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Barra-Jover, Mario. "Le pluriel nominal en français : un parcours sans faute (*s)." Langue française 168, no. 4 (2010): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lf.168.0035.
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Kaneko, Makoto. "La détermination et la pluralisation : l’exigence de l’uniformité référentielle." SHS Web of Conferences 46 (2018): 12010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20184612010.
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Il est soutenu que la détermination et la pluralisation effectuées, comme en français, au sein du DP ou du NumP, exigent l’uniformité des référents, tandis que les expressions qui servent, dans une position adjointe, à restreindre la dénotation nominale ou à préciser la pluralité des membres, comme en japonais, permettent la non-uniformité référentielle. Cette hypothèse permet de rendre compte du fait que i) une coordination nominale dénotant des membres hétérogènes peut suivre un seul démonstratif japonais, mais pas un seul déterminant français; ii) elle peut suivre un seul numéral en japonais, mais pas en français; iii) elle peut être suivie des pluriels du japonais, à la différence du pluriel flextionnel du français. Les observations suivantes viennent appuyer l’hypothèse selon laquelle les démonstratifs japonais ne sont pas des déterminants et les pluriels japonais n’incarnent pas la tête du NumP : les démonstratifs japonais ne présupposent ni l’unicité, ni la maximalité des référent(s) et peuvent suivre des modificateurs nominaux; ii) les pluriels japonais peuvent être redoublés, sont optionnels pour exprimer la pluralité, ne forcent pas l’accord au syntagme nominal et n’augmentent pas nécessairement la cardinalité de la dénotation de celui-ci.
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Dali, Myriam, and Éric Mathieu. "Les pluriels internes féminins de l’arabe tunisien." Lexical plurals and beyond 39, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 253–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.39.2.03dal.
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L’objectif de cet article est de rendre compte des pluriels simples et doubles de l’arabe dans le cadre de la théorie des nominaux et de l’individuation de Borer (2005). En particulier, nous étudions ces pluriels dans les constructions où l’accord entre le verbe et le pluriel est déviant et faisons quatre propositions 1) les pluriels internes sont féminins (et singuliers) à un niveau sous-jacent dans les contextes où l’accord est déviant, ne représentant donc pas, contrairement aux apparences, d’échec d’appariement ; 2) lorsque les pluriels internes s’accordent avec le verbe, une interprétation distributive ou collective est établie, et lorsque les pluriels internes ne s’accordent pas avec le verbe, seule l’interprétation collective peut être générée, résultat de la fonction atomisante du féminin que l’on retrouve indépendamment dans le contexte du singulatif ; 3) le pluriel interne féminin constitue la base des doubles pluriels, si bien que ces derniers font surface à un niveau supérieur dans la structure nominale, offrant donc un deuxième type de pluriel, pourvu d’une fonction comptable, alors que celui généré sous la tête Div a une fonction atomisante ; 4) les règles que nous décrivons sont tout à fait prévisibles et productives, ce qui laisse supposer que les pluriels étudiés dans notre article ne sont pas des pluriels lexicaux.
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Fong, Suzana. "The syntax of number marking: the view from bare nouns in Wolof." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 5, no. 1 (March 23, 2020): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v5i1.4709.
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Several languages allow for their nominals to occur without any functional morphology; they are dubbed ‘bare nominals’. BNs are often number-neutral, i.e.,there is no commitment to a singular or plural interpretation. In Wolof, however, BNs are singular when unmodified. A plural interpretation becomes available only when a nominal-internal plural feature is exponed in the form of complementizer or possessum agreement. I propose an extension of Béjar & Rezac’s (2009) Person Licensing Condition to number: a marked number feature (i.e. plural) must be licensed by Agree. BNs in Wolof can in principle be singular or plural. In the absence of a nominal-internal probe that Agrees with the plural feature of the BN, the Number Licensing Condition is violated, causing the derivation to crash. Unmarked number, i.e., singular, does not obey the NLC, so the derivation converges, yielding a singular BN. However, if there is a nominal-internal number probe, which is realized as complementizer or possessum agreement, the NLC is satisfied, allowing a derivation to converge where the BN is plural. If correct, this analysis accounts for the unusual behavior of BNs in Wolof and provides further empirical support for the view that valued features are responsible for nominal licensing (Kalin, 2017, 2019).
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Lima-Salles, Heloisa Maria Moreira, and Adriana Cristina Chan-Vianna. "Estudo da interlíngua de surdos usuários de Língua de Sinais Brasileira na aquisição de português (L2): nominais nus e definidos genéricos (Study of the interlanguage of deafs, users of Brazilian Sign Language, in the acquisition of Brazilian Portuguese )." Estudos da Língua(gem) 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2010): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.22481/el.v8i1.1122.
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O estudo examina a interlíngua de surdos (usuários de Língua de Sinais Brasileira) aprendizes de português como segunda língua, considerando, em particular, a manifestação de definidos genéricos (no singular e no plural) e de nominais nus (no singular). A alta frequência de nominal nu no singular é analisada como transferência de L1, já que a LSB não possui artigos. Partindo-se da hipótese de que a categoria de número é interpretável no DP definido genérico, propõe-se que o desenvolvimento linguístico ocorre mediante o mapeamento de propriedades morfo(fono)lógicas do artigo definido (plural) na projeção do núcleo funcional Número. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Aquisição de língua. Língua de sinais brasileira. Português L2. Definido genérico. Nominal nu.ABSTRACT The study examines the interlanguage of deafs (users of the Brazilian Sign Language) learning Portuguese as a second language. In particular, the manifestation of bare nominals (in the singular) and definite generics (in the singular and in the plural) is taken into consideration. The high frequency of singular bare nouns is analysed as L1 transfer, given that LSB does not have (definite) articles. Assuming that number is an interpretable feature on the generic definite DP, it is proposed that the linguistic development takes place through the syntactic mapping of morpho(phono)logical properties of the (plural) definite article on the functional head Number. KEYWORDS: Language acquisition. Brazilian Sign Language. L2 Portuguese. Definite generics. Bare noun.
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HARTMANN, JUTTA M., and CAROLINE HEYCOCK. "A remark on Béjar & Kahnemuyipour 2017: Specificational subjects do have phi-features." Journal of Linguistics 54, no. 3 (March 6, 2018): 611–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226718000117.
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In a number of languages, agreement in specificational copular sentences can or must be with the second of the two nominals, even when it is the first that occupies the canonical subject position. Béjar & Kahnemuyipour (2017) show that Persian and Eastern Armenian are two such languages. They then argue that ‘NP2 agreement’ occurs because the nominal in subject position (NP1) is not accessible to an external probe. It follows that actual agreement with NP1 should never be possible: the alternative to NP2 agreement should be ‘default’ agreement. We show that this prediction is false. In addition to showing that English has NP1, not default, agreement, we present new data from Icelandic, a language with rich agreement morphology, including cases that involve ‘plurale tantum’ nominals as NP1. These allow us to control for any confound from the fact that typically in a specificational sentence with two nominals differing in number, it is NP2 that is plural. We show that even in this case, the alternative to agreement with NP2 is agreement with NP1, not a default. Hence, we conclude that whatever the correct analysis of specificational sentences turns out to be, it must not predict obligatory failure of NP1 agreement.
