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Loss, Christopher P. "From Pluralism to Diversity." Social Science History 36, no. 4 (2012): 525–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010476.
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This article traces the pluralist politics at the heart of Clark Kerr's bookThe Uses of the Universityto the present-day politics of diversity. Pluralism was the dominant theory of American politics at midcentury, and Kerr was among its most admired spokespersons. First as a labor economist and strike negotiator, then as chancellor of the University of California, Berkeley, and later as president of the University of California system, Kerr relied on “pluralistic decision-making” to harmonize relations among the multiversity's mix of vested interests. Shortly afterThe Uses of the Universitywas published in 1963, however, student protesters at Berkeley and at other multiversities like it let Kerr know that they had grown tired of the pluralist politics that he championed. Ironically, in their effort to upend the pluralist status quo and to make politics more participatory, campus insurgents sowed the seeds for the growth of a new brand of pluralist politics known as diversity. By uncovering the relationship between pluralism and diversity, this article reveals the enduring—and surprising—political legacy of Kerr's multiversity model 50 years after he unveiled it.
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Schinkel, Anders. "Filial Obligations: A Contextual, Pluralist Model." Journal of Ethics 16, no. 4 (June 12, 2012): 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10892-012-9132-8.
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MANTENA, KARUNA. "ON GANDHI'S CRITIQUE OF THE STATE: SOURCES, CONTEXTS, CONJUNCTURES." Modern Intellectual History 9, no. 3 (November 2012): 535–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000194.
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Gandhi's critique of the modern state was central to his political thinking. It served as a pivotal hinge between Gandhi's anticolonialism and his theory of politics and was given striking institutional form in his vision of decentralized peasant democracy. This essay explores the origins and implications of Gandhian antistatism by situating it within a genealogy of early twentieth-century political pluralism, specifically British and Indian pluralist criticism of state sovereignty and centralization. This essay traces that critique from the imperial sociology of Henry Sumner Maine, through the political theory of Harold Laski and G. D. H. Cole, to Radhakamal Mukerjee's reworking of these strands into a normative–universal model of Eastern pluralism. The essay concludes with a consideration of Gandhi's ideal of a stateless, nonviolent polity as a culmination and overturning of the pluralist tradition and as integral to his distinctive understanding of political freedom, rule, and action.
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Setiawan, Andry. "Apologetika Prasuposisional Triperspektivalisme John M. Frame dan Aplikasinya terhadap Pemikiran Kristen Pluralis tentang Pluralisme Agama di Indonesia." Veritas : Jurnal Teologi dan Pelayanan 17, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.36421/veritas.v17i1.306.
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Pluralisme menjadi kesadaran baru yang menganggap bahwa semua keyakinan memiliki kesamaan secara umum satu dengan yang lain. Implikasinya, tidak ada satu pun agama yang boleh mengklaim bahwa ia adalah satu-satunya keyakinan yang paling benar di antara agama-agama lainnya. Indonesia sebagai negara pluralis juga menghadapi problematika pluralisme agama. Dalam menghadapi ini, muncul pemikiran Kristen pluralis yang menekankan persamaan di antara agama-agama sehingga meniadakan keunikan kekristenan: Kristus dan karya keselamatan-Nya benar sedangkan agama lainnya salah. Tulisan ini akan mengenalkan model berapologetika yang membela keunikan iman Kristen di tengah tantangan pemikiran Kristen yang pluralis tentang pluralisme agama di Indonesia: apologetika prasuposisional triperspektivalisme John M. Frame yang diuraikan melalui apologetika konstruktif (normatif), defensif (eksistensial), dan ofensif (situasional).
Kata-kata kunci: Apologetika, Prasuposisional, Triperspektivalisme, John M. Frame, Aplikasi, Pluralisme Agama
Pluralism exhibits a new awareness that assumes that all beliefs have general similarity when compared one with another. As a result, there is no religion that can claim that it has the claim to ultimate truth when compared with a host of other options. Indonesia, as a pluralistic nation, exhibits the challenges of religious pluralism. Because of that reality, there are frameworks of Christian thought that have arisen that emphasize the similarity of several religions which erodes and ultimately eliminates the uniqueness of Christianity. However, Jesus Christ and his work of salvation is absolutely true and the other religions are false. This article will introduce an apologetic model that can be used to defend the uniqueness of the Christian faith among the challenges of religious pluralistic thought in Indonesia. John M. Frame’s triperspectivalism presuppositional apologetics is proferred and developed through constructive apologetics (normative), defensive apologetics (existential), and offensive apologetics (situational).
Keywords: Apologetics, Presuppositional, Triperspectivalism, John M. Frame, Application, Religious Pluralism
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Bishop, Jonathan, and Mark Beech. "Embodying Trust in the Electoral System." International Journal of E-Politics 7, no. 2 (April 2016): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2016040103.
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This paper proposes a new method for distributing votes in democratic elections in such a way that allows for the public to put their trust in independent candidates or those from small political parties. Using the case of a party founded by the authors called The Pluralist Party the paper presents primary data to evaluate the effectiveness of the method – called delegated transferable voting (DTV). Using an auto-ethnographical empirical study in which one of the authors plays a significant role as anthropologist, the paper finds that DTV is more likely to lead to the election of independent candidates over party political ones. Pluralism advocates the election of those who are independent of political party whips in order to best represent the people. The election of independent candidates or small parties is a model of pluralism that can achieve this. The empirical study, through investigating the campaigning methods used by The Pluralist Party, shows that putting effort into an election – whether money, materials or labour and however funded – can improve outcomes for political parties. Making use of official government data in addition to the collected data showed that a higher number of votes for the Pluralist Party was associated with a higher education level, more rooms in a household, a lower number of people not in education, employment or training, and a lower ‘knol,' which is a unit for measuring brain activity.
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Wall, Steven. "Radical Democracy, Personal Freedom, and the Transformative Potential of Politics." Social Philosophy and Policy 17, no. 1 (2000): 225–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002600.
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In recent years, theorists of radical democracy have criticized the liberal pluralist model of politics, a model which views the political forum primarily as a space for bargaining and the aggregation of individual preferences. While conceding that some measure of bargaining and preference aggregation is probably an ineliminable feature of democratic politics, radical democrats have charged that this model underestimates or ignores the transformative effects of democratic political interaction. In particular, liberal pluralism does not allow for the possibility that democratic politics can generate new forms of solidarity, enhance personal freedom, and inculcate virtue.
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Kegley. "Frank M. Oppenheim, SJ: A Model for Philosophical Interpretation and Reflection." Pluralist 14, no. 2 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/pluralist.14.2.0001.
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Kory Sorrell. "Sentimental Education: Critical Common Sense and the Social Intuitionist Model in Psychology." Pluralist 11, no. 2 (2016): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/pluralist.11.2.0011.
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Bonthuys, Elsje. "Pluralist Marriage Laws in a Former Colonial System: Cultural Authenticity or Hybridisation?" International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family 34, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 84–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lawfam/ebz015.
