Journal articles on the topic 'Poets, Estonian'

The idea of Estonia’s cultural and national self-sufficiency emerged in the nineteenth century. The contribution of writers and poets was essential to this development. Literature anticipated not only cultural, linguistic, and artistic, but also the economic and political emancipation of Estonians. Cultural practices leading to this emancipation were largely based on Baltic German models; many key elements to the independent Estonian national identity are of foreign origin. On the one hand, the nineteenth-century nationbuilding could therefore be described as self-colonization. On the other hand, it rather created a new nation than transformed a preexisting one, since the very concept of national identity was introduced by this process. Through various political and cultural upheavals, the most influential authors from this seminal period of the Estonian modern culture have remained iconic to this day. The traditional identification with them is so strong that the tentative origins of the nation and the identitary struggles of the national poets themselves may often be forgotten and the personal and individual nature of their contribution downplayed.

This paper is part of a project aimed to analyse the rhythm of Estonian binary verse metres. It is the first complex analysis of Estonian syllabic-accentual iamb. The analysis is comprised of poetry by 20 prominent authors from the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, and, all in all, more than 9000 verse lines. In order to find out which regularities are specific to poetry in general or to a particular poet, these data were compared with pseudoiambic segments extracted from prose. Differently from the earlier studies, stress is treated as a phenomenon of gradation, with altogether five different degrees of stress distinguished. The performed study showed that the rhythmical structure of iambic poems allows the clear distinction between two groups of poets, whom we conditionally call Traditionalists and Modernists.

The article begins by explaining the background of sea motifs, which can be understood as sublime in the classical theory of arts, beginning with Pseudo-Longinus and continuing with Boileau and Burke, and the re-visitation of Aristotelian theory by the latter. This part of the article focuses on the observations of grandeur, dramatic change and danger in nature, which were defined as sublime in antiquity (based on examples from Homer and Genesis in Longinus or the Gigantomachy motifs in ancient art), as well as on the role of emotion (pathos) in the Sublime. The Renaissance and Early Modern Sublime reveal the continuation of these trends in Burke’s theories and the landscape descriptions of Radcliffe in the Mysteries of Udolpho. In the latter, we also see a quotation from Beattie’s Minstrel, whose motif of a sea-wrecked mariner represents the same type of sublime as Wordsworth’s Peele Castle (which, in its turn, was inspired by a painting by Sir George Beaumont). This sublimity is felt by human beings before mortal danger and nature’s untamed and excessive forces. In German poetry and art such sublimity can be seen in the works of Hölderlin or Caspar David Friedrich. However, 16th and 17th century poetry and painting rarely focused on such sublimity and preferred the more classical harmonia discors, in which ruins or the sea were just a slight accent underlining general harmony.The article continues, focusing on the sea motifs in Estonian art and poetry. In Estonian art (initially created by Baltic Germans), the reflections of the magnificent Sublime in the paintings by August Matthias Hagen can be seen as the influence of Caspar David. In poetry, we see sublime grandeur in the ode called Singer by the first Estonian poet, Kristjan Jaak Peterson, who compared the might of the words of future Estonian poets to stormy torrents during a thunderstorm, in contrast to the Estonian poetry of his day, which he compared to a quiet stream under the moonlight. The grandeur, might and yearning for sublimity is reflected in the prose poem Sea (1905) by Friedebert Tuglas, who belonged to the Young Estonia movement. This movement was more interested in modernity and city life than in romantically dangerous or idyllic landscapes. However, the main trends of Estonian poetry seem to dwell on idyllic landscapes and quietly sparkling seas, as for example, in a poem by Villem Ridala or sea landscape by Konrad Mägi. We also see this type of sublimity at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries in the soundscapes of the sea by Ester Mägi or paintings by Aili Vint.After World War II, the influence of the romantic ode genre and sublime can be seen in a translation of Byron’s Stanzas for Music (1815) by Minni Nurme (1950). In Byron’s gentle, sweet and serene picture of a lulled and charmed ocean, the underlying dimension of the divine, and the grandeur and power of the music is not expressed explicitly. Nurme tries to bring the translation into accord with the ode genre, thereby causing a shift from the serene to the grand sublime, by focusing on the depth of water and feelings, the greatness of the ocean, and most of all, the rupture of the soul, which has been the most important factor in the sublime theory of Pseudo-Longinus. Her translation also seems influenced by her era of post-war Soviet Estonia (so that Byron’s allusions to the divine word have been replaced by the might of nature). In the same period, Estonia’s most vivid description of the romantic sublime appears in the choral poem Northern Coast (1958) composed by Gustav Ernesaks, with lyrics by another Estonian poet, Kersti Merilaas.Coastline in a leap, on the spur of attacking; each other tightly the sea and the land here are holding The rocky banks, breast open to winds, are hurling downwards the pebbles and chunks. Its adversary’s waves now grasp for its feet, gnawing and biting into the shores. Stop now! No further from here, neither of you can proceed any more! Full of might is the sea, more powerful is the land.

The Estonian poet, physician and politician Johannes Vares-Barbarus (1890–1946) is a contradictory figure in Estonian history and culture. He was a well-known and acknowledged doctor named Vares, but also a poet named Barbarus who was notable for his modernistic poems in the 1920s and 1930s. His actions in the 1940s as one of the leading figures in the Sovietization of Estonia have complicated the reception of his poetry. His opposition to the Republic of Estonia and his left-wing views are nearly always under observation when he or his poems are discussed. Predominantly his poetry has been discussed; his other works have received much less attention. This article analyses his travelogue Matkavisandeid & mõtisklusi (Travel Sketches and Contemplations) based on his trip to the Soviet Union. It was published in the literary magazine Looming in 1935 and reprinted in 1950 in his collected works. Travelogues have proven to be valuable materials when discussing the author and his mentality. The article analyses the image of the Soviet Union in his travelogue published in 1935 and discusses notable changes that were made in the reprint some of which have significantly altered the meaning, so that the text fits perfectly into the Soviet canon.

There is hardly any doubt that most turning points in the history of small and minor literatures have been provoked from the outside, in the first place under direct influence of some new current engendered and spread from “centers”, traditionally identified with major nations and linguistic communities. As compared with small nations, creative cultures of “centers” have historically enjoyed much more freedom, because (more than often) under the coverage of political-economic and military might they have been able to develop without looming existential threats from the outside. At the same time, no culture is inherently homogeneous. Especially since the Modern Age conformist and rebellious creativity have been in a constant state of confrontation as well as mutual interactivity. Therefore, the history of cultural creativity is full of paradoxes and surprises, both in “centers” and “peripheries”. Creative culture has nearly always retained at least a relative independence, in regard to the official society with its material power and business structures. I would like to show that beyond a huge number of intertextualities extending from “centers” to “peripheries” (the physical and mental locus of small and minor cultures), easily traceable in formal and external signs of literary works, there exists in parallel a phenomenon which could be tentatively defined as “transgeniality”. I will try to reveal some of such transgenialities comparing the poetics and philosophy of (mainly) three poets, the Spaniard Antonio Gamoneda (born in 1931), the Yi-Chinese poet Jidi Majia (born in 1961) and the Estonian poet Juhan Liiv (1864–1913).

Kirjandusteadlaste ja arvutilingvistide koostöös katseprojektina valminud Johannes Semperi ja Johannes Barbaruse kirjavahetuse korpus on nii kirjanduslooliselt kui tekstilingvistiliselt huvipakkuv digitaalandmestik. Kirjandusteadlastele avab kaasaegsete digitaalsete meetodite kasutuselevõtt huvitavaid uurimisperspektiive ja vanade uurimistulemuste ülekontrollimise võimalusi arvutuslike meetoditega. Korpuslingvistidele on aga väljakutseks ajaloolise ja isikupärase keelekasutusega, erinevatest keeltest kubiseva ja rohkete koha-, aja- ja isikuviidetega tekstimaterjali ettevalmistamine rikkalikult märgendatud korpuseks. Artikkel peatub üksikasjalikumalt nii käsikirjalise materjali digitaalseks tekstiandmestikuks ettevalmistamise kui ka analüüsi- ja märgendamisprotsessi probleemidel ja nende võimalikel lahendustel. Kasutajatele tutvustatakse ka korpuste päringusüsteemi KORP võimalusi sarnaste tekstide uurimiseks. Abstract. Marin Laak, Kaarel Veskis, Kadri Vider, Neeme Kahusk, and Olga Gerassimenko: Turning from digital document to text corpus: conversion of correspondence between Semper and Barbarus to a machine-readable unit in KORP. The article describes a joined pilot project of literary scholars and language technologists that resulted in a correspondence corpus of Estonian avant-garde poets Johannes Semper and Johannes Barbarus. The corpus is an inspiring digital dataset both for literary and linguistic researches. Contemporary digital methods allow literary scholars to find new interesting research perspectives and to revise the old research results with computational methods. Corpus linguists can find interesting challenges in historically and personally unique language use of the correspondents, in multiple languages used for citations and language play, in multiple references to places, events and persons in the textual material that was transformed to an annotated corpus. The article describes the preparation of typed-in manuscript material for a digital dataset in detail, problems of annotation and analysis and their possible solutions. The reader will get an insight to the possibilities that corpus query system KORP offers for the research of similar textual material.

The article is based on manuscripts as well as sound and video recordings on folk medicine collected during fieldwork conducted by the researchers of the Estonian Folklore Archives in 1991–2013 from Estonians born and raised in different Siberian Estonian communities. The ancestors of the visited Estonians had either left their homeland in search of land in the last decades of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries or were descendants of those deported and exiled by the Russian tsarist authorities in the first half of the 19th century. Fieldwork at Siberian Estonians in the last decade of the 20th century enriched the Estonian Folklore Archives with invaluable lore material, including the material related to folk medicine. Although the advance of the state medicine system with small hospitals and first aid posts had reached Siberian villages half a century before, and the activity of healers had been banned for decades, the collectors were surprised by the number of healers in villages and the extent of the practical use of folk medicine. The folk medicine tradition was upheld mostly by older women (as was the case also with other fields of lore), which resulted, on the one hand, from the demographic situation, and, on the other hand, from women’s leading position in the preservation of communal traditions. In the older Siberian Estonian communities, which had been established by the deportees (e.g. Ülem(Upper)-Suetuk, Ryzhkovo), it was believed that healing words and skills were available and could be learned by anyone; they were often compared to God’s word. Some people thought that knowledge and skills could only be shared with those younger than yourself. In the villages established by exiles people were considerably more cautious about passing on healing words and the like. In most villages with southern Estonian background, healing charms were kept in secret, as it was believed that when sharing their knowledge, the healers would lose their abilities. It was only at their death’s door that the healers selected their successor. Not all the people who were offered to learn the healing skills were ready to accept the responsibility. The first or last child in the family was thought to have more prerequisites for becoming a good healer. In the first decade of the 21st century, the situation with passing on the healing words and skills had changed considerably in older Siberian villages. Many of the healers had passed away, and there were not enough young people who were interested in continuing the tradition. So the healing skills inevitably concentrated into the hands of a few wise women. Currently, the folk healing tradition in Siberian Estonian communities is fading away, above all, due to the fast aging and diminishing of the communities.

Abstract We describe the use of secure multi-party computation for performing a large-scale privacy-preserving statistical study on real government data. In 2015, statisticians from the Estonian Center of Applied Research (CentAR) conducted a big data study to look for correlations between working during university studies and failing to graduate in time. The study was conducted by linking the database of individual tax payments from the Estonian Tax and Customs Board and the database of higher education events from the Ministry of Education and Research. Data collection, preparation and analysis were conducted using the Share-mind secure multi-party computation system that provided end-to-end cryptographic protection to the analysis. Using ten million tax records and half a million education records in the analysis, this is the largest cryptographically private statistical study ever conducted on real data.