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Quadros Gomes, Ana Paula. "Contribuições da semântica formal para o ensino de língua materna: a quantidade nominal." Revista Linguíʃtica 16, Esp. (November 7, 2020): 250–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31513/linguistica.2020.v16nesp.a37898.
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Este artigo pretende contribuir para o projeto de se “lançar uma ponte entre a linguística teórica e o ensino escolar da gramática” (LEMLE, 1984), propondo uma nova abordagem para o tratamento da quantidade nominal no ensino de língua portuguesa, à luz dos achados da semântica formal. A tradição gramatical (obras de referência e didáticas) e o ensino tradicional assumem a oposição binária singular/plural para os nominais, examinando o número na palavra em isolamento, quanto à morfologia. Observa-se apenas a presença ou ausência de morfema plural, mas o número é produto de mais outros três fatores: (i) o tipo de sentença (episódica ou genérica), (ii) a estrutura sintática do sintagma nominal (nome nu ou sintagma de determinante), (iii) o fato de o nome ser massivo ou contável. O próprio licenciamento do morfema de plural está sujeito a condicionamentos. É necessário o exame da sentença inteira, levando em conta todas essas variáveis, para determinar a interpretação do sintagma nominal. A visão tradicional é limitadíssima, por desconsiderar que, além de contar seres, o PB conta tipos e episódios. A tradição desconsidera também que a quantidade nominal vai muito além de número: há leituras de volume, leituras de abundância de leituras de intensidade. Embora na morfologia o plural seja o mais marcado, semanticamente o mais marcado é o singular. A interpretação da quantidade nominal é complexa e rica, e o tratamento dado hoje à quantidade nominal nas escolas e obras de referência e didáticas brasileiras não dá conta do fenômeno.
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Unseth, Peter. "Majang nominal plurals with comparative notes." Studies in African Linguistics 19, no. 1 (April 1, 1988): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v19i1.107468.
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This paper describes the complex Majang system of noun plural formation. Majang uses singulative suffixes, plural suffixes, and suppletive plural stems to mark number on nouns. Majang is seen to exemplify in many ways the *N/*K pattern of singular and plural marking as described by Bryan [1968] for many Nilo-Saharan languages. Tiersma's [1982] theory of "Local Markedness" is shown to provide an explanation for singulative marking on some nouns in Majang and other Surma languages. A comparison of Majang noun plurals with plural forms in other Surma languages allows the reconstruction of some number marking for Proto-Surma.
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Estrada Ramírez, Hortensia. "El Sistema de Clases Nominales en la lengua Saliba." Revista Brasileira de Linguística Antropológica 6, no. 1 (December 21, 2018): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/rbla.v6i1.21062.
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Una de las principales características de la lengua sáliba es su sistema de clases nominal que establece concordancia clasificatoria a lo largo de la oración. Esas clases nominales forman parte de la cosmovisión del pueblo sáliba que organiza el mundo que le rodea en dos grandes grupos: animados e inanimados. El sistema animado reúne características de género y número en tres categorías: masculino, femenino y plural o neutro. El sistema inanimado se divide en dos: singular y plural. El inanimado singular consta de veintidós clases nominales que se agrupan según su forma, función, estado o consistencia. El inanimado plural se subdivide en diez y ocho clases que son variables. Este sistema de clases parte del nombre y se ramifica en otras palabras que tiene la lengua para regir el morfema de clase que reciben.
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Šimík, Radek, and Christoph Demian. "Definiteness, Uniqueness, and Maximality in Languages With and Without Articles." Journal of Semantics 37, no. 3 (May 30, 2020): 311–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jos/ffaa002.
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Abstract We present a number of experiments testing influential hypotheses about the meaning of definite descriptions (in languages with articles, represented here by German) and bare nominals (in articleless languages, represented here by Russian). Our results are in line with the commonly entertained hypothesis that definite descriptions convey uniqueness (if singular) or maximality (if plural), but fail to support two hypotheses about bare nominal interpretation, namely that singular bare nominals convey uniqueness ( Dayal 2004) and that topical bare nominals convey uniqueness/maximality ( Geist 2010, among many others). Uniqueness or maximality inferences are expected to arise via covert type-shifting under these approaches. Our results are compatible with what we take to be the null hypothesis, namely that bare nominals in articleless languages are existential and free of presuppositional semantics, even if they correspond—in their use—to definite descriptions ( Heim 2011).
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Christino, Beatriz, and Amanda De Matos Silva. "A expressão de plural em Português Huni-Kuin: um exame dos sintagmas nominais." Letrônica 10, no. 1 (December 27, 2017): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-4301.2017.1.25081.
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Este artigo representa a primeira descrição da marcação de plural nos sintagmas nominais em Português Huni-Kuin. Essa variedade linguística faz parte do conjunto de variedades denominadas ‘étnicas’ do PB ou ‘Português Indígena’ e corresponde à segunda língua do povo Huni- Kuin, que habita a região fronteiriça entre o Brasil e o Peru e, especificamente, terras indígenas localizadas no Alto Juruá e Purus. Esse povo, falante de uma língua da família Pano, considera-se bilíngue e bicultural e, em consequência disso, o Português Huni-Kuin espelha e veicula tal identidade. Com base em referenciais teóricos e metodológicos da sociolinguística quantitativa aplicados a uma análise atomística, são identificadas tendências gerais na marcação de plural nos sintagmas nominais em Português Huni-Kuin, como o papel preponderante da classe morfológica e da saliência fônica. Paralelamente, são abordados também processos que ocorrem com muito pouca frequência, mas podem ser reveladores de processos de transferência estrutural da primeira língua, como a marcação expressa de plural exclusivamente na extremidade da direita dos sintagmas nominais e a combinação de um núcleo nominal no singular com um possessivo no plural, vinculado a um possuidor extra-constituinte de natureza coletiva.
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Lleó, Conxita. "Early Acquisition of Nominal Plural in Spanish." Catalan Journal of Linguistics 5, no. 1 (December 1, 2006): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.69.
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Smolders, Joshua A. G. "Nominal and verbal number in Bilugu Opo." Studies in African Linguistics 48, no. 1 (July 3, 2019): 133–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v48i1.114929.
