-Nomsie. “Need Some Motivation to Shift Those Kilos? Our Pal Paula Is Here to Help Hubbers!” The Bubhub 4 Mar. 2015. 11:47. Mod-Uniquey. “Need Some Motivation to Shift Those Kilos? Our Pal Paula Is Here to Help Hubbers!” The Bubhub 3 Mar. 2015, 17:46. Morgan, Kathryn Pauly. “Foucault, Ugly Ducklings, and Technoswans: Analyzing Fat Hatred, Weight-Loss Surgery, and Compulsory Biomedicalized Aesthetics in America.” Journal of Feminist Approaches to Bioethics 4.1 (2011): 188-220. Murray, Daisy. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 2 Sep. 2014, 18:27. Facebook comment. Nicholas, Lynne. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 14 Aug. 2014, 20:08. Facebook comment. Ouellette, Laurie, and James Hay. “Makeover Television, Governmentality and the Good Citizen.” Continuum: Journal of Media and Cultural Studies 22.4 (2008): 471-84. Patriot (THEbitchiestgay). “Why is a weight loss show sponsored by a chicken company? Chicken is fattening.” 12 Aug. 2014, no time. Tweet. Pedron-Peggs, Peta. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 16 Sep. 2014, 17:38. Facebook comment. Readdy, Tucker, and Vicki Ebbeck. “Weighing In on NBC’s The Biggest Loser: Governmentality and Self-Concept on the Scale.” Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport 83.4 (2012): 579-86. Redden, Guy. “Makeover Morality and Consumer Culture.” Ed Dana Heller. Makeover Television: Realities Remodelled. London: I.B. Tauris, 2007. 150-64. Richardson, Niall. Transgressive Bodies: Representations in Film and Popular Culture. Farnham, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2010. Ringrose, Jessica, and Valerie Walkerdine. “The TV Make-Over as Site of Neo-Liberal Reinvention toward Bourgeois Femininity.” Feminist Media Studies 8.3 (2008): 227-46. Robbie, Tina. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 5 Sep. 2014, 16:46. Facebook comment. Rodan, Debbie. “Technologies of the Self: Remaking the Obese ‘Self’ in The Biggest Loser: Couples (Australia).” Proceedings of the Australian and New Zealand Communication Association on Media Democracy and Change Conference. Ed. K. McCallum. Canberra, 2010. Rodan, Debbie, Katie Ellis, and Pia Lebeck. Disability, Obesity and Ageing: Popular Media Identifications. London: Ashgate, 2014. Sender, Katherine, and Margaret Sullivan. “Epidemics of Will, Failures of Self Esteem: Responding to Fat Bodies in The Biggest Loser and What Not to Wear.” Continuum: Journal of Media and Cultural Studies 22.4 (2008): 573-84. Sharon (Shar0n). “Watched #SexyBackAu for the first time tonight; a top show to motivate and inspire everyday women to be healthier and set achievable goals.” 26 Aug. 2014, no time. Tweet. Sharon (KeepitRealV). “#SexyBackAu watching another single mum challenge herself and change her life really inspires me that I can do the same!” 26 Aug. 2014, no time. Tweet. Skeggs, Beverley, and Helen Wood. “The Labour of Transformation and Circuits of Value ‘around’ Reality Television.” Continuum: Journal of Media and Cultural Studies 22.4 (2008): 559-72. Spencer, Amby. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 17 Aug. 2014, 13:55. Facebook comment. Stagi, Luisa. “Lifestyle Television and Diet: Body Care as a Duty.” Italian Journal of Sociology of Education 6.3 (2014): 130-52. Thomson, Peter. “Bringing Sexy Back.” 14 Aug. 2014, 20:03. Facebook comment. Tvaddict. “Bringing Sexy Back.” TV Tonight 13 Aug. 2014, 18:17. Yoo, Jina. “No Clear Winner: Effects of The Biggest Loser on Stigmatization of Obese Persons. Health Communication 28 (2013): 294-303.