The report features the letters of «the King of Poets» Igor Severjanin (written in 1941) and his wife Vera Korendi (written in 1956) to the poet Vsevolod Rozhdestvenskij, sent from Estonia to Leningrad and stored in his archive. They highlight certain circumstances from the last year of Igor Severjanin’s life.

Criteria for the selection of judges should be objective and the selection process should be transparent in order to secure the independence of the judiciary. It would be natural to assume that the authoritarian governance in Estonia from 1934 to 1940 affected the independence of the judiciary. The article discusses criteria that were applied to the selection of judges during that period, how objective the criteria were and how transparent the selection process was. In 1934, there were 166 judges and investigating judges in three levels of the civilian courts in Estonia. This figure increased to 176 by the summer of 1940. There were close to 170 vacancies for judicial offices during the researched 6.5-year period. The process of application for vacancies, review of applications, and selection of candidates for appointment was prescribed by law and Supreme Court regulations. Judges were appointed by the head of state (the Prime Minister, later the President of the Republic). The head of state had a choice between two candidates (three from April of 1938) selected by the plenary of the Supreme Court. From 1938 onward, the President of the Republic could request up to three additional candidates. Before selecting the candidates, the Supreme Court consulted with lower courts and reviewed opinions given by the plenary of either the Court of Appeal or Circuit Courts. The process of selection was generally well documented. In around 80 per cent of cases, the head of state in 1933–40, Konstantin Päts, chose the first name on the list. In cases when he selected the second or third candidate, he did not explain his choice. There was an average of 6.4 candidates per vacancy during the researched period. The option introduced in 1938 of choosing from up to six candidates theoretically gave the executive branch the opportunity to select almost any applicant for the vacancy. In practice, Konstantin Päts required additional candidates only once, in January of 1940. Candidates had to meet several written and unwritten criteria. The law prescribed that Estonian citizens at least 25 years old with higher legal education could stand as candidates. Previous experience as a judge, prosecutor or lawyer ranging from four to ten years was required in most cases, and candidates had to have a clean criminal and personal solvency record. Unwritten criteria derived from the nature of the work of judges and from the text of the judicial oath. The latter required honesty, impartiality and loyalty to the Constitution. The unwritten criteria related to the qualifications, skills and capacity of the candidates (such as diligence, social communication skills, independence, addictions, health condition, Estonian language skills and even academic achievements) or to their integrity. In the selection process, all the unwritten criteria were applied. When a judge applying for a vacancy had some issues with the criteria (e.g. was deemed too slow or ineffective, not independent enough, or not smooth enough in communication), his progress was usually slower. Nevertheless, judges were always preferred over external applicants, with the exception of prosecutors. Prosecutors and judges had equal opportunities to be selected, while lawyers and notaries were left aside in the selection process. The ethnic origin or political views of the applicants were sometimes reviewed, but they did not play a major role in the selection process. Few ethnically non-Estonian judges (Russians or Germans) were turned down because of their weak Estonian language skills. As the research period begins with the coup staged in 1934 by Konstantin Päts and his allies against the League of Veterans’ of the Estonian War of Independence, the fate of judges who supported the League is of special interest. League members expelled from the judiciary or preparatory service of the judiciary were never selected. However, judges who were once members or supporters of the League, were selected and appointed to higher posts. In summary, the applied selection criteria were generally objective and there was no discrimination on grounds of ethnic origin or political views of judges applying for vacancies. While the selection process was transparent, the appointment of judges (i.e. selection from among the last 2–3 candidates by the head of state) was not.

Abstract TLS, and SSL before it, has long supported the option for clients to authenticate to servers using their own certificates, but this capability has not been widely used. However, with the development of its Push Notification Service, Apple has deployed this technology on millions of devices for the first time. Wachs et al. [42] determined iOS client certificates could be used by passive network adversaries to track individual devices across the internet. Subsequently, Apple has patched their software to fix this vulnerability. We show these countermeasures are not effective by demonstrating three novel active attacks against TLS Client Certificate Authentication that are successful despite the defenses. Additionally, we show these attacks work against all known instances of TLS Client Certificate Authentication, including smart cards like those widely deployed by the Estonian government as part of their Digital ID program. Our attacks include in-path man-in-the-middle versions as well as a more powerful on-path attack that can be carried out without full network control.

AbstractFor explaining the dispersed extreme right movements that are presently flourishing in the online sphere, British historian and political theorist Roger Griffin has elaborated the concept of groupuscular right. The groupuscular right can be characterized by the non-hierarchic and the rhizomatic structure of intra-groupuscular communication. Our study on Estonian groupuscular right complements it with the ideas of cultural semiotics that help to explicate self-descriptions of particular groupuscular nodes (e.g., blog posts) but also to analyze their relations with other extreme right groupuscules and with the radical online sphere as a whole. Although the extreme right’s communication has become more heterogeneous in its form and content, it is still possible to distinguish central and peripheral meanings. Our approach allows us to understand a seemingly paradoxical problem: why, despite of the plurality of different view-points available on the web, are groupuscular communications still dominated by strict and homogeneous ways of modeling information.

This study explored Estonian teachers’ perceptions and practices about student-teacher interaction on Facebook. Four focus group interviews with high-school teachers (n=21) revealed that educators are used to monitoring their students’ posts on Facebook and consider it their role to intervene whenever something inappropriate is posted. Teachers viewed such social media surveillance as a routine and harmless practice which does not violate students’ privacy. The participants of our study do not see any need for formal social media policies to regulate student-teacher interaction on social media, as they consider themselves perfectly capable of making ethical choices in this realm.

AbstractMany changes have appeared in year 2015. In Europe economic malaise has continued since debt crisis started in year 2010, and although its effects on Northern Europe have started to diminish, new economic dark clouds have appeared through sanctions set by both European Union and Russia to each other during year 2014. Together with these, shipping sector has been under pressure due to strict sulphur regulation implemented from early 2015 onwards in the entire Baltic Sea Region. Due to these factors, sea ports at Baltic Sea have been under pressure during the first months of 2015, this particularly concerning container handling. Based on our regression model forecast, Estonia and Port of Tallinn shall have clearly declining container handling year ahead. However, overall handling at sea port is not so easy to forecast.

Semi-structured individual interviews with 14 Estonian mothers and their children (aged 9–13 years) pairs who had ‘friended’ each other on Facebook were carried out to study pre-teens’ and parents’ reflections and experiences regarding information disclosures and sharenting on Facebook. We wanted to know what kind of information mothers shared about their children on Facebook and how the children perceived and reacted to such posts. Our findings indicated that there was a major discrepancy in the parents’ and children’s views about whether a parent should ask for permission to upload child-related content on social media. Pre-teens were often frustrated by their mothers’ sharenting practices, which led to privacy boundary turbulence between parents and the children. Raising the awareness of parents is crucial as children not only feel a need to negotiate the terms of acceptable information sharing with their parents but also expect their parents to respect their views on the topic.

The article States that the organization of activities and management of commercial ports in Estonia is organized on the basis of the law on ports and the law on commercial sea transport in the current version. The port of Tallinn received its modern legal organization in 2018 with the formation of the corresponding joint-stock company and registration on the Nasdaq Tallinn exchange on June 13, 2018. the Basic regulations governing the system of its higher management are the «Regulations on the Association of Aktiaselts Tallinn Sadam» and «Rules of procedure of the Supervisory Board of Aktiaselts Tallinn Sadam». In them set out the procedure for possession and use of the stock of this company, Supervisory Board, management Board and other bodies working on permanent and temporary foundations; requirements for Board members.

Vaccine hesitancy as a great health risk is related to trust in healthcare providers’ recommendations and provider-parent interaction. The negative image of doctors and their motives may hinder open communication and trustful relationship. As the role of the internet as a source for health information and emotional support has become significant, social media discussions about health and medicine provide valuable opportunities to observe the formation of critical attitudes towards doctors and medicine. This article examines representations of medical specialists in an Estonian vaccine-critical public Facebook group. On the forum, doctors are depicted as dumb and blind believers who operate in a wrong paradigm and are not able to see the full and accurate picture of “real health”. According to the group rhetoric, doctors’ willingness to help parents and children is limited as they depend on a broader exploitive medical system or Big Pharma. As medical specialists are not trustworthy and do not take any responsibility, parents feel that they must closely control all the actions. The group members believe that it is better not tell the truth to doctors and, if necessary, to threaten them with law enforcement. Many of the forum posts are very emotional, illustrating the heavy burden parents perceive in taking vaccine-related decisions. The ridiculing of medical specialists has an empowering effect on patients to feel more in control. Forum posts emphasize common belonging and shared concerns. Therefore, social media is not only a stage for vaccine information but an active factor contributing to the circulation of meanings and enabling emotional support and community formation.

The history of the (we)blog shows that this online genre can be evaluated as an excellent source of data for qualitative research of various problems. Some authors (e.g. Hookway 2008) even consider the blog as a research technique for exploring certain questions which deal with people’s everyday practices. This article presents the results of a case study, which are based on content analysis of a personal blog (diary blog). The study grew out of the premise that the blog owners’ posts and their readers’ comments can shed some light on ground-breaking events and social processes at both the local and global levels, which in turn can influence the bloggers’ behaviour in various ways. The source of the current study was a personal blog titled “Maha äng” (“Down with angst”), the owner of which is poet and writer Triinu Meres a.k.a. väga väga naine (very very woman). The aim was to find out whether and, if yes, then how the corona crisis has changed the blogging behaviour as an integral part of everyday life of one particular blogger. The focus was on posts and comments entered in 2020, often called the year of corona due to the global pandemic. To illuminate possible changes in blogging behaviour, the 2020 posts were analysed in the context of earlier posts archived in 2008–2019. For comparison, the Health Board’s blog was used, which documented the course of the corona crisis chronologically with factual accuracy, as well as dailies in Estonian and English. The results of the study showed that in 2020 the number of posts and the activity of commenters in Triinu Meres’ personal blog did not increase and that the corona crisis did not become the dominant topic in comparison with the blogger’s personal crisis often covered in her blog. The posts revealed some signs that suggest boredom with the corona crisis as a topic of conversation which seemed to be over-exploited by various media channels.

Baltic Seaports are a part of the sustainable global transport infrastructure. The main competitors of the Baltic countries in Baltic Sea region are the ports of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. The ports of all three Baltic States are important transit corridors, connecting not only East and West, but also South and North. Periodical investments, modernization, and the construction of new terminals allow the Port of Klaipeda to successfully compete with neighbouring ports and strive for leadership positions. Thus, the aim of our study is to investigate the competitive environment of the Baltic Sea region. We use systematization, grouping, summarization of the scientific literature, data collection, comparison, financial analysis, and capacity calculation. The main results show that the Port of Klaipeda, a seaport on the eastern Baltic coast, is an important hub of the East-West (IXB) transport corridor, connecting roads and sea routes in this direction. With the accession of new members, including Lithuania, to the EU in 2004, the Baltic Sea became the internal Sea of the Union. Many Baltic seaports belong to the same system and organizations (ESPO, BPO). EU ports policy provides them with equal requirements for security, transport regulation, environmental protection, anti-air pollution, and sustainable development. The results obtained enable exploration perspectives. This includes a feasibility study for port development and attracting new investment from foreign capital markets in the Baltic Sea region.