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Opo (a.k.a. Opuuo, Tʼapo [lgn]), a Koman language spoken in Ethiopia and South Sudan, has complex and interesting systems of both NOMINAL NUMBER and VERBAL NUMBER. This paper provides a description and analysis of these systems as found in the Bilugu dialect of Ethiopia, using Corbett's (2000) model of number systems as a theoretical framework. In Bilugu Opo, NOMINAL NUMBER marking is divided along the animacy hierarchy into two systems. The TOP SYSTEM, encompassing all human referents, marks singular ~ plural opposition via a variety of morphological strategies (lexical, derivational, and inflectional) and patterns (marked plural, marked singular, and both marked). The SECOND SYSTEM, encompassing all non-human referents, encodes GENERAL NUMBER. In the Opo verb system, VERBAL NUMBER (Corbett 2000) or PLURACTIONALITY (Newman 1990) is attested for just under half of verbs. These verbs can be organized into two groups: a large group which derive a plural stem through morpho-phonemic means (tone modification, vowel gemination, and reduplication) with unpredictable semantics, and a small group which derive a plural stem through lexical means (suppletion and stem alternation) with more predictable semantics.
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Krohn, Haakon Stensrud. "La expresión del número nominal en bribri." Revista de Filología y Lingüística de la Universidad de Costa Rica 42, no. 1 (June 29, 2016): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/rfl.v42i1.25467.
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Este artículo aborda la amplia variedad de estrategias empleadas en el bribri para expresar el número de referentes nominales. Estas incluyen tanto el uso de cuantificadores como las diferentes maneras de codificar morfológicamente la categoría gramatical de número, la cual distingue entre singular y plural. Además, el artículo analiza los factores que permiten la omisión de la marcación de plural en ciertas palabras que aluden a un referente de este número.
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Jiang, Li Julie. "Mandarin associative plural -men and NPs with -men." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 4, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 191–256. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.16015.jia.
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Abstract This paper discusses the syntax and semantics of -men and four types of phrases containing -men in Mandarin. I defend the view that -men should be analyzed as a plural morpheme as first argued in Li (1999) but argue against the analysis of positing -men in the D position or treating it as a definite determiner. It will be shown that definiteness is not inherent to -men and that -men is compatible with numerals and classifiers and should be in a position local to nouns. I propose an analysis of -men as an associative plural and explain the properties of the four types of expressions containing -men within a Neocarlsonian account of bare nominals. The formal account of the syntax and semantics of phrases containing -men advanced in this paper shows that it is not necessary to assume a functional category D that is always invisible in the grammar of Mandarin in order to account for the behaviors of its nominal arguments and argues for the lack of DP projections in Mandarin.
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Meyer, Ronny. "Nominal Number Marking in Wolane." Aethiopica 13 (June 16, 2011): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.13.1.42.
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Countable common nouns in the East Gurage language Wolane are usually unmarked for number and belong to one of three noun classes based on the inherent gender feature of the nouns. First, it will be argued that morphological plural marking indicates plurality and specificity. Second, it will be shown that the interaction between the three noun classes and definiteness has various pragmatic effects. Finally, the findings for Wolane are compared with related East Gurage languages.
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Gesuato, Sara. "Co-text of use of forty English nominal premodifiers." 25th Lexis and Grammar Conference 31, no. 2 (December 15, 2008): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.31.2.02ges.
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This paper examines the co-text of use of the singular and plural variants of 40 nouns used as modifiers in compounds with two lexical bases on the basis of over 6,000 compounds collected from a general corpus of English. The data shows that, for the lexemes considered, plural premodification contributes significantly to compound formation, although singular premodification is favoured, and that both groups of compounds occur in similar lexical, semantic and syntactic environments (e.g. the same types of semantic categories are represented in the heads of both groups; the same combinations of typographic, semantic and syntactic features signal the presence of micro semantic-syntactic units within larger nominal units). However, it appears that features marking the distinctiveness of the non-head material in the compounds occur more frequently, especially in combinations, when plural premodification is instantiated. This suggests that plural premodification may be favoured by the co-presence of multiple co-textual conditions, but also that the occurrence of unithood features — which mark the distinctiveness of the non-head material or of the larger phrases containing the compounds — may also be favoured by specific lexemes.
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Pereira, Bruna Karla. "Feature interpretability and the positions of 2nd person possessives in Brazilian Portuguese." Filologia e Linguística Portuguesa 18, no. 2 (December 12, 2016): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2176-9419.v18i2p199-229.
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Conceitos como interpretabilidade e valoração de traços-φ (Chomsky, 2001; Pesetsky and Torrego, 2007) têm desempenhado um papel central no estudo dos universais linguísticos. Neste respeito, em português padrão, assim como em outras línguas românicas, os pronomes possessivos carregam traços não interpretáveis de número, que são valorados via concordância nominal. No entanto, certos dialetos do português do Brasil (PB) mostram que o possessivo de 2.a pessoa, principalmente em posição posposta, não concorda em número com o nome. Por exemplo, no dialeto mineiro, um N no singular pode coocorrer com possessivo no plural, que se refere à 2.a pessoa do plural (‘de vocês’). Do mesmo modo, um N no plural pode coocorrer com possessivo no singular, que se refere à 2.a pessoa do singular. Para explicar esses fatos, argumentarei que, nesta gramática, os traços de número no possessivo de 2.a pessoa são (i) traços da pessoa e não do nome e são (ii) interpretáveis. Com base na primeira formulação, prediz-se que ‘seu’ seja o possessivo de 2.a pessoa do singular, e ‘seus’ do plural. Com base na segunda formulação, não se desencadeia concordância em número no possessivo. Além disso, seguindo Danon (2011) e Norris (2014), argumentarei que os cardinais dividem DPs do PB em dois domínios, sendo que os sintagmas situados acima de NumP são marcados com o morfema de plural em concordância nominal, enquanto os situados abaixo de NumP são impedidos de terem esta marca. Assim, pelo fato de o possessivo pré-nominal estar antes do cardinal, ele é obrigatoriamente marcado com o morfema de plural, enquanto o possessivo pós-nominal não tem esta marca. Livre da marca morfológica de concordância nominal, o possessivo pós-nominal de 2.a pessoa favorece a reanálise do ‘-s’ como indicador do número da pessoa.
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Xiong, Jiajuan, and Chu-Ren Huang. "Plurality and definiteness in Chengdu Chinese." Language and Linguistics / 語言暨語言學 21, no. 4 (September 18, 2020): 652–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lali.00074.xio.