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Abstract Legal pluralism in former colonial territories, like South Africa, often involve the simultaneous existence of multiple marriage forms, distinguishing marital forms associated with former colonial systems from indigenous forms of marriage. These pluralist systems are not value-neutral but continue to favour marriages associated with colonial rules and processes. In addition, they create complicated distinctions between different forms of marriage which are thought to reflect the distinctive cultural or religious identities of those who marry according to these systems. This article argues for an alternative approach: the explicit recognition and encouragement of legal hybridisation as a strategy for disrupting colonial identities and hierarchies which recognises and values the historical and contemporary processes of hybridisation in the law and social practices. It uses the metaphors of the language politics around Afrikaans to describe a rigid form of pluralism based on claims of authentic identity on the one hand, and of isishweshwe, a colourful cotton fabric, which represents the resilience, vitality, and creative exchange which characterises hybridity and which promises to address gender and racial inequality inherent in the current model.
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Sumpena, Deden, and Adon Nasurullah Jamaludin. "Pluralistic Da'wah Model in Maintaining Religious Tolerance in Bekasi." Ilmu Dakwah: Academic Journal for Homiletic Studies 14, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/idajhs.v14i2.10219.
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This article aims to explore perceptions of religious pluralism, identify the models of da'wah being carried out, and describe the community's efforts in building harmony in Kampung Sawah Bekasi. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method. From the study results, it can be explained that the community interprets pluralism as an awareness of mutual respect. There are three da'wah models, namely, preaching that is wise, transformative, and inclusive preaching. Meanwhile, the community's efforts to maintain harmony include avoiding conflict, dialogue, cooperation, and holding the Ngariung Bareng Forum. The practical implications of this research impact efforts to build harmony and harmony between religious communities in Bekasi. Besides, research is expected to become a model for the development of da'wah in a pluralistic society.Artikel ini bertujuan menggali persepsi pluralisme agama, mengidentifikasi model dakwah yang dilakukan, dan mendeskripsikan upaya masyarakat dalam membangun kerukunan di Kampung Sawah Bekasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif Dari hasil penelitian dapat dijelaskan, bahwa masyarakat memaknai pluralisme sebagai kesadaran saling menghargai. Terdapat tiga model dakwah yaitu; dakwah yang arif, dakwah transformatif dan dakwah inklusif. Sedangkan upaya masyarakat dalam menjaga kerukunan, yaitu dengan menghindari konflik, Dialog, Gotong Royong, dan menyelenggarakan Forum Ngariung Bareng. Implikasi praktis penelitian berdampak pada upaya membangun keharmonisan dan kerukunan antar umat beragama di Bekasi. Selain itu, penelitian diharapkan dapat menjadi model pengembangan dakwah pada masyarakat pluralistik.
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Simaku, Xheni. "A Comparative Research Between Italian and Turkish Journalists: Professionalism, Autonomy, Clientelism, and Ethic." SAGE Open 11, no. 2 (April 2021): 215824402110101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211010173.
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The global society which we live in nowadays makes us rethink about media system, global dynamics, and the operation of the influences that these dynamics have on national media systems. Starting from the book by Hallin and Mancini’s (2004) Comparing Media Systems: Three Models of Media and Politics, and under the Polarized Pluralist Model they proposed, the aim of this work is to compare Turkish and Italian journalists’ professionalization. This research has been conducted under the concept of professionalization that these authors suggested in their work and, more specifically, under the Polarized Pluralist Model, in which Hallin and Mancini recognize countries like Italy have the main characteristics described by the model; Turkey can also be included. The main goal of this work is to underline not only the similarities but also the differences that are encountered in these two countries in the journalistic professionalization. The methodology used is in-depth interviews with 10 journalists: five Italian and five Turkish journalists chosen from the biggest journals in their respective countries. Main topics taken into consideration were autonomy, clientelism, and professionalization in journalism based on ethics values. Even if the Polarized Pluralist Model seems to fit in both countries from a macro perspective, with the in-depth interviews, it is clearly seen that different cross-national nuances come out.
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Djurisic-Bojanovic, Mirosava. "Readiness for changes: New competences for knowledge society." Zbornik Instituta za pedagoska istrazivanja 39, no. 2 (2007): 211–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zipi0702211d.
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In the conditions of high instability, uncertainty and changing of environment of contemporary organizations, management of changes and knowledge become priority social strategies, and readiness for changes, flexible usage of knowledge and creativity become the most important competences of people in contemporary organizations. Knowledge, creativity, taking initiative and readiness for changes are the condition of development, survival and success of organizations, but of individuals as well. Our basic question is aimed at the possibilities of the contribution of basic education to the preparation of the young for working in turbulent environment, where work and professional competences involve readiness for changes and innovativeness. In terms of educational policy it implies the need for the creation of upbringing- educational model which will be capable of providing optimal answers to the changes in environment. The key notion of pluralist educational concept, based on democratic values, is the acceptance of the plurality of ideas. Our researches suggest a significant positive correlation between the variables tolerance of independence and the acceptance of the plurality of ideas. Based on that fact, using the theoretical analytical method, this paper argues the compatibility of pluralist concept in education with the demands of contemporary organizations from the perspective of preparing the young for the inclusion in work in the uncertain, changeable organizational environment of knowledge society.
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Kovács, Kriszta. "Parliamentary Democracy by Default: Applying the European Convention on Human Rights to Presidential Elections and Referendums." Jus Cogens 2, no. 3 (October 7, 2020): 237–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s42439-020-00028-9.
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Abstract This paper is concerned with the Convention’s “democracy clause,” that is Article 3 of Protocol No. 1, which provides for the right to free elections. Why should it be described as a “democracy clause” and what is its significance for today? The paper first sketches out the drafting history, which reveals that while the framers were keen to preserve their inherited domestic institutions, they also thought it crucial to promote democracy. The Convention invokes but does not define democracy. It is within the Court’s competence to elucidate its meaning. The Court holds that pluralist democracy is the only system compatible with the Convention. This paper argues that Article 3 of Protocol No. 1 further presupposes a representative legislature. It does not require member states to introduce a specific system of elections and representation, but it obliges them to conform to parliamentary democracy. Thus, the Court’s model of democracy rests on two pillars: pluralism and parliamentarism. It subscribes to pluralist democracy theories but contradicts the monolithic conception endorsed by Carl Schmitt. The Court’s model has the potential to offer a robust account of democracy. Yet, Article 3 of Protocol No. 1 has never lived up to its potential. The Court’s relevant jurisprudence is inadequate to address the contemporary antidemocratic shifts that are underway in certain member states. Hence, the paper suggests that the Court’s power to apply this clause is not limited to general elections but also extends to presidential elections and referendums.
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Lenart, Karol, and Artur Szachniewicz. "Strong Pluralism, Coincident Objects and Haecceitism." Axiomathes 30, no. 4 (September 25, 2019): 347–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10516-019-09460-z.