Dans cette thèse, nous nous intéressons à l’optimisation des ressources consommées par un circuit implémentant une loi de commande pour la charge de véhicules électriques sur FPGA. Tout d’abord, nous proposons une nouvelle solution au problème de la synthèse de pipeline minimisant les bascules et garantissant une fréquence minimale de fonctionnement. En se basant sur cette même approche, nous sommes capable de construire un pipeline permettant le pliage (ou multiplexage temporel) du circuit, c’est-à-dire qui permet la fusion de portions du circuit identiques en séquençant leur accès. Ainsi, les ressources consommées sont réduites à la fois en nombre de bascule et en nombre d’unités logiques. Notre approche est basée sur un modèle de Réseau de Petri Temporisé avec des transitions retardables, pouvant rater leur date de tir, et une action spécifique appelée reset qui réinitialise les horloges de toutes les transitions. Ce modèle s’avère équivalent à un automate à une horloge. Une surclasse de ce modèle, les Réseaux de Petri Temporisés avec transitions retardables (sans reset), s’avère être incomparable, en terme d’expressivité en sémantique faible, avec les classes de Réseaux de Petri Temporels ou Temporisés en temps dense ou discret. Enfin, une exploration symbolique de ce modèle ainsi que des résultats de complexité théorique et pratique sont étudiés
In this thesis, we are interested in the optimization of the resources consumed by a circuit implementing a control law for the charging of electric vehicles on FPGA. First, we propose a new solution to the pipeline synthesis problem that minimizes the number of flip-flops and guarantees a minimum operating frequency. Based on this same approach, we are able to build a pipeline that allows the folding (or time multiplexing) of the circuit, i.e., that allows the merging of identical circuit portions by sequencing their access. Thus, the consumed resources are reduced both in number of flip-flops and in number of logical units. Our approach is based on a Timed Petri Net model with delayable transitions that can miss their firing date, and a specific action called reset that resets the clocks of all transitions. This model is shown to be equivalent to a one-clock automaton. An overclass of this model, the Timed Petri Nets with delayable transitions (without reset), turns out tobe incomparable, in terms of expressivity in weak semantics, with the classes of Temporal or Timed Petri nets in dense or discrete time. Finally, a symbolic exploration of this model and results on theoretical and practical complexity are studied

Abstract Ceramic tape technology was initially developed for efficiently manufacturing interconnects and hybrid microelectronics circuitry through sequential printing and firing of conductor, resistor and/or dielectric paste formulations onto a substrate. Recently, it has been recognized that ceramic tapes can also be used as an efficient and convenient medium for the manufacturing of meso-scale electro-mechanical systems. In the green (pre-fired) state, the ceramic tapes consist of alumina particles, glass frit, and organic binder; and they are soft, pliable, and easily machinable. In each layer, one can machine flow conduits and mechanical devices and print electronic circuits. Very many layers can be stacked together to form complicated, three-dimensional, monolithic structures. These layers can be laminated and sintered. During the sintering process, the organic binder burns out, the glass flows, and the material hardens. It is possible to cast tapes of various ceramic composition to obtain desirable properties. The paper describes mechanical, chemical, and thermal machining of prefired Low Temperature Co-fired Ceramic Tapes (LTCC); the dimensional changes occurring during the lamination and sintering processes; the use of sacrificial layers to prevent the sagging of internal suspended structures during the lamination and firing processes; the bonding of tapes to alumina, silicon, glass, and metals to form a hybrid technology; and the manufacturing of microchannels and a flow sensor in ceramic tapes. Packaging is widely considered to be the Achilles heel of silicon-based MEMS technology since it is difficult to interface silicon MEMS devices with each other and fabricate relatively large, three-dimensional structures. Low Temperature Co-fired Ceramic Tapes (LTCC), the packaging material of choice in the electronics industry, hold the promise of alleviating some of these difficulties.

This work is part of a multidisciplinary project designated “Sense4me - Monitoring and control system of discomfort, for disabled persons and surgical patients”. When an individual is confined to prolonged recumbent or sitting positions, a process of ulceration is likely to occur at sites with prominent bony structures, called pressure-sore or pressure-ulcer. Pressure-sores are an increasing problem within our society, with high prevalence amongst hospitalized patients or physically handicapped persons, often leading to premature deaths [1]. In the USA the overall annual cost of dealing with this problem is estimated to be between 5 to 9 billion dollars [2]. The main objective of the study is to analyze the viability of a novel active mattress system, based on turbulent waterjets impinging onto the mattress-cover, which will allow the control of pressure and temperature on the contact-surface with the human skin, thus decreasing the risk of pressure-ulcer formation. A small fluid-mattress prototype was designed and is being constructed. It consists on a chamber with a rectangular cover-area of 500 by 500 mm and a deepness of 100 mm. The bottom surface is a metal plate with equally-spaced orifices forming a matrix. The fluid jets, emerging from these orifices, impinge onto the pliable membrane-cover. The fluid is then collected from the sides and directed to a leveling tank and to a water-pump. This pump discharges the fluid into a plenum chamber, located behind the main plate with the orifices, thus completing the hydraulic circuit. The relevant physical and geometric parameters for the prototype definition (orifice diameter and matrix spacing, distance plate/membrane, plenum pressures, minimum body sustainable pressure, total jet momentum, etc) are described and studied. This included the realization of static pressure measurements with an inflatable mattress supporting a human body in different positions, as well as essays with a high velocity air-jet impinging on a surface. Preliminary calculations were made for the prototype running with a selected pump. The results indicate that the additional pressure exerted on the membrane will lead to a force in excess of 150 N, for a flow-rate between 20 and 40 m3/h, and a plenum pressure from 1 to 4 bar, depending on orifice diameter. The work currently follows with tests involving weights located on the membrane surface, to verify the calculations and the soundness of the jet impingement principle. Further work will entail the division of the plenum in 16 sub-chambers with inlet flow valves, thus allowing the local modulation of membrane pressure by variation of the jets exit velocities, and temperature through sub-chamber individual control of water supply temperature.