Abstract The Gulf of Finland has one of the busiest shipping routes globally and is the main export channel for Russian oil and gas. The Russian Federation has not closed its territorial sea for the east-west passage of ships to and from its ports. However, it has blocked over the past dozen years the north-south passage of an Estonian-Finnish commercial ferry line that has not received the Russian Federation’s permission for crossing its territorial sea. The Russian Federation’s permit-based passage regime caused the closure of that ferry line in 2007 and reportedly still hinders its re-establishment. In this context, the Russian Federation’s practice on the right of innocent passage through its territorial sea in the Gulf of Finland resembles the Soviet Union’s practice prior to the 1989 Jackson Hole statement.

The 1772 cemetery reform of Catherine the Great, Empress of Russia, resulted in great changes in the cemetery culture of Russia’s Baltic provinces. The ban on burials in churches and the vicinity of churches resulted in the rapid development of cemetery parks outside of settlements. The strong political relations of Estonia’s manor owners with the Russian central government resulted in the nobles being given the privilege to establish burial plots in the churchyards, but in Livonia, this was strictly prohibited. Simultaneously with the parish cemeteries, the owners of private manors established family cemeteries on their manors. The new cemeteries were not only places to bury the dead, but, inspired by contemporary poets, they were seen as family altars, which were visited regularly and which was accessed by path that was attuned to contemplation.The cemetery is complex, which includes a garden, chapel and allée, and if possible, a body of water. Noble trees were planted along the path leading to the cemetery. Oaks were preferred, which due their mighty shape were considered to be the symbol of family and nobility. Influenced by the poetry of the Enlightenment, evergreens – silver firs, thuja trees, and spruces – were called “sad trees”. The French poet Jacques Delille, whose works were popular among the Baltic Germans, sees women as mourners. And many family cemeteries were established at the initiative of women. Examples of Ancient Greek architecture, in the form of temples with porticos or antas, or the small-scale copies of the Pantheon from Ancient Rome, dominated in cemetery architecture. The chapel was comprised of underground burial chambers and above-ground memorials. A so-called memorial altar was located in the end wall of the chapel, which have survived until the present day in a few places. The Barclay de Tolly monument is the most majestic in Estonia.Already in the 1830s, the family chapels became memorials and burials no longer took place there. However, chapels continued to be built until in Estonia until the early 20th century.

The article considers written Livonian language sources located in the Estonian Cultural History Archives of the Estonian Literary Museum and which linguists can use in their studies. The most extensive collection of Livonian language sources – around 1200 pages of unpublished texts – are located in the Oskar Loorits 175th fund. Estonian folklore researcher Oskar Loorits (1900–1961) visited Livonians for scientific purposes several times in the 1920s and 1930s and helped Livonians in their cultural efforts as well. Since most of his communication with Livonians consisted of letters, Loorits’ archive is a valuable information source not only about Livonian social and cultural life, but also about the Livonian language. There are lots of original Livonian poems and translations into Livonian in the 175th fund, too.Kokkuvõte. Renāte Blumberga: Liivi keele tekstid Eesti Kirjandusmuuseumi 175. ehk Oskar Looritsa fondis. Artikkel käsitleb Eesti Kirjandusmuuseumi kultuuriloolises arhiivis talletatud liivi keele kirjalikke allikaid, mida keeleteadlased saavad kasutada oma uurimustes. Kõige suurem liivi keeleallikate kogu, mis sisaldab umbes 1200 lehekülge publitseerimata tekste, on 175. ehk Oskar Looritsa fond. Eesti rahvaluuleuurija Oskar Loorits (1900–1961) külastas liivlasi mitmeid kordi teaduslikel eesmärkidel 1920. ja 1930. aastatel ning aitas samuti liivlasi nende kultuurilistes ettevõtmistes. Kuna tema suhtlemine liivlastega toimus ikkagi põhiliselt kirja teel, on Oskar Looritsa arhiiv väärtuslik infoallikas mitte ainult liivi ühiskondliku ja kultuurielu kohta, vaid ka liivi keele uurimiseks. Selles 175. fondis on ka rohkelt algupärast liivi luulet ja tõlkeid liivi keelde.Märksõnad: liivi keel, liivi murded, liivi keele kirjalikud allikad, liivi kirjanduse ajalugu, liivi kultuuriajalugu, Eesti arhiividKubbõvõttõks. Renāte Blumberga: Līvõ kīel tekstõd Ēsti Literatūrmuzēj 175. agā Oskar Loorits fondõs. Kēra um iļ līvõ kīel kēratõd ovātõd, mis ātõ Ēsti Literatrmuzējsõ kultūristōrij arhīvõs ja midā kēļnikād sōbõd kȭlbatõ eņtš tuņšlõkšis. Amā sūŗimi līvõ kīelovātõd kub, kus ātõ immõr 1200 līedpūoldõ ulzandõmõt tekstidi, um 175. fond agā Oskar Loorits fond. Ēsti folklōr tuņšliji Oskar Loorits (1900–1961) kei līvlizt jūsõ tieudlizt võttõkstõks setmiņ kõrdõ 1920. ja 1930. āigastis ja äbțiz ka līvliztõn nänt kultūrtīesõ. Ku Oskar Loorits kubbõpūtimi līvliztõks vȯļ pǟažālistõz kērakouţi, sīesõt um Oskar Loorits arhīv vǟrtli tīetovāt äb set iļ līvõ ītkub ja kultūr, bet ka līvõ kīel tuņšlimiz pierāst. Sīes 175. fonds um ka pǟgiņ irgizt līvõ lūolõ ja tulkõmidi līvõ kīelõ.

The article follows the narrative trend initiated by the social media posts and fake news during the first months of the corona quarantine, which claims that the decrease of contamination due to the quarantine has a positive effect on the environment and nature recovery. The author describes the context of the topic and follows the changes in the rhetoric through different genres, discussing the ways in which a picture can tell a truthful story. What is the relation between the context, truth, and rhetoric? This material spread globally, yet it was also readily “translated” into the Estonian context, and – what is very characteristic of the entire pandemic material – when approaching this material, truthful and fabricated texts, photos, and videos were combined. From the folkloristic point of view, these rumours in the form of fake news, first presented in the function of a tall tale and further following the sliding truth scale of legends, constitute a part of coping strategies, so-called crisis humour, yet, on the other hand, also a belief story presenting positive imagery, which surrounds the mainly apocalyptically perceived pandemic period and interprets the human existence on a wider scale. Even if these fake news and memes have no truth value, they communicate an idea – nature recovers – and definitely offer hope and a feeling of well-being.

This contribution deals with the macroeconomic legal trends in the Eastern member states of the European Union, so called EU11: Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. The paper discusses the development from the 1990s to nowadays, emphasizing the initial changes and the consolidation after the financial crisis. Therefore, the fiscal policy bears a major attention: fiscal and budgetary stability, government debts, fiscal controls (auditing and independent fiscal councils), for a more comprehensive overview, some ports of the monetary policy will be examined: national banks and price stability. The main aim of the contribution is to confirm or disprove the hypothesis that there is any identifiable or verifiable correlation between the legislation and the macroeconomic trends: sustainable balanced budget and government debt, economic growth, inflation. The research is based on law and economics, especially law and finance methodology with quantitative analysis, because of the cross-discipline nature of the topic. The paper contains some comparative statistics to evaluate the certain results upon figures, because it is even important to match the legal provisions with the economic performance.

State Duties - Portorium and Licence - in the Towns of the Swedish Baltic ProvincesThe early modern mercantilist state focused on developing and exercising control over industrial and agricultural production as well as engaging in economic activities involving internal and external trade while collecting taxes and customs duties in order to fill the treasury. In the 16th-17th centuries, rapidly developing Sweden was no exception. It was in constant need of funds to support its growing bureaucratic apparatus and its army. From 1561, additional funds had to be allocated to retain and govern its expanding overseas territories. Trade and agriculture were Sweden’s principal source of income from its Baltic provinces. Therefore, it was deemed important to create an environment conducive to trade in order to generate greater tax and custom s revenues for the state. The customs tariffs of the Baltic Sea towns as well as the common customs system in Tallinn, Narva and Nyen arose from the state’s interest in bringing Western European andRussian trade back to the Baltic Sea.The aim of the article is to look rnore closely at the state duties - portorium and licence fees, plus oktroy and Anlage duties in Riga - levied on goods in the ports of the Baltic provinces of the Swedish realm, mainly Estonia, Livonia and Ösel (Saaremaa). The archival sources used in this study are the published and unpublished laws of the Swedish central authorities and the customs and account books which survive from the 17th Century. Of these, the most important ones were special customs and license ledgers from Estonia, Livonia, Ingria and Ösel in which the state receipts for licence duties and portorium from Riga, Tallinn, Narva, Nyen, Pärnu, Haapsalu and Kuressaare were registered. Separate Anlage duty records were kept in Riga. From the early 1630s, the account books of the governorates (ledgers, verifications and journals) also included state customs receipts, but each province was considered as a whole, without distinguishing separate towns. Data on portorium receipts can also be found in the town council archives, as the state ceded a third or even half of the customs receipts to the local town councils.Customs duties constituted one-third of the state’s revenues in the province of Estonia and one half or more in Livonia. The most important state customs were the portorium and licence duty (and the Anlage duty in Riga). While portorium was gencrally divided equally with the town where it was collected, licence duty was retained by the state in its entirety. Lesser duties were collected under the name Ungelder, and theamount and volume o f these increased over time. Generally, portorium duty brought in less revenue than licence duty. Sea customs tariffs, whichoften differed from town to town, formed a complex System. From 1648, only Tallinn, Narva and Nyen constituted a common customs region with lower customs tariffs than in Riga and Pärnu.

Today, corruption remains a challenge for most post-socialist states. Unfortunately, this social pandemic was by and large inherited by these countries from the Soviet regime. A lot of representatives of that regime, who actually were the instigators of corrupt practices while governing a state, managed to keep their posts in power even after the regime change. In this way the representatives of the old regime facilitated further spread of corrupt practices in new governments. The research, conducted in cooperation with Professor Peter Rozic (USA), indicates an interesting phenomenon: lustration (in other words, the purge of government officials once affiliated with the Communist system) is indeed an effective mechanism to do away with corrupt legacy of a previous government. In the majority of post-socialist states (except for Albania and Bulgaria), where lustration was carried out in one form or another, we can observe a cleanup of the Soviet times instigators' corrupt practices in public authorities. Interestingly enough, nowadays, the corruption situation in these countries is considerably better than in those were lustration was not conducted. However, it is worth noting that lustration per se is not the panacea for corruption, but it does help to create a fertile ground and serves as a springboard for further anti-corruption measures and reforms. Yet what we see in Slovenia is, in fact, an obvious deviation from this pattern. Lustration was not carried out here. Nonetheless, the country is among the best anti-corruption performers and can be compared with Estonia, where lustration took place. Today, Estonia is ranked by Transparency International’s CPI as a top performer among all other post-Soviet and post-socialist states. We, therefore, decided to look deeper into Slovenian anti-corruption efforts made by the new democratic government after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and to understand the reasons underlying its success in this field. Our research findings indicate that the first factor, which sets this situation apart, was filtering out the government authorities that could bring corrupt relationships or practices of the old Soviet regime, and replacing them with representatives of the nationally-oriented elites. This kind of purge, supposedly complemented by the factor of a small territorial and demographic size, created the advantageous conditions for corruption to be contained right from the start before it would become widespread. The second factor was following the GRECO recommendations to take institutional and legal anti-corruption measures during the process of accession to the European Union. Another defining characteristic of Slovenia is a relatively high quality of the political and good governance principles implementation inherent to the polyarchic democracy, which allows for corruption to be dealt with and kept at low levels through constant civil checks and balances over decisions and actions of authorities.