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Abstract The authors identify a plural marker -ɕiɛ in Chengdu Chinese that can apply to both count and mass nouns, encoding plurality as well as definiteness. This post-nominal -ɕiɛ differs from the pre-nominal ɕiɛ, as the latter is purely plural but not inherently definite. Our analysis shows that the pre-nominal ɕiɛ functions as a quantifier, which occupies the [Spec, NumP] position, whereas the suffixal -ɕiɛ, by virtue of being a plural marker, is base-generated in the Num0 position and move to D0 to encode both plurality and definiteness. Moreover, the two ɕiɛs can co-occur in one and the same nominal phrase, exhibiting the double definiteness effect. The syntactic analysis of ɕiɛ in Chengdu Chinese, coupled with the study of di in Cantonese, has theoretical impacts on nominal phrase structures, in particular, on “plurality” and “definiteness”. First, plural markers in classifier languages contrast with those in number languages, as the former, but not the latter, defies numerical modification. Second, definiteness can be expressed by a non-D element, which may check its [+def] feature either by undergoing an upward movement to D (or [Spec, DP]) or by agreeing with the [+def] feature of a demonstrative. Third, the DP-NP distinction is strongly supported by our account of Chengdu Chinese.
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Cheng, Xiongyong. "The Novel Interpretations of Nominal Plural Attributives in Modern English." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 7, no. 1 (December 31, 2015): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.0701.16.
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LINS, NEILTON FARIAS. "APAGAMENTO DO PLURAL NA CONCORDÂNCIA NOMINAL DO FALANTE DE MACEIÓ." Revista de Estudos Acadêmicos de Letras 12, no. 01 (July 30, 2019): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.30681/23588403v12i012035.
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Vaknin-Nussbaum, Vered, and Joseph Shimron. "Hebrew plural inflection." Mental Lexicon 6, no. 2 (August 3, 2011): 197–244. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.6.2.01vak.
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Research on several Indo-European languages attests to notable difficulties in inflecting irregular nouns and verbs. In these languages morphological and phonological factors are often intertwined in a way that obscures the source of the problem. Hebrew by contrast allows isolation of morphological and phonological factors in nominal inflection. Three experiments demonstrated that as in Indo-European languages, nominal inflection of Hebrew irregular nouns is slower than that of regular nouns and involves more errors. The occurrence of phonological alterations to the noun’s stem with the inflection is an additional source of irregularity, which also taxes the inflectional process in reaction time and error rate. The empirical results underline the power of the default automatic suffixation process as the main obstacle to irregular inflection. A theoretical contribution of this study is an interpretation of the irregularity effect based on a morphological analysis that views Hebrew as having a linear rather than a non-linear morphology. The stem–suffix match is suggested as the dominant factor affecting the inflectional process, responsible for the difficulties in irregular inflections. It is argued that in Hebrew, the differences between inflecting regular and irregular nouns can be easily and adequately explained as resulting from a mismatch between a stem and an affix.
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Moravcsik, Edith A. "A semantic analysis of associative plurals." Studies in Language 27, no. 3 (November 27, 2003): 469–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.27.3.02mor.
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The paper presents a general framework for the semantic analysis of nominal plural expressions and assigns a place among them to a lesser-known construction: associative plurals. Six parameters are proposed for identifying the meaning differences among nominal plural expressions. Within this framework, associative plurals are characterized as ranked group plurals that form a single paradigm with first and second person plural pronouns and inclusory (=sylleptic) constructions, all of which are shown to be governed by similar preferences regarding the semantic composition of the group.
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Huumo, Tuomas. "Layers of (un)boundedness: The aspectual–quantificational interplay of quantifiers and partitive case in Finnish object arguments." Linguistics 58, no. 3 (May 26, 2020): 905–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0084.
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AbstractI present an account of the interplay between quantifiers and the partitive–accusative case alternation in Finnish object marking, with special reference to the aspectual and quantificational semantics of the clause. The case alternation expresses two oppositions (in affirmative clauses): (a) bounded (accusative) vs. unbounded (partitive) quantity, (b) culminating (accusative) vs. non-culminating (partitive) aspect. The quantifiers analyzed are of two main types: (i) mass quantifiers (e. g., paljon ‘a lot of’, vähän ‘(a) little’), which quantify a mass expressed by a mass noun or a plural form, (ii) number quantifiers (e. g., moni ‘many’, usea ‘a number of’), which quantify a multiplicity of discrete entities expressed by a count noun in the singular or plural. Finnish mass quantifiers only quantify nominals in the partitive, while number quantifiers agree with the quantified nominal in number and case and are used throughout the case paradigm. With a mass quantifier, the partitive form of the quantified nominal expresses unbounded quantity, which the quantifier then renders bounded (quantized). This is why object phrases with mass quantifiers behave like accusative objects: they express a bounded quantity together with culminating aspect. Number quantifiers quantify both accusative and partitive objects, in the singular and plural. Such objects are able to express aspect and quantity at two levels: (i) that of the individual component events which concern one entity each; (ii) that of the higher-order event which concerns the whole quantity expressed. I argue that the case marking of the object relates primarily to level (i), while the meaning of the number quantifier relates to level (ii). This is why a number quantifier typically renders the quantity bounded and the aspect culminating at level (ii), even when the partitive case expresses unboundedness or lack of culmination at level (i).
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Mardiah, Zaqiatul, and Afridesy Puji Pancarani. "Karakteristik Iregularitas Infleksi Nominal Bahasa Arab, Studi Kasus pada Jamak Taksir." JURNAL Al-AZHAR INDONESIA SERI HUMANIORA 5, no. 2 (September 23, 2019): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36722/sh.v5i2.345.
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<p><em>Abstrak</em> – <strong>Pada hakikatnya, di</strong><strong> dalam ketidakteraturan ada pola yang teratur. Kajian ini hendak mencermati dan menemukan keteraturan pola dalam ketidakteraturan proses morfologis infleksi nominal bahasa Arab, jamak taksir. Bentuk-bentuk yang dinamis dan beragam pada perubahan bentuk singular menjadi plural dalam jamak taksir memiliki kecenderungan yang dapat dipetakan menjadi pola tertentu. Untuk memotret fenomena tersebut, kajian awal ini mengambil data dari kamus Arab-Inggris Hans Wher dari entri alif hingga kha’, yang dibatasi pada ism tunggal yang berpola </strong><strong><em>fa’lun, fi’lun, fi’latun, fi’a:lun, fu’latun, fa’alun, dan fa’latun.</em></strong><strong> Dengan metode deskriptif kualitatif, masing-masing bentuk singular akan dicermati aspek fonologis dan semantisnya; yang menjadi bentuk plural dengan karakteristik fonologis dan semantik yang juga menjadi fokus perhatian. Kajian ini membenarkan tesis dari Pingker tentang pola-pola tidak teratur yang sebenarnya memuat keteraturan. Dalam riset ini, sebagian besar bentuk plural dari jamak taksir dapat diramalkan dengan melihat <em>consonant order</em> dari bentuk tunggalnya.</strong></p><p><em>Abstract<strong> – </strong></em><strong>Actually</strong><strong>, there is a regular pattern in irregularities. This study was to examine and find the regularity patterns in the irregularities of the nominal inflection of morphological process of Arabic, jamak taksir. Dynamic and varied forms of morphological process from singular to plural in the jamak taksir have a tendency that can be mapped into certain regular patterns. To capture the phenomenon, this initial study took data from Hans Wher's Arabic-English dictionary from the Alif to Kha ' entry, which was confined to the singular ISM patterned fa'lun, fi'lun, fi'latun, fi'a:lun, fu'latun, fa'alun, and fa'latun. With qualitative descriptive methods, each singular form will be examined by the phonological aspect and its semantics; which became a plural with the phonological and semantic characteristics that also became the focus of attention. This study justifies the thesis of the Pingker on irregular patterns that actually load regularity. In this research, most of the plural form of the jamak taksir can be predicted by looking at the order consonant from the singular.</strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords </em></strong><strong>-<em> </em></strong><em>Arabic broken plural, irregularity, inflection, phonological aspect.<strong></strong></em></p>
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Bagirokova, Irina G., Alina I. Baranova, and Yury A. Lander. "DATA FOR THE TYPOLOGY OF ASSOCIATIVE PLURALS: KUBAN KABARDIAN." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. "Literary Theory. Linguistics. Cultural Studies" Series, no. 7 (2020): 84–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7249-2020-7-84-106.