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Abstract According to strong pluralism, objects distinct by virtue of their modal properties can coincide. The most common objection towards such view invokes the so-called Grounding Problem according to which the strong pluralist needs to explain what the grounds are for supposed modal differences between the coincidents. As recognized in the literature, the failure to provide an answer to the Grounding Problem critically undermines the plausibility of strong pluralism. Moreover, there are strong reasons to believe that strong pluralists cannot provide an explanation of the Grounding Problem. In this paper, we argue that strong pluralism can be motivated independently of the successful answer to the Grounding Problem. In order to achieve that aim, we provide a haecceitistic interpretation of strong pluralism according to which strong pluralism should be read as a position committed to the existence of primitive individuals, i.e., the individuals that have their criteria of individuation independently of their qualitative profiles. That said, we do not aim at defending haecceitism. Instead, our aim is rather modest: we want to provide a new way for the strong pluralist to supplement his view to make it more watertight.
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Jenkin, Gabrielle, Louise Signal, and George Thomson. "Nutrition policy in whose interests? A New Zealand case study." Public Health Nutrition 15, no. 8 (November 25, 2011): 1483–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980011003028.
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AbstractObjectiveIn the context of the global obesity epidemic, national nutrition policies have come under scrutiny. The present paper examines whose interests – industry or public health – are served by these policies and why.DesignUsing an exemplary case study of submissions to an inquiry into obesity, the research compared the positions of industry and public health groups with that taken by government. We assessed whether the interests were given equal consideration (a pluralist model of influence) or whether the interests of one group were favoured over the other (a neo-pluralist model).Setting2006 New Zealand Inquiry into Obesity.SubjectsFood and advertising industry and public health submitters.ResultsThe Government's position was largely aligned with industry interests in three of four policy domains: the national obesity strategy; food industry policy; and advertising and marketing policies. The exception to this was nutrition policy in schools, where the Government's position was aligned with public health interests. These findings support the neo-pluralist model of interest group influence.ConclusionsThe dominance of the food industry in national nutrition policy needs to be addressed. It is in the interests of the public, industry and the state that government regulates the food and advertising industries and limits the involvement of industry in policy making. Failure to do so will be costly for individuals, in terms of poor health and earlier death, costly to governments in terms of the associated health costs, and costly to both the government and industry due to losses in human productivity.
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Cervi, Laura. "Similar Politicians, Different Media." Medijske studije 10, no. 19 (October 21, 2019): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/ms.10.19.9.
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The article analyzes the media treatment of two sex scandals: the “Stormy Daniels scandal”, which involved the current US President Donald Trump in 2018 and the “Ruby scandal”, which involved Silvio Berlusconi in 2010, while he was Italy’s Prime Minister. By combining both quantitative and qualitative methodologies the aim is to discover whether the media treatment is different, as we can expect since the two countries belong to two different media systems, or if, following the theory of Americanization of political communication, the Italian media will tend to emulate the American model. Furthermore, another aim of this study is to detect whether a shift towards a more Polarized Pluralist model can be identified in the USA, as some authors have started foreseeing. The results will show that both countries’ media behave coherently with the traditional feature of their media system, the Polarized Pluralist and the Liberal.
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diZerega, Gus. "Elites and Democratic Theory: Insights From the Self-Organizing Model." Review of Politics 53, no. 2 (1991): 340–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500014650.
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The role of elites within liberal democracy is a perennial issue. One reason why is an inappropriate theoretical conception of democracy. They are self-organizing systems rather than instrumental organizations. As such they have more in common systemically with science and the market than with democratic organizations or undemocratic states. Examining the role of elites within science and the market sheds light on how they work within democracies. Such an examination shows them to be both necessary and dangerous. Traditional “elitist” analyses of democracy suffer from confusions which the self-organizing model clears up. It also offers improvements on traditional “pluralist” conceptions.
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CLARKE, DAVID. "Elvis and Darmstadt, or: Twentieth-Century Music and the Politics of Cultural Pluralism." twentieth-century music 4, no. 01 (March 2007): 3–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572207000515.
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Abstract[PART 1] Contemporary musical production and consumption have become increasingly pluralist, seemingly bearing out postmodernist accounts of the eroding distinction between ‘high’ and ‘low’ cultures. Accordingly, accounts of twentieth-century music ought to be able to narrate these different musical spheres – emblematized by the phenomena of Elvis and Darmstadt – together. While such gestures are not altogether absent from some recent histories of twentieth-century music, the results suggest that a more developed theorization of cultural pluralism is needed, one that also has a political dimension. Liberalism is one polity that espouses cultural pluralism and value pluralism, ideas that are not entirely separable from postmodernist relativism. Both epistemes are limited, however, by a disinclination towards dialectical thought and by the absence of ideology critique. [PART 2] Theoretical concepts from Slavoj Žižek (influenced by Lacanian psychoanalysis, and Laclau and Mouffe’s ideas of radical democracy) hold the potential for a post-Marxian model of ideology critique that might galvanize approaches to musical pluralism. Such an application could be relevant to various kinds of music, without giving a priori preference to one musical style over another – as was the case with Adorno. That said, these ideas have significant resonances with Adorno’s negative dialectics, and are valuable in developing a form ofstrong relativismthat could dialecticize a dialogical approach to musical pluralism. This suggests the possilbity of construing pluralism not as the achievement of stasis (or ‘the end of history’), but as a means of effecting social and historical movement beyond the present cultural paradigm.
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Bendor, Jonathan, and Terry M. Moe. "Agenda Control, Committee Capture, and the Dynamics of Institutional Politics." American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (December 1986): 1187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055400185065.
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Most models of agenda control examine dyadic relations—for example, those between a committee and the floor of a legislature. Such relations, however, are always embedded in a larger context, namely, a political environment composed of voters and interest groups. In this paper we model agenda setters (a legislative committee) as decision makers with limited cognitive abilities who adjust over time to their larger political environment. The legislators' policy positions are endogenous, reflecting the relative strengths of voters wielding the district-specific resource of votes and of interest groups wielding the transferable resource of money. The resulting outcomes indicate that neoclassical models of voting and pluralist models of group influence have each told part of the story. When only votes matter, our boundedly rational agents grope toward equilibria close to those of neoclassical models; however, when mobile resources matter as well, the outcomes depart systematically from those of previous models. In particular, interest groups can make themselves worse off by capturing the committee. The results suggest that agenda control is less powerful than conventionally believed and point toward conditions shaping its effectiveness—conditions highlighting the distinctive contributions of pluralist and neoclassical thinking to a broader theory of political institutions.
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Gerber, Larry G. "Corporatism in Comparative Perspective: The Impact of the First World War on American and British Labor Relations." Business History Review 62, no. 1 (1988): 93–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115385.