The aim of this article is to draw attention to numerous historical court files kept in the archives. In addition to the information related directly to the lawsuits, those documents may also contain different kind of evidence valuable for other disciplines than the history of law. This case study focuses on the materials of a singular court case at the higher regional court (Oberlandgericht) of the province of Estland: the noble family Romanowitz sued 1667 Christoph Otto Grewe for conceiving their relative Anna Catharina Romanowitz sub spe matrimonii and demanded that those two should marry. Grewe was found guilty, and had either to marry Anna Catharina Romanowitz or to pay damages. We have no information whether they eventually married or not. Why does this particular seventeenth-century court fi le stand out? At first, it contains a handwritten poem dedicated to the name day of Anna Catharina Romanowitz – despite of its contemporary popularity there are only few seventeenth-century handwritten occasional poems left in the Estonian archives. Second, there are two letters of Grewe which may be interpreted as personal love letters or at least as highly flattering ones – again, there are not many of them preserved. Third, there is a letter from Anna Catharina Romanowitz, which is a rare case of a personal letter written by a noble woman. Fourth, letters written by the lawyers of both party and addressed to the court contain information about the reception of non-juridical literature, such as Roman authors Terence and Ovid, and highly popular novels, namely the medieval chivalric novel Amadis de Gaula and the pastoral novel The Countess of Pembroke’s Arcadia of Philip Sidney. Fifth, the letters of the lawyers may contain an early hint that the controversial work of René Descartes, Principia philosophiae, might have been known in province Estland in 1667. Sixth, these letters contain hints to several school disciplines, such as rhetoric and poetics, logic and philosophy. And seventh, most of the documents in this court file confirm and complement our knowledge about the general educational level of different social classes (noble women, common men, lawyers).

CONTENTS I. PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONSJurga Cibulskienė (Lithuania). Are Ideologies Reflected in Metaphors?...11Lara N. Sinelnikova (Russia). The Addresser as an Alter Ego of the Addressee...26 II. FACTS AND REFLECTIONSOleg N. Grinbaum (Russia). Chapter 3 in Pushkin’s Novel Eugene Onegin: Rhythm and Sense in Tatiana Larina’s Letter ... 43Jadvyga Krūminienė (Lithuania). Oscar Milosz as Translator: Playing Games with Memory... 55Magdalena Ożarska (Poland). 19th-Century Lake District as a Land of Tourists, Homemakers and Writers: a Selection of Writings by Dorothy Wordsworth, William Wordsworth and Harriet Martineau... 67Inga Bartkuvienė (Lithuania). Definitions of Nationality in the Theory of Homi K. Bhabha...79Mindaugas Grigaitis (Lithuania). Deconstruction of Jaques Derrida: Theoretical Postulates and Possibilities of Practice... 94Janusz Detka (Poland). Eastern Episode in Polish Poetry of 1955–1957... 106Kristina Bačiulienė (Lithuania). The Worldview of Marcelijus Martinaitis’ Collection of Poems K. B. Suspect... 120Yelena A. Nakhimova (Russia). Metaphorical Projection and Conceptual Integration in Political Communication... 130Anna Biyumena (Belarus). Verbs of Period and Existence in Political Discourse... 139Anna V. Vladimirova, Tatyana G. Skrebtsova (Russia). Discourse Strategies in Women and Men’s Glossies as a Reflection of Gender-Specific Behaviour... 148Joanna Bryła (Poland). Phraseological Units in Fashion Advertisements...159Michael Louis Bakalinsky (Ukraine). New Theory and Methodology of Social Dialect Studies: US Underworld Social Dialect as a Case in Point... 170Tatiana V. Poplavskaia, Tatiana I. Svistun (Belarus). The Interrelation between Types and Functions Abbreviations Perform in the Internet-Discourse... 186Vilhelmina Vitkauskienė (Lithuania). Review of Research Methods on Language E-Learning Interactions ...195Bernd Gliwa (Latvia), Daiva Šeškauskaitė (Lithuania). What Does Dievmedis (God’s Tree) Have in Common with God(s)?...205 III. OPINIONOlga Jagintseva (Estonia). The Ethnolinguistic and Etymological Aspects of the Noun Glyok ‘an Earthenware Jug’ ... 219 IV. OUR TRANSLATIONSPatrick Seriot (Switzerland). Oxymoran or Misundersanding. Anna Wierzbicka’s Universal Relativism of Natural Semantic Metalanguage. Part II. Translated by Vilhelmina Vitkauskienė... 227 V. SCIENTIFIC LIFE CHRONICLEBooks reviewsSaulius Lapinskas (Lithuania). MELNIKIENĖ, Danguolė, 2009. Dvikalbiai žodynai Lietuvoje: megastruktūros, makrostruktūros ir mikrostrutūros ypatumai... 233Eleonora Lassan (Lithuania). ЛАРИНА, Татьяна, 2009. Категория вежливости и стиль коммуникации. Сопоставление английских и русских лингвокультурных традиций... 237Galina Michailova (Lithuania). ЧЕРНЫХ, В. А., 2008. Летопись жизни и творчества Анны Ахматовой. 1889–1966... 241Barbarа Greszczuk (Poland). LUCIŃSKI, Kazimierz, 2009. Языковые заимствования и ментальность... 247 Announce ... 249 VI. REQUIREMENTS FOR PUBLICATION... 250 VII. OUR AUTHORS... 258

<p><strong>Resumen</strong></p><p>La escritora mejicana Rosario Castellanos (1925-1974) ansiaba otro modo de ser mujer y libre en la sociedad en la que le tocó vivir, convirtiéndose este deseo en el <em>leitmotiv</em> de su obra. En cuanto al amor, se dice que Castellanos estaba convencida de que no podría vivir sin que su marido la amara tanto como ella a él, tal y como ella misma parece indicar en <em>Cartas a Ricardo</em> (1994). La autora concluye uno de sus poemas más conocidos, “Meditación en el umbral”, con versos que incitan a la búsqueda de otros modos de ser, siendo mi propósito el de redireccionar ese registro a otros modos de amar. Para ello recurriré a la teoría postestructural de Luce Irigaray, quien hace que nos cuestionemos, al igual que hiciera Castellanos, nuestra identidad, pero que, a diferencia de la escritora mejicana, huye de buscar una respuesta definitoria y, en lo referente al amor, profundiza en la búsqueda de una cultura que modifique la condición de las relaciones amorosas. Y es que otros modos de ser y de amar son posibles.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Mexican writer Rosario Castellanos knew that other ways of being a woman and a free subject were possible, and it was this very desire that became the <em>leitmotiv</em> of her work. Regarding love, it has been said that Castellanos was convinced that it was impossible for her to live without the love of her husband, as she seems to underline in <em>Cartas a Ricardo</em> (1994). She concludes one of her well-known poems, “Meditación en el umbral”, with lines that encourage us to claim new ways of being. It is my purpose to redirect this aim towards new ways of loving within a romantic relationship. To do so I will use Luce Irigaray’s poststructuralist theoretical framework on love. This critic makes us question, as Castellanos did, our identity, but differs from the Mexican writer in trying to find an answer and, regarding love, deeply encourages us to deconstruct a culture which should modify romantic relationship stereotypes, since other ways of being and loving are possible.</p><br /><div id="SLG_balloon_obj" style="display: block;"><div id="SLG_button" class="SLG_ImTranslatorLogo" style="background: url('chrome-extension://mchdgimobfnilobnllpdnompfjkkfdmi/content/img/util/imtranslator-s.png'); display: none; opacity: 1;"> </div><div id="SLG_shadow_translation_result2" style="display: none;"> </div><div id="SLG_shadow_translator" style="display: none;"><div id="SLG_planshet" style="background: url('chrome-extension://mchdgimobfnilobnllpdnompfjkkfdmi/content/img/util/bg2.png') #f4f5f5;"><div id="SLG_arrow_up" style="background: url('chrome-extension://mchdgimobfnilobnllpdnompfjkkfdmi/content/img/util/up.png');"> </div><div id="SLG_providers" style="visibility: 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Teesid: 1920. aastal avaldas Marie Under eestikeelse tõlkevalimiku saksa uuemast lüürikast, milles suurim osakaal on ekspressionistlikel luuletajatel. Koos selle vaatlusega käsitleb artikkel Underi hinnangut ekspressionismile kui kultuurinähtusele ning ekspressionistlikke siirdeid kahes Underi luulekogus, „Verivalla“ ja „Pärisosa“. Luule tõlkimine võib toita luuletaja loomingulisi allikaid, kuid huvitavad on ka need juhtumid, kui luuletaja neist läbitöötatud vormidest lõpuks loobub. In 1920 Estonian poet Marie Under published an anthology of translations from recent German poetry, the largest number of which were expressionists. Most of the poems were chosen from Kurt Pinthus’ anthology Menschheitsdämmerung: Symphonie jüngster Dichtung, published in 1920, a carefully composed summa of German expressionist poetry. Under’s first examples of expressionist translations, published in the album of the Siuru group of poets in 1919 met with arch and scathing criticism, particularly on the level of style: ostensibly she had “beautified” expressionist rhetoric. She was not deterred, but persisted, and alongside the volume of translations published a short critical article on expressionism and its ethical dimension in the newspaper Tallinna Teataja, where she outlined Kurt Pinthus’ justifications for the composition and structuring of his edited anthology. This paper explores Under’s part in the cultural transfer of German expressionist lyric poetry into Estonian: her selections of authors and individual poems, the periodization of the movement through the table of contents, the emphases and omissions of the resultant whole. Secondly, and more importantly the paper investigates the impact of expressionist topics and rhetoric on Under’s two next volumes of poetry, Verivalla (Land of Blood, 1919–1920) and Pärisosa (Portion, 1920–1922). The main focus of this analysis is on Under’s lexical experiments and stylistic registers, and the lyric strategies she adopted based on three poets: Ernst Stadler, Georg Heym, and Else Lasker-Schüler