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Kabardian (Northwest Caucasian) displays two associative plural constructions. The first pattern exploits the suffix which is also used for the expression of additive plural: it is added to proper names and normally provides a reference to the family of the focal referent. Within the second pattern, a specific associative plural marker follows a syntactically autonomous nominal. The latter pattern possesses several specific properties: the associative plural marker governs the case of the focal nominal, which can be represented even by inanimate, non-specific and coordinate NPs. To describe the Kabardian associative plural system, we would suggest using not only a simplified version of Animacy Hierarchy (as is often done in typological literature) but involving several other hierarchies including those of definiteness/referentiality, number individuation, and morphosyntactic autonomy.
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Elliott, Patrick D., and Andreea Cristina Nicolae. "Cumulative readings beyond nominals." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 2 (June 14, 2017): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v2i0.4065.
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In this paper, our aim is to investigate the limits of semantic plurality; we ask whether semantic plurality constrained by morphosyntactic plurality, and if so, how. In order to shed light on these questions, we focus on two empirical domains of in- quiry in which we find superficial mismatches between semantic and morphosyntactic plurality: (i) group nouns and agreement in British vs. English, and (ii) semantically plural embedded interrogatives. Based on our findings, we argue for a new, negative licensing condition on the insertion of the ∗ and ∗∗ operators.
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Charters, Helen, Loan Dao, and Louise Jansen. "Reassessing the applicability of Processability Theory: The case of nominal plural." Second Language Research 27, no. 4 (July 5, 2011): 509–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658311405923.
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This article identifies empirical evidence (Dao, 2007; in preparation) conflicting with Processability Theory’s (PT) prediction that in acquisition of English as a second language (ESL), plural-marking emerges first in bare nouns and only later in numeric expressions. Specifically, it presents results from Dao’s (2007) cross-sectional study of ESL in 36 Vietnamese learners, which was designed to test PT’s predictions that inflections emerge in lexical contexts before agreement in phrasal contexts, but found that emergence occurred in the reverse order. The article explores whether Dao’s findings invalidate PT’s crosslinguistic principles or whether there is a problem in applying these to language-specific empirical contexts. The exploration reveals weaknesses in the description of PT’s principles, as these are based on implicit assumptions, which may be invalid in specific first language / second language (L1/L2) typological contexts and thus lead to incorrect predictions. The findings are explained by reference to L1 transfer represented in the framework of one of PT’s feeder theories: Levelt’s (1989) Theory of Speaking as modelled in Weaver++ (Levelt et al., 1999). Our L1 transfer account is in line with PT’s Developmentally Moderated Transfer Hypothesis.
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Coenen, Pascal, and Michael Frotscher. "The nominative/vocative plural of Vedic masculine a-stems in complex nominal expressions." Indogermanische Forschungen 125, no. 1 (November 1, 2020): 165–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2020-009.
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AbstractIn Vedic Sanskrit, masculine a-stem nominals exhibit two different forms of the nom/voc.pl, a short form (ending in ‑ās) and a long form (ending in ‑āsas). In this article, we will argue that the scope of this variation is not a single nominal but the entire noun phrase. This means that whereas the short form may occur several times in a noun phrase, the long form is either absent or occurs only once. From a functional point of view, complex noun phrases containing one long form are equivalent to simple noun phrases consisting of one long form. In contrast, complex noun phrases containing only short forms are equivalent to simple noun phrases consisting of one short form. The presence or absence of the long form marks the presence or absence of a certain linguistic feature, the exact nature of which still has to be determined. We will argue that in those cases in which two long forms occur in relative proximity to each other, they either have to, or at least can be interpreted as being part of two distinct noun phrases. In order to do so, we will apply morphological, semantic, syntactic as well as stylistic and metrical criteria.
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Daniel, Michael. "Bagvalal place names as adverbs." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 72, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 297–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0012.
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Abstract In Bagvalal (East Caucasian), native place names show strongly reduced morphological inflection. They combine with spatial suffixes identical to those used on nouns and spatial adverbs and with attributive and plural suffixes identical to those of nominal genitive and plural and thus have mixed adverbial nominal morphology. Place names are unmarked in spatial function but marked in argument position. To occur in the latter, they require a nominal head with an abstract meaning such as ‘village’ or ‘place’. Bagvalal place names are syntactically adverbs rather than nouns. Considering syntax and morphology together, they constitute a morphosyntactic class intermediate between nouns and adverbs. Mixed properties of Bagvalal place names are functionally motivated. Place names are, first of all, locations (hence spatial inflection), but also territories associated with specific ethnic and sub-ethnic groups (hence attributive and plural inflection). I conclude by briefly reviewing evidence from some other East Caucasian languages, to show that Bagvalal is not an exception.
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Anand, Pranav, Caroline Andrews, Donka Farkas, and Matthew Wagers. "The exclusive interpretation of plural nominals in quantificational environments." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 21 (September 3, 2011): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v21i0.2617.
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In some contexts, plural nominals have inclusive interpretation, allowing atoms in their reference domain; in others, they are exclusive, allowing only sums. Selecting between the two interpretations has been shown to be sensitive to both world-knowledge pressures (Farkas & de Swart 2010) and contextual relevance (Grimm 2010). The principal semantic factor claimed to be involved is monotonicity direction (Sauerland, Anderssen & Yatsushiro 2005; Spector 2007; Zweig 2009; Farkas & de Swart 2010): upward monotone environments tend to select exclusive readings; downward monotone ones, inclusive readings. In four image verification experiments, we tested this claim and found support for the generalization. The effect of monotonicity direction, however, is small. Moreover we find that varying whether a plural is in the scope of a quantified description has a much larger effect on the prevalence of the exclusive interpretation. This suggests that monotonicity, though involved, is not a decisive factor in plural interpretation.