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Historians and social scientists have often described modern America as a uniquely pluralist society in which a collective bargaining model of industrial relations won an early triumph over other conceptions of labor relations. Professor Gerber challenges this traditional view. Comparing American and British thinking and policies relating to labor relations during and just after the First World War, Professor Gerber concludes that, in large part because of the war's impact, corporatist conceptions of political economy had by 1920 achieved a wide appeal in both Britain and America. Though a pluralist conception of collective bargaining may later have become dominant in the United States, at least as of 1920 many parallels existed between the emerging “corporatist bias” of British thinking about labor relations and American thinking about this issue.
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CERRILLO I MARTÍNEZ, Agustí. "La participación en los órganos colegiados en la administración en red." RVAP 90, no. 90 (August 30, 2011): 67–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.47623/ivap-rvap.90.2011.02.
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LABURPENA: Gaur egungoaren tankerako gizarte pluralista, anitz eta konplexuetan, sareko administrazio-eredua gero eta gehiago erabiltzen da administrazio publikoen eta herritarren arteko harremanak deskribatzeko. Eredu horri loturik, artikulu honek kide anitzeko organoaren kontzeptua mamitzen jarraitzea proposatzen du, eta sareko eragileen arteko elkarrekintza formalizatzeko modu gisa definitzen du. Artikuluaren arabera, elkarrekintza hori beharrezkoa da interes orokorra behar bezala egituratzeko. Kide anitzeko organoak sareko administrazioaren alderdiak biltzen ditu, eta, besteak beste, organo anitza izatea, bere baitan gertatzen den elkarrekintza eta kideen arteko mendetasuna ditu ezaugarri nagusi. Ezaugarriok erabakiak hartzeko prozeduran eragiten dute, baita kide anitzeko organoak beteko dituen funtzioetan ere. RESUMEN: En las sociedades pluralistas, diversas y complejas, como la actual, se extiende el uso del modelo de administración en red para describir las relaciones entre las administraciones públicas y los ciudadanos. En el marco de este modelo, el presente artículo propone avanzar en el concepto de órgano colegiado al definirlo como el nodo donde se formaliza la interacción entre los actores de la red cuya concurrencia es necesaria para la efectiva articulación del interés general. El órgano colegiado, incorporando los rasgos de la administración en red, se caracteriza por su carácter plural, la interacción que se produce en su seno y la interdependencia entre sus miembros. Estas características tienen su impacto en el procedimiento para la toma de decisiones y en las funciones que desarrollará el órgano colegiado. ABSTRACT: In pluralist societies, diverse and complex, like present day one, the use of a network administration model to describe the relationships between public administrations and citizens is extending. In the frame of this model, this article proposes to make progress in the concept of collegiate body to be defined as the node which formalizes the interaction between network actors whose concurrence is necessary for the effective articulation of general interest. The collegiate body, which includes the features of network administration, is characterized by its plural character, the interactions that occur within it, and interdependence among its members. These characteristics have its impact in the collective body’s decision-making procedure and in its functions.
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Abdullah, Noor Aziah, and Rohana Mijan. "MALAYSIA AND CHINA MEDIA SYSTEM COMPARISON BASED ON MCQUAIL THEORY." International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 4, no. 17 (December 29, 2019): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.417008.
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The concept of media systems in the twentieth century cannot be applied to the idea of media systems in the 21st century. As the media system is dominated by the Four Press Theory (Siebert et al. 1956), a new theory has been developed in line with the development of media technology, McQuail's Media Normative Theory (2010). McQuail's Media Normative Theory (2010) introduces four media system models, a liberal pluralist or market model, social responsibility or public interest model, a professional media model / a professional model and an alternative media system model. Alternative media model '. As such, this paper aims to draw comparisons between the current model of the Malaysian media system and China, based on the variables of independence, government intervention and control over recent research.
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Kay, J. "The Map Is Not the Territory: An Essay on the State of Economics." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 5 (May 20, 2012): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2012-5-4-13.
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The article claims that modern economics is in the state of crisis, because the major macroeconomic theories are in fact based on the concept of rational expectations, and the main method of research is considered to be the model-building with models as "artificial worlds". Therefore it is supposed that the agents expectations are consistent with a theoretical model. Such constructs are often based on aprioristic assumptions and only after the model is built are they confronted with reality. The author defends an alternative view of science which is methodologically more pluralist and sees deductive model-building in need of being supplemented by other methods of inquiry suggesting that economic science abandons claims for universality of its conclusions.
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England, Philippa. "Tree Planting, Sustainable Development and the Roles of Law in Bongo, North-East Ghana." Journal of African Law 39, no. 2 (1995): 138–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185530000629x.
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Development in all its forms is a pervasive theme in the study of modern Africa. The meaning, objectives and methods of development are issues which have entered into every discipline concerned with the study of that continent. The study of law is no exception. Broadly speaking there are three “paradigms of law” which have special relevance to debates on African development. These can be characterized as the instrumental model, the pluralist model and the customary law model.
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Madison, Cory. "Tracking public support for Japan’s remilitarization policies: An examination of elitist and pluralist governance." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 2 (April 15, 2018): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891118764354.
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Has Japan’s post-Second World War transformation into one of the most militarily capable nations been the result of 60 years of truly representative government? This research compares government-collected opinion polls to policy trends and actions, to determine whether the case of Japan’s remilitarization argues for or against the country’s democratic quality. For the purpose of this research, the size of Japan’s military and its legislative freedom to act as a more conventional military were considered the most pertinent militarization policies. Results indicated that those policies were consistently unjustified by measured opinion, suggesting elitist policy formation. However, other policy areas, such as Japan’s military budget, participation in UN peacekeeping, and national defense capability, have indicated a more pluralist model of policy formation. Therefore, results suggest that the country’s remilitarization has been the product of both elitist and pluralist governance.
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Jastramskis, Deimantas. "Lietuvos žiniasklaidos sistemos modelio bruožai." Informacijos mokslai 55 (January 1, 2011): 52–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2011.0.3160.