Teesid: Oktoobrirevolutsiooni järgne vene emigratsioon, mida teaduskirjanduses traditsiooniliselt nimeta takse esimeseks laineks, valgus mööda ilma laiali ning oli seninägematult arvukas, haarates kaasa miljoneid endise Tsaari-Venemaa elanikke. Sellele nähtusele on pühendatud tuhandeid humanitaartea duslikke, sotsioloogilisi, politoloogilisi jm uurimusi, mis kajastavad vene eksiilkultuuri eri tahke. Vene emigratsioon puudutas ka Eestit ning enamik käsitletud ilmingutest olid otseselt seotud siinse vene kogukonnaga, ent kohati väga erineva tähendusega. Käesoleva artikli eesmärk on lühidalt kirjeldada vene emigratsiooni sotsiaalset ja demograafilist struktuuri, selle keskusi, emigrantide rolli oma ja võõra kultuuri säilitamisel, põlvkondadevahelist aspekti, eelkõige kirjanduselus, ning haridusküsimusi. Lähemalt on käsitletud vene emigrantide rolli Eesti kultuuris muu maailma taustal. SU M M A R Y After the October Revolution a mass of emigrants, all citizens of the former Tsarist Russia dispersed in the world. In the scholarly literature this dispersal of upwards of a million people has come to be referred to as the first wave of Russian emigration. Thousands of scholarly articles from the humanities, sociology, political science and other disciplines have been devoted to various aspects of Russian exile culture: descriptions of exile cultural centres (including Paris, Berlin, Constantinople, Brazil, and the USA); various cultural phenomena (literature, film, theatre, fashion, journalism, art, etc.). As was true of the large part of Europe, the Russian emigration impacted Estonia, as it did across the rest of Europe; however, the fate of the Russian community in Estonia had strikingly original features. Some of these derived principally from Estonia’s position as a border state, as well as from the fact that even in the days of the Russian Empire, over 40000 Russians resided in Estonia. Theoretically, this should have made it easier for Russian emigrants to assimilate to Estonian conditions (for example, Russian schools existed from an earlier period, along with the requisite complement of teachers; Russian-language journalism existed, etc.). However, in reality, most of the promoters of local Russian culture emerged from among the emigrants, new settlers in Estonia.The purpose of this article is briefly to describe the social and demographic structure of the Russian emigration (military personnel will be treated separately) and the question of their legalization, which was solved in 1921 by the renowned Norwegian explorer Fridtjof Nansen. At his initiative, the Intergovernmental Conference of the representatives of 34 nations that met in Geneva adopted the designation refugee, which for the time being only referred to stateless people of Russian origin. The legitimation of these people as refugees was contingent on the acceptance of a statute confirming the use of a heretofore nonexistent International identity document, the so-called Nansen Certificate. This certificate enabled Russian emigrants to claim refugee status in several nations, which included the attribution of rights and freedoms equal to those of citizens of these nations. Approximately 450 000 Nansen Certificates were issued over a period of several years.The article contains brief descriptions of centres of exile, the circumstances and chronology of their foundation, the perceived role of emigrants in the preservation of their own culture and a culture foreign to them. The intergenerational conflict that occurred in cultural, in particular literary life is discussed. Among other topics considered are issues concerning publication, journalistic activity, and educational activities; a brief consideration is given to the positions of different nations on the support and preservation of Russian-language education. A very important influence on Russian emigration was Vladimir Lenin’s so-called „gift“— the expulsion of over 200 scholars from Soviet Russia in the year 1921.A special place is accorded in this article to the role of Russian emigrants in Estonian culture, including the role played by Russian cultural figures (scholars, military personnel, artists, etc.) in building up the young Estonian Republic. The most active participation of Russians was occasioned by the creation of Estonia’s own legal system. In addition, Russians participated in organizing the Estonian postal system and local transportation. The role of Russian emigrants in the development of the educational system of the Estonian Republic is also significant. The article describes the leadership provided by the local Russian community, particularly in the establishment in 1924 of the tradition of Russian cultural festivals, which was then disseminated globally in Russian exile culture.Brief consideration is given to local Russian culture and its importance in the development of Estonian culture. The most important facet of this was the Estonian ballet, born of Russian traditions and experience. Reportedly the first professional ballet troupe was assembled in Tallinn in 1918 by Sessy Smironina-Sevun, but the first actual ballet was performed in 1922, premiering with Coppelia, choreographed by the Moscow Bolshoi Ballet prima ballerina Viktorina Krieger, who played the lead role, and was later to be the artistic director of the Estonia ballet. In 1919, Jevgenia Litvinova, a former ballerina from the Maria Theatre, founded the first ballet studio in Tallinn.Another topic addressed in the article is local publishing and literary activity in the Russian language. Besides Russian publishing houses (Bibliofiil, Koltso, Alfa, Russkaja Kniga), Estonian-language publishing houses printed Russian-language books, textbooks, magazines and newspapers. Up to the year 1940, 91 publishing houses in Estonia printed Russian-language material, many of them only a few Russian books. In addition to publication activities, literary circles were active at different times. Among them was the Revel Literary Circle, founded in 1898, the oldest and most unusual gathering place for educated people. Poets’ workshops in Tallinn and Tartu were among the more interesting societies in Estonia, aimed more specifically at poets of the younger generation. Members of the Tallinn workshop created their own almanac, „Nov“, and published a magazine, Polevõje Tsvetõ.All of these phenomena and problems must be situated in the context of the larger world. The Russian emigration is far from being merely a unique phenomenon of life and work outside of the homeland; indeed, it exerted a strong influence on the culture, scholarship, and literature of the countries of settlement. Among the greatest achievements of 20th century humanity are the works of Nobel laureate and writer Ivan Bunin, prose writer Vladimir Nabokov, artists Marc Chagall, Konstantin Korovin, Aleksander Benois, and Vassily Kandinsky; the theories of Noble laureate, physicist and chemist Ilya Prigogine; the works of composers Sergei Rachmaninoff, and Igor Stravinsky; actor and theatre director Mikhail Chekhov; constructor Igor Sikorsky; chemist Vladimir Ipatjev. No less important in Estonian culture were poet Igor Severjanin, architect Aleksander Vladovski, representatives of Russian classical ballet (Tamara Beck, Jevgenia Litvinova); artists Anatoli Kaigorodov, Nikolai Kalmakov, and Andrei Jegorov.

Artiklis käsitletakse nihilistliku kirjandusloome võimalusi eesti luule näitel. Nihilismi ei mõisteta artiklis väärtusprobleemina, vaid ontoloogilise probleemina. Nihilistlikku kirjandusloomet käsitletakse taotlusena tuua sõnasse teine, eimiski. Artikli teoreetiline raamistik toetub põhiliselt Gianni Vattimo languse ontoloogia kontseptsioonile, aga ka Friedrich Nietzsche, Martin Heideggeri ja Maurice Blanchot' töödele. Samuti analüüsitakse artikli teoreetilises osas eimiski väljendamise võimalusi eesti keeles, tuginedes Uku Masingu ning Jaan Kaplinski mõttekäikudele. Luuletajatest käsitletakse artiklis enim Jaan Oksa ja Juhan Liivi. Analüüsi käigus tuuakse esile järgmised eimiskiga seotud poeetilised figuurid: ootus ja luhtumus, langus ja loojak, hullus, surm. Analüüsi tulemusena selgub, et nihilistlik loome on eesti luules tugevalt esindatud, kuid ei filosoofias ega luules pole võimalik saavutada otsest juurdepääsu eimiskile, tuleb piirduda aimamisega, vihjamisega.The paper discusses the possibilities for creating nihilistic literary works, using Estonian poetry as an example. The paper regards nihilism as an ontological problem, and not as a problem of values. Nihilistic literary creativity will be treated as an attempt to introduce nothingness. The theoretical framework is provided by Gianni Vattimo's ontology of decline, as well as by the works of Friedrich Nietzsche, Martin Heidegger and Maurice Blanchot. The paper also analyzes, relying on the ideas put forward by Uku Masing and Jaan Kaplinski, the possibilities of expressing nothingness in the Estonian language. As to Estonian poets, the paper will focus on the works of Juhan Liiv and Jaan Oks. The analysis of their works highlights the following poetic figures related to nothingness: anticipation and failure, decay and decline, madness, death. The analysis will demonstrate that nihilism is strongly present in Estonian poetry. However, since neither philosophy nor poetry has direct access to nothingness, one must remain content with presentiments and allusions.

Teesid: Tartu Ülikooli maailmakirjanduse professori, luuletaja, kirjandusteadlase ja hispaaniakeelse kirjanduse spetsialisti Jüri Talveti tõlketegevuse viljade hulka kuulub luulet ja proosat nii sajandeid vanast Hispaania klassikast kui ka 20. sajandil või tänapäeval romaani keeltes või inglise keeles loodud teostest. Käesolev artikkel keskendub sellele, kuidas professor Talvet on tõlgendanud luule ja poeetika, kuid ka kirjandusajaloo, iseäranis barokk-kirjanduse alaseid küsimusi oma kirjandusteaduslikes esseedes. Vaadeldakse ka tema tõlketegevuse mahtu ja tõlketöö põhimõtteid. Jüri Talvet (born in 1945) is a poet and a scholar of comparative literature, Chair Professor of World Literature at the University of Tartu. His numerous translations of poetry and poetical fiction from the Romance languages and, to a lesser extent, from English, reflect his views on world poetry. Those views are also expressed in his theoretical writings from the years of 1977 to 2015. Having studied English literature as the main subject at the University of Tartu, he early developed an interest in Spanish, in other Iberian languages, and in the Iberoamerican literatures. His translations from that area include works from medieval and early modern literature as well as notable literary achievements from the 20th century and the contemporary era. Talvet’s interpretations of Federico García Lorca and the “Latin American boom” authors are supported by profound insights into the philosophy, aesthetics, and poetics of the 17th century Spanish Baroque literature, known as the literary Golden Age of Spain. The influence which Talvet’s activities have exerted has widened the horizons of Estonia’s literary culture: while in the early 20th century, the previous German, Russian and Finnish leanings were supplemented by orientations to, and translations from, French and Italian literatures, Talvet has helped to enrich the Estonian literary landscape with the mentality and traditions of even more distant language areas, such as Castilian (Spanish), Catalan, Galician, Portuguese, and the Latin American countries. In the section “Quevedo and Góngora” of this article, Talvet’s interpretation of some of the key issues of dispute in the Baroque literature of Spain are studied, based both on his theoretical essays and on his translations of the poetry of Francisco de Quevedo. Talvet has attempted to use the terms of the Baroque philosopher and writer Baltasar Gracián, agudeza, concepto (definable approximately as “conceit” or “wit”) and conceptismo, for the analysis of the late 20th century Estonian poetry. On that background, defnitions of conceptismo and cultismo (the other main school in Spanish Baroque poetry) are offered in this article, with implications that those definitions may have for understanding different styles and methods of poetry in general, and the characteristics of Talvet’s own poems and poetry translations in particular. To escape diffusion in pure sensuality and verbal indulgence, poetry has to rely on concepts as well as images. Talvet’s interpretations of poetry and poetical thinking are found to be close to conceptismo, or with a considerable amount of conceptuality inherent to them. The juxtaposition of paradoxical ideas from different levels of reality, social and psychic, is seen as the essential poetical method that Talvet refers to as he defines, quoting Yuri Lotman, the structural-semantic code of poetry as being “paradigmatic”. In the final section of the article, Talvet’s 23 book-length published translations are listed, including translations from Spanish, Catalan, English and French. The list does not include numerous translations of single poems or cycles of poetry that have appeared in literary journals, nor his contributions to anthologies of poetry, nor the translations from his native Estonian into a foreign language, such as Spanish or English, in which he has participated. His translations encompass lyrical works as well as fiction and plays. Talvet has translated classical European poetry, such as the sonnets of Petrarch and Quevedo and Provençal poems, as well as the rhymed poems of American poets into Estonian with complete metrical correspondence and full rhymes. However, in the latest decades Talvet has expressed scepticism in the sense and feasibility of attempting to convey the rhyming complexities of the major European literatures into Estonian, a language with a considerably smaller potential for finding full rhymes. Accordingly, his three translations of Spanish Baroque drama (by Calderón and Tirso de Molina) employ a liberal method of versification. In all his versatile activities as a poet, a translator, and a theorist of poetry, Professor Talvet has shown great devotion to developing and cultivating aesthetic values. A lot of his colleagues and students have benefited from his friendly advice. Thinking of his contributions to Estonia’s literary tradition, one may repeat and paraphrase the sentence that he used for the conclusion of his essay on the Catalan poet Salvador Espriu in 1977: “to write (and to translate) poetry is to work for the benefit of the people.”