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Azalim, Cristina, Mercedes Marcilese, Cristina Name, Lilian Scher, and Lydsson Gonçalves. "Concordância nominal variável de número e saliência fônica: um estudo experimental." DELTA: Documentação de Estudos em Lingüística Teórica e Aplicada 34, no. 2 (June 2018): 513–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0102-445030568083495931.
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RESUMO: O português brasileiro exibe um padrão variável de concordância de número em que se destacam duas regras principais: marcação redundante em todos os itens relacionados e, alternativamente, concordância não redundante, com marca obrigatória no determinante ou no pronome possessivo. A saliência fônica, uma propriedade vinculada ao contraste de material fônico quando comparadas as formas singular e plural de um dado item, tem sido apontada na literatura como um fator relevante na alternância entre essas regras. Investigamos aqui experimentalmente o papel desse fator na realização morfofonológica da concordância nominal. Reportamos dois experimentos de produção eliciada conduzidos com falantes adultos, o primeiro utilizando nomes reais e o segundo pseudo-nomes. Os resultados revelam diferenças significativas em virtude da regra empregada - com tempos de reação maiores na condição não redundante - e não permitem sustentar um efeito de saliência nos termos em que esse fator é tradicionalmente caracterizado. A tonicidade da sílaba que carrega o morfema de plural parece ser, no entanto, relevante na alternância entre as regras.
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Koester, Dirk, Th C. Gunter, S. Wagner, and A. D. Friederici. "Morphosyntax, Prosody, and Linking Elements: The Auditory Processing of German Nominal Compounds." Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 16, no. 9 (November 2004): 1647–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0898929042568541.
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The morphosyntactic decomposition of German compound words and a proposed function of linking elements were examined during auditory processing using event-related brain potentials. In Experiment 1, the syntactic gender agreement was manipulated between a determiner and the initial compound constituent (the “nonhead” constituent), and between a determiner and the last constituent (“head”). Although only the head is (morpho)syntactically relevant in German, both constituents elicited a left-anterior negativity if its gender was incongruent. This strongly suggests that compounds are morphosyntactically decomposed. Experiment 2 tested the function of those linking elements which are homophonous to plural morphemes. It has been previously suggested that these indicate the number of nonhead constituents. The number agreement was manipulated for both constituents analogous to Experiment 1. Number-incongruent heads, but not nonhead constituents, elicited an N400 and a subsequent broad negativity, suggesting that linking elements are not processed as plural morphemes. Experiment 3 showed that prosodic cues (duration and fundamental frequency) are employed to differentiate between compounds and single nouns and, thereby, betwen linking elements and plural morphemes. Number-incongruent words elicited a broad negativity if they were produced with a single noun prosody; the same words elicited no event-related potential effect if produced with a compound prosody. A dual-route model can account for the influence of prosody on morphosyntactic processing.
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Saeed, Feras. "Verbal Anti-Agreement with Non-Human DPs." International Journal of English Linguistics 9, no. 5 (September 6, 2019): 362. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v9n5p362.
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This paper examines the unexpected verbal anti-agreement with non-human plural subjects in Standard Arabic. In this language, when the plural subject denotes non-humans, the verb fails to establish plural agreement with that subject. Non-human DPs refer to nominals which denote any animate life-form other than humans as well as all inanimate entities. In this paper, I provide two competing analyses to account for this phenomenon. In the first analysis, I build on the assumption (Mohammad, 2000) that preverbal subjects in this language are Topics and argue that the singular number marker on the anti-agreeing verb is the result of establishing partial agreement with the non-human subject in its base-position before movement/dislocation to TopP. In the second account, I borrow Corbett’s (2004) notion of ‘individuated nominals’ where it is assumed that plural nominals can either refer to collective individuals or distinct individuals; subsequently the intended referent dictates agreement on the verb. Hence, I argue that non-human plural subjects are collective nominals that are not individuated, therefore they are inherently singular and the plural marker in this case carries morphosyntactic information that does not affect the inherently imposed singular feature.
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Canta, Agnesa. "A Contrastive Analysis of the Category of Number in English and Albanian Nominal System." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 32 (November 30, 2016): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n32p33.
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English and Albanian as members of the Indo-European trunk of languages undoubtedly share certain characteristics, common for all members of this family of languages, but as two structurally different languages, they also show significant differences. The main aim of this paper is to highlight not only some of the differences, but also similarities in regard to the grammatical category of number in English and Albanian nominal system. The paper is based on various English and Albanian grammar books, written by prominent authors, which provide an abundance of data examined through the contrastive method. The results indicate that nouns in these two languages show differences which concern several aspects of the grammatical category of number. Some of these differences concern the way these two languages treat nouns in the singular and plural number, the ways of forming the plural number, and their usage with articles and numerals. One essential difference, however, concerns the collective and compound nouns which show an almost complete discrepancy in these two languages due to the ways they write these nouns, and the ways these nouns function in these languages. Nevertheless, in spite of the differences, there are also some similarities that concern mainly the ways of forming the plural number, but also the group of nouns used only in the singular called “singularia tantum”, and those used only in the plural “pluralia tantum”.
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Baló, Márton A. "Variation in the nominal morphology of Northern Vlax Romani." Word Structure 14, no. 1 (March 2021): 25–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/word.2021.0179.
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The present paper discusses two particular instances of variation in the nominal morphology of Northern Vlax Romani varieties as spoken in Hungary: the masculine oblique base and the feminine plural oblique base. The discussion is conducted in an analogical framework, relying only on surface forms and their relationships, using the notion of schemas ( Booij 2010 ), and taking it one step further. When there is a ‘weak point’ in the grammar of a language, variation may emerge and pattern-seeking may begin; the pattern-seeking processes can be interpreted and explained with reference to possible analogical connections among surface forms.
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Ansah, Mercy Akrofi. "A Grammatical Description of Leteh Nominal Morphology." Studies in African Linguistics 50, no. 2 (September 18, 2021): 346–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v50i2.125661.
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Abstract: The paper describes Leteh nominal morphology within the framework of Basic Linguistic Theory (Dixon 2010; Dryer 2006). The nominal morphology is described in the context of two phenomena: number marking and noun classification. Leteh is a South-Guan language from the Niger-Congo family of languages. The morphology of Leteh is largely agglutinative. Güldemann and Fiedler (2019) argue that current analyses of gender systems are heavily influenced by those in Bantu languages and not cross-linguistically applicable. They propose an alternative analysis that includes the notions agreement class and nominal form class. In this paper I adopt the notion of nominal form class to classify nouns in Leteh. The nouns are grouped into four major classes based on the plural morphemes that they take. These classes are subdivided based on the singular forms with which they are paired. Key words: verbal prefixes, Kwa, tense/ aspect, negation, person, mood, motion Note: Changes were made to the title and abstract of this article after publication, on 9/20/2021.