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Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas Lietuvos žiniasklaidos sistemos funkcionavimas. Remiantis D. Hallino irP. Mancini sudarytais žiniasklaidos sistemų modeliais: poliarizuotuoju pliuralistiniu, demokratiniu korporaciniu ir liberaliuoju, aiškinamasi, kokius šių modelių bruožus yra įgijusi Lietuvos žiniasklaidos sistema. Žiniasklaidos sistemos modelių bruožai nustatomi analizuojant keturias dimensijas: laikraščių industrijos plėtros procesą, politinį paralelizmą žiniasklaidoje, žurnalistinio profesionalizmo esamybę ir valstybės intervencijos į žiniasklaidos sistemą pobūdį.Straipsnyje teigiama, kad formuojant teisinę, politinę, ekonominę žiniasklaidos aplinką ir žiniasklaidos savitvarkos sistemą, Lietuvos žiniasklaidos sistema įgijo poliarizuotojo pliuralistinio, demokratinio korporacinio ir liberaliojo modelių bruožų, tačiau vyraujantys yra poliarizuotojo pliuralistinio modelio bruožai, būdingi Viduržemio jūros šalių žiniasklaidos sistemoms.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: žiniasklaida, sistema, modelis, valstybė.Features of the model of the Lithuanian media systemDeimantas Jastramskis SummaryThe article analyzes the functioning of the Lithuanian media system. Based on the D. Hallin’s and P. Mancini’s theoretical scheme of media systems (Democratic Corporatist, Liberal and Polarized Pluralist), the main features of the system are delineated. This is achieved by the analysis of four media system dimensions: development of newspaper industry, political parallelism in the media, professionalization of journalism, and the role of the state in the media system.The claim of the article is that in the formation process of, the media environment (legal, political, economic) and self-regulation, the Lithuanian media system acquired features of all three models of media systems. However, features of the Polarized Pluralist model (which are typical of Mediterranean countries) are predominant.>
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DE SIO, LORENZO, and TILL WEBER. "Issue Yield: A Model of Party Strategy in Multidimensional Space." American Political Science Review 108, no. 4 (October 10, 2014): 870–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000379.
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Parties in pluralist democracies face numerous contentious issues, but most models of electoral competition assume a simple, often one-dimensional structure. We develop a new, inherently multidimensional model of party strategy in which parties compete by emphasizing policy issues. Issue emphasis is informed by two distinct goals: mobilizing the party's core voters and broadening the support base. Accommodating these goals dissolves the position-valence dichotomy through a focus on policies that unite the party internally while also attracting support from the electorate at large. We define issue yield as the capacity of an issue to reconcile these criteria, and then operationalize it as a simple index. Results of multilevel regressions combining population survey data and party manifesto scores from the 2009 European Election Study demonstrate that issue yield governs party strategy across different political contexts.
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O’Mahony, Patrick. "Democracy, Complexity and Participation." Volume 3 Issue 1 (2011) 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/ijpp.3.1.2.
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The contemporary crisis of democratic governance, heralded in opposing political philosophies since the 1960s, carries on into the present. One response is simply to maintain the procedural core of a liberal-pluralist model of democracy. The essay, drawing inspiration from ideas of responsibility emerging from the civil societal periphery, instead follows more radical democratic models in proposing that the status and role of public participation, and with it deliberative democracy, should be rethought. The paper concludes with some reflections on the empirical-theoretical implications for social and political theory.
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Ridley-Duff, Rory James, and Michael Frederick Bull. "Solidarity cooperatives." Social Enterprise Journal 15, no. 2 (May 24, 2019): 243–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sej-12-2018-0078.
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Purpose This paper aims to re-evaluate social enterprise (SE) history to pinpoint a pluralist turn in communitarian philosophy during the 1970s, which has the potential to transform labour and consumer rights in enterprise development. Design/methodology/approach Through a close examination of model rules created by founders of the FairShares Association (FSA), the authors find that the communitarian origins of SE are disturbingly obscured and hidden. Findings In studying FSA documents and building a timeline of the development of the FairShares Model (FSM), the authors found links between SE developments in the UK, continental Europe, Asia, North/South America and the development of solidarity cooperatives. Research limitations/implications The authors argue that the discovery of a communitarian pluralist turn advances “new cooperativism” by enfranchising both labour and users in industrial relations (IR). Using this insight, they challenge accounts of SE history and argue for more research on SE’s potential contribution to radical IR. Originality/value The paper highlights the potential of the FSM as a vehicle for catalysing new SE and IR practices that share wealth and power more equitably between social entrepreneurs, workforce members, service/product users and community/social investors.
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Nuryatno, M. Agus. "Islamic Education in a Pluralistic Society." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 49, no. 2 (December 24, 2011): 411–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2011.492.411-431.
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The focus of this paper concerns how to construct an Islamic education that corresponds to a pluralistic society like Indonesia’s. To answer this question it refers to a theory of religious education that consists of three models: in, at, and beyond the wall. Religious education in the wall is a model of religious education that’s only concern is with its own religion, without connecting it with other religions. The second model is religious teaching at the wall, where students are not only taught about their own religion but is also connected with other religions. The last model is religious education beyond the wall, which means helping students to work together with people of other faiths for peace, justice, and harmony. From these models, the dominant practice of Islamic education is based on the first model, religious teaching in the wall. For this reason, I shall argue that it is necessary to shift the model of Islamic teaching from in to at and beyond the wall, in order for Muslim students to not ignorant of other religions and to make them able to work together with other students of different faiths to combat the common enemy of religions such as violence, poverty, corruption, manipulation, and the like. To make Islamic teachers capable of implementing this model of religious teaching, it is necessary to have types of religiosity that correspond to it, namely inclusive-pluralist religiosity, critical-reflective religiosity, multicultural religiosity, humanist religiosity, and social-active religiosity.[Pertanyaan inti yang hendak dijawab melalui artikel ini adalah bagaimanamengkonstruk pendidikan Islam yang sesuai dengan masyarakat plural seperti Indonesia. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut, penulis merujuk teori pendidikan agama yang terdiri dari tiga model: in, at, dan beyond the wall. Pendidikan agama in the wall adalah model pendidikan agama yang hanya memperhatikan agama sendiri tanpa mendialogkan dengan agama yang lain. Model kedua, pendidikan agama at the wall, tidak hanya mengajar siswa tentang agama mereka sendiri, tapi juga agama yang lain. Model terakhir adalah pendidikan agama beyond the wall, yang membantu siswa untuk bekerjasama dengan siswa lain meski berbeda agama demi tegaknya perdamaian, keadilan, dan harmoni. Dari ketiga model ini, praktek dominan pendidikan Islam didasarkan pada model pertama, yaitu pendidikan agama in the wall. Untuk itu penulis berargumen bahwa sudah saatnya untuk menggeser model pendidikan agama dari in ke at dan beyond the wall, agar siswa Muslim tahu dan kenal akan agama yang lain dan menjadikan mereka mampu bekerjasama dengan siswa lain yang memeluk agama berbeda dengan tujuan memerangi musuh utama agama, yaitu kekerasan, kemiskinan, korupsi, manipulasi, dan sejenisnya. Agar guru-guru agama Islam mampu menerapkan model pendidikan agama seperti ini, maka mereka perlu memiliki model-model keagamaan yang sesusai dengan spirit tersebut, seperti model keagamaan inklusif-pluralis, kritis-reflektif, multikultural, humanis, dan aktif-sosial.]
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Hoffman, Lily M. "Professional Autonomy Reconsidered: The Case of Czech Medicine under State Socialism." Comparative Studies in Society and History 39, no. 2 (April 1997): 346–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750002065x.