Artikkel käsitleb linnade kujutamist Nõukogude Eesti luules aastatel 1940–1955, analüüsimiseks on võetud sel ajal ilmunud luuleraamatud. Eestis kuulutati siis üldkehtivaks kirjanduslikuks meetodiks sotsialistlik realism. Esteetilised printsiibid kujunesid siiski kirjandusliku praktika käigus, sageli kirjutati luuletusi Moskvast ja Leningradist ning nende eeskujul õpiti kujutama ka kohalikke Eesti linnu eesotsas Tallinnaga. Linnaruum – nagu teisedki stalinistliku kultuuri komponendid – oli politiseeritud, mis tähendas esimeses järjekorras sakraliseeritud ruumimudeli ülekannet tekstidesse. The article aims to give a survey of cities and urban spaces appearing in Soviet Estonian poetry of the Stalinist period. All in all, 93 Estonian-language collections of poetry were published in Soviet Estonia between 1940 and 1955, but not all of these contained urban topics. Estonia was occupied by the Soviet Union in 1940 and this brought about an abrupt change in literary texts produced in the country because literature had to take into account the regulations imposed by the doctrine of Socialist Realism and the personality cult of Joseph Stalin. In connection with this, representations of urban space became ideologised in a novel manner. It is difficult to tease forth explicit aesthetic prescriptions from the doctrine of Socialist Realism, but a unified aesthetics was developed in the course of literary practice by authors who copied one another in order not to err unwittingly. The political surveillance of literature increased at the turn of the 1940s and 1950s; it is in this period that the most pronounced standardisation of modes of representation can be observed. Several cities are mentioned in Estonian poetry of the Stalinist era, but implicit rules governing the depiction of urban space become most readily evident in case of five cities. Among these were the largest cities in Russia (Moscow and Leningrad, today’s St. Petersburg) and in Estonia (Tallinn, Tartu and Narva). Depictions of Moscow and Tallinn are the most numerous. Representing Moscow is subject to rules in a particularly noticeable way: the capital of the Soviet Union had to contain the overarching spirit of Stalin and Lenin, and the city was represented as the static central point of a superpower or even of the whole world. In the city space of Moscow, Red Square with Lenin’s mausoleum and the Kremlin emerges as a sacralised space. In comparison with Moscow, the image of Leningrad is somewhat more dynamic for the city is often evoked as the starting point of the 1917 revolution, and Leningrad also appears as a city important in connection with World War II. Representing Tallinn proceeded from the understanding that the capital of the Estonian SSR had to be an unmediated reflection of the power emanating from Moscow. The representations of Tallinn are more varied, though, for the authors more often tended to have a personal relationship with the city. The most important landmark emerging in representations of Tallinn is the medieval tower of Tall Hermann on Toompea hill that serves as the most important flag tower in Estonia. Even in Stalin-era poetry Tallinn was often perceived as ‘ancient’, (the epithet ‘old’ is repreated in many poems), which is partly paradoxical as the pathos of Socialist Realism would prefer to speak of the birth of new cities. The paradox was resolved by introducing a dialectics of ‘old’ and ‘young’ cities; solutions were also offered in the so-called poetry of reconstruction that encouraged the removal of wartime ruins and the erection of new buldings. As concerns other Estonian cities, some poems focus on Narva as a significant industrial town. Tartu had been important in the earlier national history, but its significance waned now that Tallinn’s was rising. Tartu’s reputation as a university town survived into the Soviet period, however, and even the poetry of the Stalinist era contains some depictions of academic life. The urban centres of both Tartu and Narva suffered major damage in World War II, but the ruins receive only scant mention in verse. Still, they are not hidden and war is a recurring topic in the case of both cities. Depiction of large cities, huge spatial elements and city centres suited the poetry of Stalin’s era. Small towns seemed meaningless in this context and outskirts only obtained a meaning in case events of the past were described – thus, slums, represented as the living quarters of workers close to the city limits, would harbour a revolutionary spirit. In the case of contemporary Soviet cities, the outskirts played no particular role, as all the politically favoured meanings were located in the centre. A couple of publicatons specifically underscored the significance of cities, e.g the thematic anthology The Heart of the Homeland: Poetry Dedicated to Moscow by Estonian Authors (1947) and two books dedicated to Tallinn, Debora Vaarandi’s The Old Man from Lake Ülemiste and the Young City Builder (1952) and Paul Rummo’s A Letter from Tallinn (1955). The era’s most significant urban poets include Johannes Barbarus, Debora Vaarandi, Paul Rummo, Mart Raud, Ralf Parve and Vladimir Beekman. The modes of expression of these authors may vary, but their individual styles are less clearly expressed than is usual in poetry, because different authors’ styles became relatively uniform due to the canonised aesthetics of Socialist Realism.

Teesid: Artiklis küsitakse 2009. a ilmunud leksikoni „300 Baltic Writers“ põhjal, kas „Balti kirjanik“ on põhjendatud mõiste. Varem mõisteti Baltikumi all laiemat ala, kuhu kuulusid ka Poola ja Soome. Uurides, kui palju „Balti“ kirjanikke on tõlgitud naaberkeeltesse, selgus, et läti keelde on neid tõlgitud rohkem kui leedu ja eesti keelde. Samuti on eesti autoreid rohkem tõlgitud soome keelde ja leedu autoreid poola keelde. Ilmneb, et Balti kontseptsioon on liiga kitsas, sest relevantne regioon on suurem: soome-eesti ja leedu-poola suhetega võrreldes ei paista eesti-läti-leedu suhe eriti millegagi silma. The article takes a closer look at the reference guide 300 Baltic Writers (Kalnačs jt 2009) which was published in 2009. The initial (and may-be even provocative) question is, whether the concept “Baltic writer” which is introduced here is indeed as clear and senseful as the introduction suggests. In this introduction, some basic problems occur, as can be exemplified through the following quotations: “This reference book presents a hundred of the best-known writers from each of the three Baltic States, starting with the time in the 16th century when the written word first appeared in their national languages, and going on to the twenty-first century (the bibliography goes up to the year 2008). In doing so, it shows the historical and cultural partnerships between the three Baltic countries.” (p. 5) While the first sentence is comprehensible and correct, the second sentence shows a simple logical mistake: one cannot show a unity simply by putting things together. In doing so, one may create a (wishful) unity, i.e. postulate it, but one cannot show it. Also one of the following sentences is not convincing, but highly problematic: “For a long time, the writers, poets, playwrights and literary critics of each of these countries have deserved to be introduced to a wider international literary audience as a regional phenomenon.” The notion of “regional phenomenon” is problematic here because the definition of a region is arbitrary and several definitions of the region in question are possible. That is why the following question arise: 1. Is the concept of the “Baltic States” (in the meaning of Estonia + Latvia + Lithuania) as it is presented here the only possibility or are other regional divisions thinkable? 2. If there really is one Baltic regional identity or unity, can this also be seen in the interaction between these countries and cultures, e.g. in the number of mutual translations? Is the interaction among the three larger than with others? In dealing with the first question it is stressed that the concept of a “Baltic area” is less stable than assumed, and in previous centuries other regions than only Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were regarded as “Baltic”. In the Middle Ages, when the concept “Baltic” first emerged in the writings of Adam of Bremen (11th century), even Denmark could be part of the “Baltic area”. Later, one can still find concepts where Finland and Poland are part of the “Baltic area” (cf. Kaslas 1976). And indeed, a closer look on the Finnish-Estonian relations on the one hand and the Polish-Lithuanian relations on the other hand reveals that these relationsships are certainly at least as strong as those between the so called Baltic states. As research on this topic has been carried out earlier (e.g. Kurman 1972), this question is, however, not investigated here in any great detail. The second question is divided into two subquestions: How many writers have been translated into the two other languages, and how many have been translated into the languages of the other neighbours? In order to find answers to these questions, all 300 writers have been examined from the viewpoint of translations into other languages. First of all, how are they translated into the two other “Baltic” languages, i.e.: How many Estonian writers are translated into Latvian and Lithuanian; how many Latvian writers are translated into Estonian and Lithuanian; how many Lithuanian writers are translated into Latvian and Estonian. Then, the neighbours of the larger region were taken into the picture: how many translations into Finnish and Polish we can find? And which authors (from which languages) have been translated? Finally the neighbours of the neighbours, in this case Swedish and Czech, have been considered as well as the four large languages, English, French, German and Russian. The result was that more “Baltic” writers have been translated into Latvian than into Estonian and Lithuanian (table 2), the conclusion being that neighbours are translated more often than cultures farther away. Therefore we find only three Estonian writers who are translated into Lithuanian only (and not into Latvian), and only two Lithuanian authors who are translated into Estonian only (and not into Latvian, table 1). The most interesting and important result was that Estonian authors are much more translated into Finnish, and respectively Lithuanian authors into Polish (tables 3+4). As a final result one can state that the “Baltic” concept is too small because the relevant region actually is larger. When compared to the Finnish-Estonian and the Polish-Lithuanian relationship, the Estonian-LatvianLithuanian relationship is not really eye-catching.

Teesid: Artikkel esitab bio-bibliograafilise ülevaate luuletaja, esseisti, kirjandusteadlase, tõlkija ning õppejõu Jüri Talveti (s 1945) loomingulisest teest. Talveti kui erakordselt laiahaardelise loomingulise isiksuse panus hispaaniakeelse kirjandusruumi vahendamisel ja uurimisel Eestis on jätnud püsiva jälje. Tema viljeldava komparativismi keskmeks olev võrdlus ei piirdu üksnes võrreldavate objektidega, vaid viib põimumiste ja mõjutuste väljaselgitamisele ning uue sünteesini. Niisugune lähenemine võimaldab Talvetil esitada mitmeid eesti kirjanduskultuuri keskseid autoreid ja teoseid maailmakirjanduslikus kontekstis. Luuletajana esindab Talvet hingestatud intellektuaalsust, milles intertekstuaalsed osutused toimivad kultuuridevahelise sillana. The article presents a bio- and bibliographical overview of the creative work of Jüri Talvet (born in 1945) – a poet, essayist, literary scholar, translator and university professor. The creative scope of Talvet is exceptionally wide and his decades-long contribution to the mediation and exploration of the Spanish-speaking literary space in Estonia has left permanent traces. The comparative method cultivated by Talvet does not border merely on the literary texts considered but lead to the establishment of reciprocal impact and a new level of synthesis. Terms such as “symbiosis”, “symbiotic unity” and “synthesis” play an important role in Talvet’s contemplations of life, literature and culture; they are not only part of his epistemological ’toolkit’ but also represent a relation of value. In the semiotic approach such discourse may be viewed as the replacement of binary structure with a ternal one, a change elaborated already by Talvet’s most famous colleague Juri Lotman in 1992 when his intellectual testament Culture and Explosion was published: “Ternal structures retain certain values of the previous period by shifting them from the periphery into the centre.” For Talvet “the greatest literature of all times” has a symbiotic basis. Talvet’s approach to different literary cultures has enabled him to present several central authors of Estonian literary culture and their work in the context of world literature. One of the most outstanding results of such process is the re-discovery and re-conceptualization of the personality and the creative work of Juhan Liiv. Talvet’s method follows the theories of Mikhail Bakhtin and Juri Lotman, the essays of Michel de Montaigne’ and the 20th century existentialists Miguel de Unamuno, Albert Camus and Jean-Paul Sartre. Talvet’s “philological journey” is reflected best in his compilation and editing of the Spanish-Estonian Dictionary that was published in 1983. The other part of Talvet’s oeuvre is his mental and spiritual journey in which the philological undercurrent layer formed in Estonian, Spanish, Catalan and also in English performs as a threshold into literary cultures in the Estonian and other languages of the world. Everything based on it deserves deep respect: Talvet’s time as the lecturer and since 1992 the professor of world literature at the University of Tartu, his school of comparative literary research, founding of the Estonian Association of Comparative Literature together with international conferences and multi-language scholarly journal Interlitteraria; his essays carried by the ideas of enlightenment and spiritualism; his creative philosophical and poetic work, and his noteworthy research of Estonian literature highlighting the best creative works and their authors within the framework of world literature. From this aspect it is symptomatic that Talvet as a literary scholar completed his opus magnum in 2012, when the monograph on Juhan Liiv’s poetry was published. In the gallery of great Estonian learned men, poets and translators, the great predecessors of Talvet are Gustav Suits, Johannes Semper and Ants Oras. The intellectual affinity between Talvet and his friend Ivar Ivask is even more intense. “To understand “periphery” as a wider unit that is no less important from the intellectual aspect than the “centre”” – this is how Talvet summarises Ivask’s mission as a poet, an intellectual and the mediator of Estonian literature in the consciousness of the world (Talvet 2003: 524). This applies also to Talvet’s own spiritual and intellectual journey. In 2005, a collection of articles and essays of more than five hundred pages carries a poetic title The Irrefutable Border (Tõrjumatu äär), referring to the inevitability of crossing borders and multiple meanings of the proximity of the border. In Estonian poetry Talvet has positioned himself as a spiritually intellectual poet where intertextual manifestations act as an intercultural bridge. Yet the initial source of tension forming the basis of his imagery is still an individual’s emotionally experienced life. It corresponds to Talvet’s conception of genuine spirituality that “emerges from the depth of life [---] creates itself anew, does not let itself be “summarised” as complete or definite.”