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Pereira, Bruna Karla. "Nump and Possp in Dialectal Brazilian Portuguese." Revista Diadorim 19 (October 30, 2017): 72–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35520/diadorim.2017.v19n0a13578.
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In standard Brazilian Portuguese (BP), as well as in other Romance languages, possessives have uninterpretable number features, which are valued via nominal agreement. However, dialects of BP, especially the one spoken in Minas Gerais, have shown that 2nd person possessives, in postnominal position, do not have number agreement with the noun. In order to account for these facts, I will argue that, in this grammar, number features on 2nd person possessives are reanalyzed as being: (i) associated with the person (rather than the noun) and (ii) valued. From the frst postulation, ‘seu' is expected to be the possessive for 2nd person singular, and ‘seus' for 2nd person plural. From the second postulation, no number concord is expected to be triggered on the possessive. In addition, based on Danon (2011) and Norris (2014), I will argue that cardinals divide BP DPs into two domains in that phrases located above NumP are marked with the plural morpheme, while phrases below it are unmarked. In this sense, because prenominal possessives precede cardinals (NumP), they must be marked with the plural morpheme for nominal agreement; whereas postnominal possessives, which follow NumP, must be unmarked. Free from the plural marking associated with nominal agreement, postnominal 2nd person possessives favor the reanalysis of the morpheme ‘-s' as indicating the number associated with person features.
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Li, Qunying, and Cristina Maria Moreira Flores. "Conhecimento Implícito e Explícito da Flexão Nominal e Verbal em Português Língua Não Materna. Um Estudo sobre Aprendentes Chineses." Diacrítica 33, no. 2 (December 16, 2019): 252–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/diacritica.423.
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A flexão verbal e nominal é um domínio resistente à plena aquisição no processo de aprendizagem de português língua segunda (PL2) por parte de alunos chineses. O presente trabalho dedica-se ao estudo do grau de conhecimento implícito e explícito da flexão nominal e verbal de PL2 em aprendentes chineses com elevado nível de proficiência, utilizando dois instrumentos de recolha de dados aplicado a um grupo de 15 informantes. Os resultados confirmam que: i) as causas fundamentais das falhas de flexão verbal e nominal são o baixo conhecimento implícito e o processamento desse conhecimento no ato de produção de fala; ii) os falantes têm elevado conhecimento explícito das estruturas analisadas; iii) no caso da flexão nominal, existe uma tendência marcada para substituir o plural pelo singular para substituir o feminino pelo masculino; iv) no caso da flexão verbal, existe a tendência para substituir o pretérito perfeito ou imperfeito do indicativo pelo presente do indicativo, e a tendência de substituir a terceira pessoa do plural pela terceira pessoa do singular; v) existe um desequilíbrio em termos de nível de desenvolvimento do conhecimento implícito das diferentes categorias.
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Mihas, Elena. "Nominalization patterns in Alto Perené, a Kampa Arawak language of Peru." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 71, no. 1 (March 26, 2018): 99–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2018-0005.
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AbstractThe paper investigates the inventory of nominalizing forms and examines restrictions on the morphosyntactic behavior of lexical and clausal nominalizations in Alto Perené (also called Ashéninka Perené), a Kampa Arawak language of Peru. It is shown that the deverbalization of lexical nominalizations is basically total. The substantivization cline of lexical nominalizations is characterized by various degrees of acquisition of nominal properties. Clausal nominalizations are found to retain aspect and realis marking and preserve argument structure. Clausal realis nominalizations display a variety of nominal characteristics such as spatial case, nominal plural number, and definiteness marking. Clausal irrealis nominalizations show highly restricted nominal properties. The relativization strategy is formed with the help of the participant nominalizers -riand -ni.
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de Schepper, Kees. "Against a minimal–augmented analysis of number." Linguistics in the Netherlands 29 (November 2, 2012): 134–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.29.11sch.
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Recently, it has been proposed that number on pronouns has minimal–augmented values instead of singular–plural values. This proposal leads to a split between nominal and pronominal number. I argue against this proposal as the pronominal paradigms of the world’s languages provide more evidence for a singular–plural analysis than for a minimal–augmented analysis.
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Barcelo Aspeitia, Axel Arturo. "Nominales cardinales como predicados colectivos." Cuadernos de Lingüística de El Colegio de México 8 (September 24, 2021): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/clecm.v8i0.137.
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Propongo un mecanismo semántico novedoso para explicar que cuando expresiones cardinales complejas como menos de diez meses o entre dos y cinco veces se combinan con predicados distributivos –pero no cuando se combinan con predicados no distributivos– imponen un límite cardinal superior. Mi explicación se basa en el simple hecho de que los predicados distributivos y los no distributivos tienen diferentes dominios de denotación y que, por lo tanto, cuando combinamos predicados de ambos tipos, es necesario hacer algún tipo de ajuste de dominio. Esto es exactamente lo que sucede cuando los predicados cardinales, –que no son distributivos– modifican pronominalmente algún predicado distributivo. Una vez que se reconoce esta necesidad de ajuste de dominio, el comportamiento de los términos cardinales complejos deja de ser desconcertante. Para realizar este ajuste de dominio, mi propuesta introduce un operador silencioso de totalización que asigna a toda propiedad plural distributiva P la propiedad plural colectiva de ser todos los Ps.
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Moreira, Letícia Alves, and Juliana Segadas Vianna. "A concordância nominal no português brasileiro falado em Nova Iguaçu." Caligrama: Revista de Estudos Românicos 23, no. 2 (August 31, 2018): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2238-3824.23.2.99-120.
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O objetivo deste artigo é analisar a concordância nominal de número de terceira pessoa do plural em uma variedade urbana do português do Brasil, com base na fala de 12 indivíduos naturais de Nova Iguaçu, com níveis fundamental, médio e superior de instrução, distribuídos, ainda, por duas faixas etárias e sexo. Com o objetivo de descrever essa variedade, o trabalho avalia as motivações de natureza estrutural e social segundo os pressupostos da Teoria da Variação e Mudança (WEINREICH; LABOV; HERZOG, 1968). Para tanto, o ponto de partida da investigação são os resultados apresentados por Brandão (2011, 2013), Brandão e Vieira (2012a, 2012b) e Vieira e Brandão (2014). Nossos resultados parecem apontar a grande influência das motivações sociais para o fenômeno variável nos dias de hoje.
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Neijt, Anneke, R. H. Baayen, and Robert Schreuder. "Formal and semantic constraints on the interpretation of the suffix ‑s in reading Dutch nominal compounds." Written Language and Literacy 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2006): 247–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.9.2.04nei.