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The opening of the formerly closed, state socialist societies of East Central Europe has provided the opportunity to bring new empirical evidence to bear upon models of profession-state relations developed in pluralist western societies. The classic view of Tocqueville and Durkheim has been that professions are an intermediary group linking individuals and the state. Although not always explicitly stated, this model served as the basis for scholarly work on the professions in the post-World War II period, where it (more or less) fit the image of a differentiated pluralist society. Most work on the professions was based on the Anglo-American case.But even in the United States, state support was more central to maintaining professional authority than was originally thought. Without explicitly discarding the model, Freidson (1970) introduced a distinction between corporate and technical (clinical) autonomy that provided a way out of the paradox he identified, that both aspects of professional autonomy are protected by the state. Corporate autonomy refers to the political power of the organized profession to define the social and economic context of professional work, and clinical autonomy, to the control of decision making in the workplace. Testing his hypothesis on the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union, Freidson argued that despite differing degrees of corporate autonomy, the medical profession retained clinical control of decision making, the core of professional autonomy, even in the extreme case of the former Soviet Union.
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Yuckman, Colin H. "Mission and the book of Acts in a pluralist society." Missiology: An International Review 47, no. 2 (February 21, 2019): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0091829619830423.
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A critical aspect of understanding the “missiology” of Acts is discerning the proper relationship between christology and mission practice. By analyzing the narrative construal of mission in Acts, I will show that Luke defines christology and missiology in relation to one another (Luke 24:47–49). Universal mission is not merely a secondary consequence of who Jesus is, but a basis for recognizing the full reality of Jesus’ lordship. According to Acts, the knowledge that comes with mission practice is as critical to understanding who Jesus is as understanding Jesus’ identity is a prerequisite for universal mission. This study will offer a (re)construction of mission theology for an intercultural context: first, by contesting the mission-as-mandate model that has dominated the imagination of mission practitioners; and, second, by showing how proper mission in Luke’s narrative world entails the practice of mission in which one “discovers” who Jesus is through participation in universal witness (especially to the ethnically “other”—e.g. Acts 10) rather than through imparting full knowledge to convert the other. Indeed, mission may bear an epistemological weight which, Acts suggests, radically challenges Christendom legacies of mission and offers a new foundation for mission as intercultural interdependence.
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Oatley, Thomas, W. Kindred Winecoff, Andrew Pennock, and Sarah Bauerle Danzman. "The Political Economy of Global Finance: A Network Model." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 1 (March 2013): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712003593.
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Although the subprime crisis regenerated interest in and stimulated debate about how to study the politics of global finance, it has not sparked the development of new approaches to International Political Economy (IPE), which remains firmly rooted in actor-centered models. We develop an alternative network-based approach that shifts the analytical focus to the relations between actors. We first depict the contemporary global financial system as a network, with a particular focus on its hierarchical structure. We then explore key characteristics of this global financial network, including how the hierarchic network structure shapes the dynamics of financial contagion and the source and persistence of power. Throughout, we strive to relate existing research to our network approach in order to highlight exactly where this approach accommodates, where it extends, and where it challenges existing knowledge generated by actor-centered models. We conclude by suggesting that a network approach enables us to construct a systemic IPE that is theoretically and empirically pluralist.
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Greene, Daniel. "A Chosen People in a Pluralist Nation: Horace Kallen and the Jewish-American Experience." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 16, no. 2 (2006): 161–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2006.16.2.161.
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AbstractThis article examines the ways that ethnic pluralism and Jewish exceptionalism coexisted in philosopher Horace M. Kallen’s thought from the time that Jewish identity began to play a significant and positive role in his own self-conception, roughly in 1900, until his coining of “cultural pluralism” in 1924. Kallen conceived of pluralism, in large part, to address concerns about American Jewish identity, but its conception created a vexing problem for Jews. If Jews were the “chosen people,” then how could they fit into a model of the nation that emphasized equality, or at least harmony, between many different groups? Kallen would solve the dilemma of pluralism and chosenness by advocating that American Jews maintain their particularity on the basis of cultural distinctiveness rather than of superiority. Interrogating Kallen's thought on this question illuminates how his enduring theory of cultural pluralism owed its origins, in part, to specific Jewish concerns and how it developed in conjunction with a sustained struggle to articulate a meaningful Jewish identity that would prove continuous across generations. Kallen’s solution to the dilemma of pluralism and Jewish exceptionalism also demonstrates one instance of how debates about Jewish particularity profoundly influenced understandings of cultural, racial, and religious difference within American democracy during the early twentieth century.
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Nguyen, Trang (Mae). "International Law as Hedging: Perspectives from Secondary Authoritarian States." AJIL Unbound 114 (2020): 237–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2020.44.
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Tom Ginsburg's important article comes at a critical time. The COVID-19 crisis has spurred heated debates about political regimes vis-à-vis countries’ bureaucratic capacity. Political regime type is the core independent variable in Ginsburg's conceptualization of authoritarian international law—a global projection of authoritarian states’ domestic politics. This essay echoes Ginsburg's insightful observation but complicates it by shifting the focus to the less-known perspectives of secondary authoritarian countries. I use a matrix case study of two smaller states, Vietnam and Cambodia, on two prominent issues, the South China Sea (SCS) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), to demonstrate small states’ effort to use international law to “hedge” big powers. As the case studies show, small authoritarian states, not unlike other small states, prefer a pluralist vision of international law, even if they may at times embrace the alternative model offered by big authoritarian powers. These states thus have an important, perhaps unexpected, role to play in preserving the pluralist international legal order and mitigating the hegemonic tendencies of authoritarian international law.
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Macdonald, Terry, and Kate Macdonald. "Towards a ‘pluralist’ world order: creative agency and legitimacy in global institutions." European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 2 (September 25, 2019): 518–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066119873134.
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This article addresses the question of how we should understand the normative grounds of legitimacy in global governance institutions, given the social and organizational pluralism of the contemporary global political order. We argue that established normative accounts of legitimacy, underpinning both internationalist and cosmopolitan institutional models, are incompatible with real-world global social and organizational pluralism, insofar as they are articulated within the parameters of a ‘statist’ world order imaginary: this sees legitimacy as grounded in rational forms of political agency, exercised within ‘closed’ communities constituted by settled common interests and identities. To advance beyond these statist ideational constraints, we elaborate an alternative ‘pluralist’ world order imaginary: this sees legitimacy as partially grounded in creative forms of political agency, exercised in the constitution and ongoing transformation of a plurality of ‘open’ communities, with diverse and fluid interests and identities. Drawing on a case study analysis of political controversies surrounding the global governance of business and human rights, we argue that the pluralist imaginary illuminates how normative legitimacy in world politics can be strengthened by opening institutional mandates to contestation by multiple distinct collectives, even though doing so is incompatible with achieving a fully rationalized global institutional scheme.
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Frère, Marie-Soleil. "‘I wish I could be the journalist I was, but I currently cannot’: Experiencing the impossibility of journalism in Burundi." Media, War & Conflict 10, no. 1 (April 2017): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635217698334.