Abstract: The takeover of Estonia from the German occupying authorities in November of 1918 Although the independent Republic of Estonia was declared on 24 February 1918, the German occupation that followed prevented the actual establishment of statehood. The chance for this did not come until November of that same year when Germany’s defeats on the Western Front and the November Revolution that broke out as the expression of worsening discontent brought an end to the First World War and German domination in Eastern Europe. The policy of the occupying authorities in Estonia was aimed at neutralising society, and in this way the Germans succeeded in preventing active resistance. Nevertheless, news of Germany’s military setbacks also reached Estonia and aroused some measure of hope for a better future. The cautious rebirth of political activity was noticeable in October of 1918. The way subsequent events took shape was nevertheless a surprise for both the German authorities and Estonian politicians. The breakthrough started with spontaneous riots that broke out in Tallinn on 7 November arising from food shortages. These rapidly snowballed into a city-wide strike. Political demands emerged alongside demands for improving the supply of food: demands for the withdrawal of German troops from Estonia and for transferring power to the institutions of local government that had been democratically elected in 1917. News of the November Revolution in Germany reached Tallinn at the same time, triggering unrest in the city garrison. Lieutenant General Adolf von Seckendorff, commander of the 68th Army Corps and the highest ranking local administrator, was forced to seek support from Estonian politicians. As a result of these events, the Estonian Provisional Government convened on 11 November and this date can be considered the starting point of the building of the independent Estonian state. The Provisional Government first had to take the reins of power into its own hands. This was accomplished quickly and smoothly in Tallinn and Northern Estonia, which were in the administrative area of the 68th Army Corps. General Seckendorff recognised the Estonian Provisional Government on 13 November. At the same time, Estonians took over the Provincial Government of Estonia, the Food Office, the judicial and prison systems, post offices, ports, etc. The Provisional Government appointed its proxies (deputies) in the counties and ordered the reconvening of the local county, municipal and rural municipal governments. The municipal police force (militia) that had been formed in 1917 was restored, to which the newly formed voluntary armed organisation known as the Kaitseliit [Defence League] was added. The representative popular assembly – the Maanõukogu – reconvened after an interval of a year on 20 November, and as fate would have it, Prime Minister Konstantin Päts arrived in Tallinn on the same day after being released from a camp for interned persons and took up his position at the head of the government. Yet in Southern Estonia in the territory occupied by the 60th Army Corps, the Germans refused to relinquish power, referring to the fact that they had not received orders to this effect. A particularly serious conflict appeared to be brewing in Tartu, where Estonians were preparing a large demonstration for pushing through their demands. The Provisional Government sent representatives to Riga, where August Winnig, Germany’s Minister Plenipotentiary to the Baltic Provinces, resided, to resolve the situation that had developed. According to the agreements concluded with him, the Germans committed themselves to relinquishing power to Estonians throughout Estonian territory starting on 21 November. Even though further attempts to delay this were made in some places, from that point on, power in Southern Estonia as well was transferred into the hands of the Provisional Government’s deputies and the local governments. This process proceeded with probably the greatest difficulty on the Western Estonian islands, where a drought of information prevailed since they were cut off from the mainland. Only the future Petseri County (Setomaa) was not taken over and shortly thereaft er was subjected to the control of the armed forces of Soviet Russia.

Artiklis vaadeldakse Maksim Gorki eestindusi nende ajaloolises kontekstis ja tuuakse välja põhimõttelised erinevused 20. sajandi alguse tõlgete ja varaste nõukogudeaegsete tõlgete vahel. Need erinevused on tingitud esiteks rahvusliku tõlketeooria kujunemisest Eestis 1920.–1930. aastatel, teisalt avaldas olulist mõju Gorki kirjanikustaatuse muutumine tuntud Euroopa kirjanikust nõukogude klassikuks. Betti Alveri tõlgitud Gorki „Lapsepõlve“ (1946) võrdlus tema abikaasa Heiti Talviku sama jutustuse esimese osa tõlkekatsetusega võimaldab detailselt jälgida uue tõlkekaanoni kujunemist Eestis. In 1946 the tenth anniversary of the death of Maxim Gorky was celebrated in the Soviet Union. A number of celebratory events were organised in Estonia in connection with this date, including the planned release of the first Soviet translations of Gorky’s works into Estonian. It was not Mother or some other “programmatic” work of Gorky’s that was chosen to serve as this representative translation, but, rather, his autobiographic trilogy (My Childhood, In the World, My Universities), which is most telling as regards the formation of an ideologically orthodox Soviet myth about Gorky in a new cultural space. The trilogy represented a sort of hagiography of the main Soviet writer, and it was meant to be accessible to any resident of the newly Soviet country in a language they could understand. Betti Alver, who would later become one of Estonia’s most interesting and influential female poets, completed the translation of the entire trilogy. However, the original translation contract was signed not with Alver, but with her husband Heiti Talvik. Talvik, however, did not manage to finish the work on the translations due to his deportation to Siberia in May 1945, where he died, apparently in July 1947. The contract for My Childhood was renegotiated with Betti Alver – immediately after her husband’s deportation. Talvik had managed to translated only several pages of the first chapter of My Childhood. This article demonstrates in detail that Alver’s translation was not merely a continuation of her husband’s work, but, rather, assumed a particular personal meaning (which was especially important in a situation where she had no news of Talvik, and working on the translation was the only possible form of dialogue with him). Alver’s use of the work her husband completed testifies to the way in which she entered a unique “dialogue” with him: she did not discard that work, yet did not copy it either. Rather, she made some – not numerous, but meaningful – corrections. The article demonstrates the difference in the two translators’ strategies on the basis of those corrections. The comparison of the two translations becomes even more interesting due to the fact that Talvik’s translation – despite the modest amount of his completed work – very clearly demonstrates his translation strategy. First and foremost, this lies in a commitment to high precision and literal translation – especially with regard to syntax and punctuation (Gorky uses a full arsenal of punctuation marks, and Talvik carefully preserves all his ellipses, semicolons and dashes, maintains the length of sentences and tries to retain the number and order of words to the extent possible). The second particularity of Talvik’s translation is the interiorisation of the source text by the receiving culture, which demonstrates his allegiance to the pre-Soviet tradition of the reception of Gorky in Estonian (Gorky was first translated into Estonian at the end of the 1890s; this article provides a short analysis of the very first translation, that of Gorky’s short story “Kirilka”, and demonstrates its main features, one of which is the translator’s attempt to translate the language of the main character, a Russian peasant woman, using Estonian dialectisms). Meanwhile, Betti Alver’s translation is characterised by opposite tendencies. First and foremost, she seeks to erase the gap that exists between the hero of the autobiography and the adult narrator, electing to use the narrator’s objective point of view. Such a strategy of translation was in line with the official, early-Soviet interpretation of Gorky’s autobiographical prose, which held that My Childhood was, first and foremost, a large-scale epic “about the oppressive horrors of life”, and the lyrical opening of the story was declared to be virtually absent. The analysis of specific examples provided in this article demonstrates the translator’s aspiration to smoothen and neutralise, rather than emphasise, the style of the source text. She sought to make the text to be understood more easily in the new culture and more convenient for the Estonian reader, which is especially evident in contrast with the preserved draft of Talvik’s translation – Talvik’s work was characterised by heightened attention to the stylistic experiments of the original. This article emphasises the fact that the change to a new translation paradigm took place literally during work on a single text. The confrontation of these two paradigms is visible in My Childhood: Talvik was still thinking within the framework of the Estonian translation culture in the 1920–30s, according to which the goal of translation was to enrich the readesr with the cultural particularities of the original, to educate them. Meanwhile, Alver’s work clearly belongs to a new era, in which the main task was not cultural enrichment, but, rather, the preservation of the Estonian language, even in translated texts. At the same time, all of the tendencies noted in Alver’s translation also correspond to unvoiced attitudes in the theory of Soviet translation that was forming at the time: a “smooth”, homogenised style – without linguistic experimentation and meant to be convenient for the receiving culture – replaced literalism, which had been branded as a manifestation of formalism in translation. Such an approach also suited with the Soviet view of Gorky, which detached the work of the “Soviet classic” from Modernist culture with its linguistic experiments in prose, expressionism and subjectivism.

Abstract This study analyses 98 Internet pages of sea ports located in Sweden, Finland and Estonia during years 2017–2019. Aim of the study is to find, how website basic design is completed (colours and languages), how slogans, environmental issues, statistics and hinterland transports are reported. Based on the analysis, it appears as rather common that sea ports follow conservative selection of colours in their websites, where blue and white are clearly most popular. Typically, English and Swedish are as the most common used language, followed by Finnish, Russian and Estonian. In some rare cases, websites are offered in Chinese or German. Larger sea ports do have clear “slogans”, where smaller ones are just having lengthy justification for their existence. Environmental issues are increasing concern among sea ports, and these are mostly mentioned in details within Swedish actors. Providing statistics varies among companies, and in some sea ports these are provided from very long time period, where in others from just previous years or then only from last year (or even at all). It is common for companies to report that they have sustainable hinterland access, railway available.