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This study addresses the interpretation of a Dutch homonymic suffix, s, as it appears in Dutch compounds. In a series of reading experiments we manipulated the presence versus absence of this suffix in existing compounds as well as in compounds with a pseudoword as left constituent. We observed an asymmetry in the effects of addition and deletion, with deletion not affecting response latencies, and addition leading to increased identification latencies and, conditional on the phonological structure of the left constituent, to a plural interpretation of the left constituent. Our results illustrate how phonological and semantic constraints conspire to induce a plural interpretation of this homonymic suffix.
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Balykova, Kristina. "Quantificação e individuação em wa’ikhana." LIAMES: Línguas Indígenas Americanas 21 (April 29, 2021): e021003. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/liames.v21i00.8661280.
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O principal objetivo deste artigo é descrever as propriedades morfossintáticas básicas que permitem distinguir entre nomes massivos e contáveis na língua wa’ikhana (tukano oriental). A discussão, circunscrita ao nível do sintagma nominal, foca em três pontos: o número gramatical, quantificadores e o uso dos numerais como modificadores nominais. Como será mostrado, os nomes massivos se distinguem dos contáveis por não receberem os sufixos de número plural e não ocorrerem em construções com os numerais. Por outro lado, os massivos podem ser individuados e receber uma leitura contável ao se combinar com um sufixo classificador ou com o sufixo -do ‘3npl’. A distribuição dos quantificadores divide os nomes inanimados em 1) os contáveis e os massivos que denotam objetos e 2) os massivos que denotam substâncias granuladas e líquidas. Além da discussão acerca dos nomes contáveis e massivos, o artigo traz uma descrição do sistema numeral do wa’ikhana, abordando sua extensão, o grau da sua convencionalização e a interação entre os numerais e o número gramatical.
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Al-Rawi, Maather Mohammed. "On Independent Adjectives: A Syntactic Analysis of Arabic Adjectival Nominals." International Journal of Linguistics 8, no. 1 (February 22, 2016): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v8i1.8930.
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<p class="zhengwen"><span lang="X-NONE">In this study, I aim to investigate the ambiguity on the category of the non-modifying Arabic adjectives that occur independently without a modified noun and to provide an account for the following questions: (1) are independent adjectives in Arabic nouns or adjectives?; (2) do they undergo a deadjectivizing process?; and (3) if they do, at which layer in adjectival phases does nominalization take place? I attempt to investigate the bi-categorial nature of independent adjectives in Arabic showing that they are internally adjectival but externally nominal. This analysis postulates that these adjectives have undergone category-change by moving A to the nominalizer D, which has the abstract affix NOM. Semantically, the adjective becomes referential (or +[indiv(iduated)]) naming entities of certain attributes, rather than denoting the attribute. However, DP is not the mere layer at which category-change takes place. The category-change is observed to occur earlier than the DP layers as indicated by the subregularities in the adjective form. The plural morpheme indicates three layers of nominality: the lower nP, NumP, and DP. Adjectives that undergo a-to-n change are nominalized having singular nominal form. Adjectives that are nominalized in NumP are pluralized with the nominal broken plural, yet having a singular adjectival form. Finally, adjectives that are nominalized in the highest functional DP projection are marked with an adjectival sound plural morpheme. This analysis provides a neat account for the diversity in the adjective number form and is favored over the alternative assumption that adjectives in pro-drop languages drop the head noun.<strong></strong></span></p>
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Suchard, Benjamin D., and Jorik (F J. ). Groen. "(Northwest) Semitic sg. *CVCC-, pl. *CVCaC-ū-: Broken plural or regular reflex?" Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 84, no. 1 (February 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x2100001x.
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AbstractThis paper provides a new explanation for the insertion of *a in plural forms of *CVCC- nouns also formed with an external plural suffix, e.g. *ʕabd- : *ʕabad-ū- ‘servant(s)’, in various Semitic languages. This *CVCaC-ū- pattern is usually considered to be a remnant of the Proto-Semitic broken plural system in Northwest Semitic, but we show that it goes back to Proto-Semitic in this form. Internal evidence from Semitic as well as comparative evidence from Afroasiatic points towards a pre-Proto-Semitic plural suffix *-w- underlying the external plural suffixes. This suffix created a consonant cluster in the plural of *CVCC- nouns, triggering epenthesis of *a. As the prime example of broken plural formation in Northwest Semitic thus seems to be purely suffixal in origin, we conclude by briefly considering the implications for the history of nominal pluralization in Semitic.
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Déprez, Viviane. "Plurality and definiteness in Mauritian and Haitian creoles." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 34, no. 2 (November 25, 2019): 287–345. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00041.dep.
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Abstract In addition to plurality, creole plural morphemes impart an additional meaning of definiteness or specificity to the nominal expressions they mark. As of yet, there is no precise characterization either empirical or theoretical of the semantic/pragmatic dimensions they convey. Furthermore, the question of whether this added meaning is largely fixed across distinct creoles and plural morphemes, or subject to variations has never been examined. With the goal of bringing new insights intothese questions, this paper reports the results of a comparativestudy of the properties of two creole plural morphemes in two distinct French-lexifier creoles, Haitian Creole (HC) and Mauritian Creole (MC). Besides relying on native speaker intuitions, a detailed comparative qualitative and quantitative study of the uses of these plural morphemes was conducted in a textual corpus in two adaptations of the story of the Little Prince by Antoine De St Exupery, in Haitian Creole and in Mauritian Creole respectively. The results of this comparative investigation clearly demonstrate that the use of plural morphemes in the two creoles, though similarin a number of respects, also differ quite systematically. We observe that the distinctions noted closely mirror the uses of the singular definite marker ‘la’ bv’ also argued to subtly diverge in these two creoles (Wespel 2008, Déprez 2016, in preparation). The paper analyzes this mirroring effect as a consequence of the positions that the plural morphemes come to occupy in the nominal structure and of the way the structure building operations are constrained in the different creoles. Concretely it is argued that the plural morphemes come to derivationally occupy the position of definite articles in each of the languages, and that this derivational process is obligatory in Haitian Creole due to the pronominal nature of its plural morpheme, but remains optional in Mauritian.
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Wójtowicz, Henryk. "Nazewnictwo eucharystyczne u św. Augustyna. Aspekt filologiczny." Vox Patrum 14 (September 8, 1988): 225–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.10692.
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Cruschina, Silvio. "Language contact and morphological competition: Plurals in central Sicily." Word Structure 14, no. 2 (July 2021): 174–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/word.2021.0186.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores the effects of language contact in the nominal morphology of central Sicilian dialects. In particular, this study is concerned with the contact-induced changes related to the distribution of three plural formatives that give rise to competition between different inflectional classes with respect to a number of lexemes. It is shown that sociolinguistic factors such as speaker age account for the distribution of the competing plural forms and the high degree of variation. As a consequence, a slow and gradual change is leading to the disappearance of the plural form that has no equivalent in the contact language, that is, in Italian.