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In Burundi, a small landlocked post-conflict country in Central Africa, the independent broadcasting sector was severely undermined in May 2015, following a coup attempt against the regime of President Pierre Nkurunziza. More than 80 journalists, some of them accused of being accomplices to the putschists, were threatened and forced to leave the country. Their outlets were damaged and forbidden to operate. Shown as a model of ‘professionalism’, ‘independence’ and ‘pluralism’ until then, journalism in Burundi has subsequently faced huge challenges, both inside the country (where the space for free speech keeps shrinking despite a pluralist façade) and outside (where Burundian journalists in exile have established alternative media). This article identifies how the professional identity of the journalists has been affected by these two phenomena: the challenges of working from abroad as well as the growing control on free media faced by those still operating from within the country. Based on extensive interviews, the author shows the extent to which Burundian journalists have lost self-confidence and trust in their ability to perform their professional ethos and the role they believe they should play in society.
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Mallios, Peter Lancelot. "Tragic Constitution: United States Democracy and Its Discontents." Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 129, no. 4 (October 2014): 708–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2014.129.4.708.
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Tragedy is a recurrent subject in recent constitutional law scholarship. But this scholarship theorizes tragedy through a single narrow model, generally applies it to a limited conception of the domain of constitutional law, and ultimately conceives tragedy only as a liability rather than as a positive potentiality of constitutional practice. This essay critiques one theoretical understanding of tragedy and introduces three more, to argue for an open-ended praxis of pluralist tragic engagement with the United States Constitution that is necessary for the sober, mature, demystified, and deliberative functionality of the constitutional system. Each of these four models of tragedy is paired with a domain of constitutional law: Aristotle's model with interpretation, Hegel's with structure and institutions, the radical Brazilian theater director Augusto Boal's with performance and public effects, and Nietzsche's with cultural and educational accessibility.
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Bedani, Gino. "The Dossettiani and the Concept of the Secular State in the Constitutional Debates: 1946–7." Modern Italy 1, no. 2 (1996): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949608454766.
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SummaryIt is now generally accepted that the members of the Constituent Assembly who were charged with drafting the Constitution concentrated their efforts on formulating the ideals to be expressed in it at the expense of the institutional arrangements of the new Republic. This has generally been viewed as resulting from a combination of two factors: their weak grasp of the liberal principles underpinning liberal parliamentary democracy, and a concomitant error of judgement in assuming that sufficient stress on the ideals of the Constitution would guarantee the basis of a healthy democracy. This article sets out to examine the input of the most influential Catholic group, the dossettiani, and argues, against the error of judgement thesis, that in fact their rejection of the concept of the secular state was a more fundamental denial of important principles of a pluralist democracy than has usually been supposed. The article also places their contribution within the context of the Church's aim to create a ‘Christian civilization’, and further suggests that the model of Catholic Action which inspired its collateral vision of Catholic forces was corrosive of a pluralist vision of correct institutional arrangements. The article ends by suggesting that these factors may have weighed more heavily on subsequent distortions of Italian democracy than has so far been supposed.
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McCann, Leo, Edward Granter, Paula Hyde, and Jeremy Aroles. "‘Upon the gears and upon the wheels’: Terror convergence and total administration in the neoliberal university." Management Learning 51, no. 4 (June 30, 2020): 431–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350507620924162.
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University governance is becoming increasingly autocratic as marketization intensifies. Far from the classical ideal of a professional collegium run according to academic norms, today’s universities feature corporate cultures and senior leadership teams disconnected from both staff and students, and intolerant of dissenting views. This is not a completely new phenomenon. In 1960s America, senior leaders developed a technocratic and managerialist model of the university, in keeping with theories around the ‘convergence’ of socio-economic systems towards a pluralist ‘industrial society’. This administrative-managerial vision was opposed by radical students, triggering punitive responses that reflected how universities’ control measures were at the time mostly aimed at students. Today, their primary target is academics. Informed by Critical Theory and based on an autoethnographic account of a university restructuring programme, we argue that the direction of convergence in universities has not been towards liberal, pluralist, democracy but towards neo-Stalinist organizing principles. Performance measurements – ‘targets and terror’ – are powerful mechanisms for the expansion of managerial power or, in Marcuse’s words, ‘total administration’. Total administration in the contemporary university damages teaching, learning, workplace democracy and freedom of speech on campus, suggesting that the critique of university autocracy by 1960s students and scholars remains highly relevant.
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Yusuf, Achmad. "BEST PRACTICES NILAI-NILAI KARAKTER MULTIKULTURAL DI PONDOK PESANTREN NGALAH, PASURUAN." AL MURABBI 5, no. 1 (December 29, 2019): 36–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35891/amb.v5i1.2059.
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This research aims to uncover and describe the best practices of the multicultural character value of Pondok Pesantren Ngalah Pasuruan. The approach used is qualitative-naturalistic, with Case study type (case study). Data consists of primary and skunder data. The informant is determined through purposive sampling technique. Snowball sampling. Data collected 1) in-depth interviews, 2) participant observations and 3) documentation studies. Analysis of data using descriptive technique of interactive model L) data reduction, 2) data presentation and 3) withdrawal conclusion/verification. The results of this study concluded that Best practices the value of multicultural characters in Pesantren Ngalah, Pasuruan is: (1) The value of religious characters, (2) The value of the human character is a core value that grows other values include; (a) The character of caring and the students ' familiosity; (b) The value of the Brotherhood character, (c) the character of affection, (d) egalitarian/the line of doctrine; (3) inclusive-pluralist characters; The value of an inclusive-pluralist character (open accepts differences). (4) Character value tolerance (TASAMUH); Tolerance value of students, including; (a) Tolerance in interfaith Association, (b) to say greetings to Non Muslims, (c) Non Muslims enter the mosque. (5) Luwas and Luwes (moderate) character values; (6) Democratic character value, and (7) nationalist character value.
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Álvares, Cláudia, and Manuel José Damásio. "Introducing social capital into the ‘polarized pluralist’ model: The different contexts of press politicization in Portugal and Spain." International Journal of Iberian Studies 26, no. 3 (September 1, 2013): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis.26.3.133_1.
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Dunleavy, Patrick. "Bureaucrats, Budgets and the Growth of the State: Reconstructing an Instrumental Model." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 3 (July 1985): 299–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000421x.
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This article forms part of a longer-term project dealing with the impact of public choice theories in political science. The focus here is on economic models of bureaucracy, which despite their increasing theoretical significance and influence on practical politics have heretofore been little analysed, except by their exponents. I have argued elsewhere that amongst existing public choice accounts there are two seminal works, Antony Downs's pluralist treatment in Inside Bureaucracy and William Niskanen's new right thesis in Bureaucracy and Representative Government. The central innovation of economic approaches is their stress on rational officials' attachment to budget maximization strategies. In Downs's case this is a finite maximand limited by bureaucrats' conservatism and other motivations. But in Niskanen's case budget maximization is an open-ended process, constrained only by external limits on agencies' abilities to push up their budgets. None the less, despite their disparate approaches and conclusions, both these books share four failings common to almost all other public choice work in the field:(1) They operate with vague and ill-defined definitions of bureaucrats' utility functions.(2) They assume that all bureaucracies are hierarchical line agencies.
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Hakari, Kari, and Liina-Kaisa Tynkkynen. "Governing the Innovation Process." International Journal of Public and Private Healthcare Management and Economics 3, no. 1 (January 2013): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpphme.2013010101.
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Local governments in pursuit of their objectives have become increasingly dependent on the private and third sector actors. New Public Governance (NPG) is an approach to understand the production and delivery of public services in a fragmented and pluralist society. The development of health care and social services and the creation of service innovations have been a part of the ongoing change. Local governments have started to search for new approaches to service delivery in co-operation with private firms and third sector organizations. This study focuses on the role of local government as a meta-governor in creating and developing a service innovation called the Kotitori model in Tampere, Finland. Meta-governance is needed to govern complexity and plurality in a network society. Local authorities can exercise power by using meta-governance tools while sharing the responsibility for public governance with other actors. The results of this study suggest that tools provided by NPG theory can be identified in the process of developing a service innovation. Thus, it may be that local governments should use both hands-on and hand-off meta-governance tools in order to exercise successful meta-governance. The results also suggest that adequacy of the different meta-governance tools differs according to the stage of the innovation process. In this sense this study provides also new insight to the theory of NPG.
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Peruško, Zrinjka. "Rediscovering the Mediterranean Characteristics of the Croatian Media System." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 4 (July 19, 2013): 709–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325413494770.
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The article presents the analysis of the Croatian post-socialist media system within the comparative framework of Hallin and Mancini’s approach. The media system and the political system are analyzed with the cluster of variables, interpreting the development of the media market, political parallelism, journalistic professionalism, and the role of the state in relation to the existing theoretical framework. The paper demonstrates a perfect fit with the Mediterranean polarized pluralist model of media system, and argues that the Croatian case disproves the proposition that Hallin and Mancini’s model cannot be applied to new democracies in post-communist Europe. The communist period in Croatia provided nuance to an already existing framework of media system, while the post-communist transition after 1990 and ensuing democracy continue to exhibit the historically determined relationships between politics and the media. The article argues in conclusion that ignorance of the true nature of media systems and social and political frameworks that shape them are the reason for the failed internationally assisted democratization processes and successful implementation of foreign media regulation models.
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Tams, Svenja, and Judi Marshall. "Responsible careers: Systemic reflexivity in shifting landscapes." Human Relations 64, no. 1 (November 10, 2010): 109–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0018726710384292.
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This article examines responsible careers, in which people seek to have an impact on societal challenges such as environmental sustainability and social justice. We propose a dynamic model of responsible careers based on studying 32 individuals in the emerging organizational fields of corporate responsibility, social entrepreneurship, sustainability, and social investing. We describe six career practices — expressing self, connecting to others, constructing contribution, institutionalizing, field shaping, and engaging systemically. Observations suggest that development of these practices is influenced by four learning dynamics: people’s perceptions of ‘shifting landscapes’ in which they seek to orient themselves, exploration and both biographical and systemic reflexivity. Our interdisciplinary and empirically grounded approach, integrating psychological intentions and institutional context, strengthens theorizing about responsible careers. The proposed model depicts responsible careers as continually evolving, sometimes precarious, and as dynamically enacted in relation to pluralist, shifting landscapes.
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Gough, Fionnuala. "Deliberating or Dithering? Ireland and Human Embryonic Stem Cell Research." European Journal of Health Law 20, no. 2 (2013): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718093-12341266.
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Abstract Disagreement about matters of public policy concerned with moral issues is inevitable in pluralist democracies. One approach to the resolution of moral conflicts in society is the concept of deliberative democracy, which emphasises the process or procedure which ultimately allows a political decision to be reached. The Republic of Ireland effectively has no legislative framework regulating human embryonic stem cell research (hESC research). This article proposes that Irish policymakers establish a procedural framework, similar to that used in other European democracies, to allow the development of appropriate regulations pertaining to hESC research in Ireland. In particular the article will consider how a three-tier model of procedural regulation has been used to achieve certainty in the area of hESC research in the United Kingdom and Germany and how this model might be applied to Ireland.
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Pál, Enikő. "Language-Specific Effects in Cross-Language Research and Their Implications for Second Language Acquisition: A Theoretical Enquiry." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 10, no. 2 (November 1, 2018): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ausp-2018-0010.
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AbstractBoth in the theoretical framework of applied linguistics and empirical studies, second language acquisition is either examined within the universalist postulation of an innate language acquisition device or it is discussed in a pluralist manner featuring the great variety of language-specific influences. The present paper focuses on the latter issue, aiming to review some of the recent studies on the role of the mother tongue in second language speech perception and production. Our main interest is in phonetic learning. Thus, we shall particularly turn our attention to certain theoretical–empirical data regarding second language speech perception and production, such as the perceptual assimilation model, the native language magnet theory, and the articulatory setting theory.
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Walters, David, and Emma Wadsworth. "Participation in safety and health in European workplaces: Framing the capture of representation." European Journal of Industrial Relations 26, no. 1 (March 20, 2019): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680119835670.
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We discuss experience of worker representation in occupational health and safety in the European Union, using findings from a large qualitative study of practices in 143 establishments in seven Member States. This study was a follow-up to the second EU-OSHA European Survey of Enterprises on New and Emerging Risks. We focus on the experience of the operation of the institutional forms of representation of workers in safety and health and draw attention to the extent to which statutory provisions largely conceived in pluralist industrial relations contexts are currently operationalized in more unitary ones. We discuss the consequences for the model of representation that previous studies have identified to be most effective.
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Baer, Denise L., and Julie A. Dolan. "Intimate Connections: Political Interests and Group Activity in State and Local Parties." American Review of Politics 15 (July 1, 1994): 257–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1994.15.0.257-289.
Full textAbstract:
Using data from the 1988 Party Elite Study, this paper tests two different models of how interests and parties are related among a national sample of state and local party leaders and activists. Two models of interest intermediation are compared: the pluralist model stressing consensus and bipartisanship, and the party government model stressing conflict and partisanship. New research is reviewed suggesting that political interests have become nationalized and work within the parties. Using Stinchcombe’s "crucial experiment," opposing assumptions of the two models are compared. While we do not test whether interests and parties are equally strong, we do find that strong parties and strong interests share a complementary, even intimate relationship. Strong support is found for the pervasiveness of interests among party elites, the presence of distinct party-linked ideological differences between group members and non-members, linkage between interest membership and organized party factions, group structuring of political information and communication, and a group consciousness. Based on these findings, we find support for the advent of true factions in the contemporary party system, and the conflict model of partisan intermediation in the post-reform party system is confirmed. The fact that interests are so strongly intertwined with the state and local parties provides disconfirmation of the pervasive myth that strong interests lead to decline at the grassroots.