Abstract: On the study of the period of the Republic of Estonia at the Estonian SSR Academy of Sciences Institute of History in 1946–1950 A decision adopted on 30 October 1944 in Moscow by the Orgburo of the Central Committee of the Communist (Bolshevist) Party of the Soviet Union (hereinafter C(B)PSU CC) launched an extensive process of sovietisation in the Estonian SSR. The ‘great struggle’ against so-called bourgeois nationalism began, and one of its thrusts was aimed at vilifying the pre-war Republic of Estonia and rooting it out of society’s consciousness. History started playing an important role in this ‘struggle’. This was already stressed at the Estonian Communist (Bolshevist) Party (hereinafter EC(B)P) CC plenary meeting held in early December of 1944, where Moscow’s decision was discussed along with the first measures for launching the sovietisation of society. At the meeting, a programmatic speech was given by Hans Kruus, the founder of historical science focusing on the Estonian nation, who began to serve the Soviet regime in the ‘June coup’ of 1940. In 1944, Kruus was a close associate of Nikolai Karotamm, the leader of the Estonian SSR at that time, and he led the sovietisation of historical science, and more broadly of the whole system of scientific and academic research in Estonia. Hans Kruus formulated the aims and tasks of historical science in Soviet society and also considered it necessary to study the period of independent statehood. He understood perfectly that the assessment from Marxist positions of the legacy of the era of independence was essential for educating the ‘new Soviet man’, but also for making the Soviet regime as palatable as possible for society. For this reason, Karotamm and his ‘team’ paid a great deal of attention to involving writers, scientists and other people known in society to a greater or lesser extent in carrying out the sovietisation process. Kruus stressed the need to eliminate the ‘remnants of misconceptions’ left by the ‘era of bourgeois Estonia’, but this did not mean casting the era of independent statehood into the trash bin of history. The task of historical science was to give the ‘bourgeois Estonian state’ Soviet content. One of the first practical tasks in sovietising historical science was to work out a Marxist periodisation for Estonian history, which was supposed to be founded on the theory of social-economic formations. Artur Vassar was the historian who dealt the most with questions of periodisation, completing his system by 1947. Additionally, Abe Liebman, the head of the Chair of History at the Estonian republic’s EC(B)P CC Communist Party School, and Gustav Naan, who at that time was studying at the C(B)PSU CC Higher Communist Party School in Moscow, worked out their own periodisation system. These two competing systems were combined into a single unified system through the mediation of Ivan Käbin, the EC(B)P CC Propaganda and Agitation Secretary, and it was published in the magazine Eesti Bolševik[Estonian Bolshevik] in September of 1948. The publication of the Soviet periodisation system in 1948 was an important landmark in the sovietisation of historical science, since the main periods of Estonian history based on social-economic formations were introduced to the public for the first time. Although this periodisation system was later refined and expanded, it remained the basis for future historical works and provided the framework for the study of history in the Estonian SSR for many years to come. Naturally, the aim of the regime was also to sovietise the organisation of science. The central undertaking in this process was the founding of the Estonian SSR Academy of Sciences in 1946. Here as well, the key figure was Hans Kruus, who became the Academy’s first president and a corresponding member of the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union. Various academic institutes began operating as sub-institutions of the Academy of Sciences. These institutes had the leading role in academic research, unlike institutions of higher education, which were expected to prepare students for research and academic degrees and not to contribute to research as their primary task. The Estonian SSR Academy of Sciences Institute of History (directed by Richard Kleis) became the central research institution for historical science (together with archaeology and art history). The compilation of Marxist survey works on Estonian history, which were also supposed to provide a complete overview of the period of the independent Republic of Estonia, became the primary task of the Institute of History. Its primary aim at that time was to write an Estonian history textbook, but the undertaking failed. Thereafter plans were made to produce a two-volume Lühike Eesti ajalugu [Brief History of Estonia]. The manuscript for the first volume was ready to be printed by the end of 1949. The institute also started compiling a new three-volume Soviet-style general treatment of Estonian history. The manuscript for the first volume was supposed to be completed in 1948, the second volume in 1950 and the third volume in 1951. Hans Kruus was the executive editor of both publications. In studying the period of the independent Republic of Estonia, chief attention had to be paid to the labour movement, though initially there were also more substantial studies of the period of independent statehood planned in the Institute of History. Namely, Hans Kruus planned to write the book Eesti kodanlik riik 1918–1920 [The Estonian Bourgeois State 1918–1920], which was supposed to provide a ‘general popular-style overview of the class nature of the bourgeois Estonian state, its economic foundations, the struggles between cliques that developed in it, and foreign policy’. After a few years, Kruus abandoned this theme and set a new objective for himself to write the book Kodanliku Eesti välispoliitika 1918–1940 [The Foreign Policy of Bourgeois Estonia 1918–1940]. Yet even this undertaking did not come to fruition since the political conditions had already been significantly altered by the end of the 1940s. The campaign against so-called bourgeois nationalism was picking up steam and it did not leave those who went along with the Soviet regime in 1940 untouched. From late 1949, Hans Kruus became the primary target of this campaign, which led to his expulsion from the Communist Party, the dismissal from the posts of Minister of Foreign Affairs and President of the Academy of Sciences, and eventually to his arrest in October of 1950. The organisation of historical research disintegrated with the fall of Kruus, and most of the projects connected to his name were cancelled. His stigmatisation as a ‘bourgeois nationalist’ led to the more substantial themes concerning the period of the independent Republic of Estonia being squeezed out of the work plans for the Estonian SSR Academy of Sciences institutes by 1950. One of the main points in the accusations levelled against Kruus became the reprimand that ‘having taken it upon himself to study the bourgeois dictatorship’, he actually did not do anything to launch this research, but rather organised ‘the work in the Estonian SSR Academy of Sciences Institute of History in such a way as to prevent the study of this period in the future as well’. The entire era of independent statehood was turned into a marginal period of research. A few narrow themes were permitted in its research, such as the labour movement, the activities of the Communists, agrarian conditions, and opposition to the Soviet Union in foreign policy. The negative attitude towards the independent Republic of Estonia achieved its apogee in the first Soviet, more precisely Stalinist, a general survey of Estonian history published in 1952.

Eesti kirjanduse ja digitehnoloogilise pöörde suhted ulatuvad juba enam kui kahekümne aasta tagusesse aega. Siinse artikliga antakse ülevaade, kuidas digitaalne tehnoloogia on mõjutanud Eestis kirjanduse, sh kirjandusajaloo üle mõtlemist ning nüüdisaegseid kirjanduslikke vorme. Tuuakse näiteid Eestis teostatud digihumanitaariaga seostatavatest projektidest ja digitaalse kirjanduse avaldumisvormidest. Samuti arutletakse artiklis digihumanitaaria mõiste üle ja selle üle, mida tähendab eesti kirjanduse uurimine digihumanitaaria kontekstis. Püstitatakse ka küsimus, kas digihumanitaaria muudab kirjandusuurimises midagi olemuslikult – kas ta on kirjandusuurimise tööriist/meetod või hoopis täiesti uus distsipliin. The relations between Estonian literature and the digital technological turn date back to more than twenty years. The aim of this article is to give an overview as to how digital technology has influenced re-thinking about literature and literary history in Estonia as well as has had impact on creating new digital literary genres. The authors of the article have a twenty-year experience both as researchers and practitioners in this field. The article introduces some examples of the projects created in Estonia that can be related to digital humanities and also some examples of Estonian digital literature. Also, the concept of digital humanities and its meaning for Estonian literary studies will be discussed below. The concept of digital humanities has been used actively during last decade. Although the field of digital humanities is quite broad, in Estonia this concept has been used rather as a synonym for methods of quantitative computer analysis: linguists have used it very productively in analysing text corpora and computer linguistics has developed it into an independent discipline. Up until now, there have been only a few attempts to analyse literary texts using quantitative computer analysis method in Estonia. However, the concept of digital humanities can be interpreted in a much broader sense. Susan Schreibman, Ray Siemens, John Unsworth (2016) find that digital humanities is not only computational modelling and analysis of humanities information, but also the cultural study of digital technologies, their creative possibilities, and their social impact (Schreibman et al 2016, xvii–xviii). It appears, then, that the concept of digital humanities is wider and it can be said that it encompasses also creative digital practices and analysing it, as well as creating, interpreting and analysing digital projects of literary historical narrative and cultural web resources. In Estonia, the research on the electronic new media and the application of digital technology in the field of literary studies can be traced back to the second half of the 1990s. Up to the present, the research has followed these three main directions: 1) New forms of literary genres in the electronic environment. Digitally born literature and the appearance of other new forms of art have been examined in Estonia since 1996, when the first hypertextual poems were created, followed by more complex works of digital literature combining different media (text, video, sound, image) and literature in social media. The article gives a short overview of this kind of literature in Estonia and poses a question about the limits of literature. What defines literature if digital literature is a hybrid artefact combining text, image, and video? Can we still talk about literature when it is created using the technology of virtual reality and has no traditional features at all? Is it still literature or rather a VR movie or a VR computer game? 2) Digitisation of earlier literature and the creation of digital bookshelves. These are literary environments created using digital technologies. As examples there can be mentioned the ongoing project “EWOD. Estonian Writers Online Dictionary” (University of Tartu) and the project for digitising earlier Estonian literature and creating a digital bookshelf “EEVA. The Text Corpus of Earlier Estonian Literature” (https://utlib.ut.ee/eeva/). The latter was created at the University of Tartu already in 2002; it makes accessible mostly the works of Baltic German writers. 3) Development of a new model of the literary historical narrative; application this model in the digital environment. Three large-scale projects for digital representation of Estonian literary history were initiated during the years 1997–2007, with the objective of developing a model of the new literary historical narrative for applying in the digital environment and creating new interactive information environments. The Estonian Literary Museum carried out an Estonian Tiger Leap project “ERNI. Estonian Literary History in texts 1924–25” in 1997–2001 (http://www2.kirmus.ee/erni/erni.html). The project tested the method of reception aesthetics in representing the Estonian literary history of the 1920s. Its objective was to use a relatively limited amount of well-studied material in testing a new type of literary historical narrative and it was based on the visualisation of the network of relations between literary texts and metatexts in the form of hypertext. At the University of Tartu, the project “The Estonian National Epic The Kalevipoeg” was developed within the framework of the project CULTOS (Cultural Tools of Learning: Tools and Services IST-2000-28134) in 2001–2003. Again, it was a project for visualising literary relationships, requiring the knowledge of the source text and intertexts and reproducing them in the form of a network of intertextual relations. The project “Kreutzwald’s Century: the Estonian Cultural History Web” (in progress) was created at the Estonian Literary Museum in 2004 with the objective of modelling and representing a new narrative of literary history (http://kreutzwald.kirmus.ee/). This was a hybrid project which synthesised the study of the classical narrative of literary history, the needs of the user of the digital new media theory, and the development of digital resources for memory institutions. The underlying idea of the project was to make all the works of fiction of one author, as well as their biography, archival sources, etc., dynamically visible for the reader on an interactive time axis. However, the final and so far open-ended question posed in the article is whether digital humanities is essentially a tool for literary research, or is it an entirely new research approach, a new discipline – Computational Literary Analyses or Digital Literary Studies. A further discussion is needed for finding answers to this challenging question. Regardless, it is clear that rapid developments in technology bring along also rapid changes in the humanities. Hence, the future of literature and literary research depends both on the developments regarding digital technology as well as the humanities and the mutual impacts of both domains.

Teesid: Käesolev artikkel käsitleb uusklassikalist luulet ehk luulet, mis tärkab humanistliku hariduse pinnalt ja on loodud nn klassikalistes keeltes ehk vanakreeka ja ladina keeles. Artikli esimene pool toob välja paar üldist probleemi varauusaja poeetika käsitlemises nii Eestis kui mujal. Teises osas esitatakse alternatiivina mõned näited (autoriteks G. Krüger, H. Vogelmann, L. Luden, O. Hermelin ja H. Bartholin) Tartu ja Tallinna uusklassikalisest luulest värsstõlkes koos poeetika analüüsidega, avalikkusele tundmata luuletuste puhul esitatakse ka originaaltekstid. SUMMARYThis article discusses poetry in classical languages (Humanist Greek and Neo-Latin) belonging to the classical literary tradition while focusing on poetry from Tallinn and Tartu from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It does not aim to present an overview of this tradition in Estonia (already an object of numerous studies), but rather to discuss some general problems connected to such studies—both in Europe and Estonia—and to show some alternative (or complementary) analyses of neo-classical poetics, together with verse translations and texts that are not easily available or are unknown to the scholars.The discussion of neo-classical poetry in Estonia finds problems in a detachment from poetics and the consequent discrepancies. Firstly, although scholarly treatises stress the value of casual poetry (forming the most eminent part of Estonian Neo-Latin and Humanist Greek poetry), the same treatises present this poetry from the viewpoint of its social background, focusing more on the authors and events than the poetic form. For example, in the Anthology of Tartu casual poetry and the corpus of Neo-Latin poetry from Tartu, texts are presented according to genre, which is defined only according to the classification of social events (epithalamia, epicedia, congratulations for rectorate, disputations, etc). Secondly, in most cases (the anthology, re-editions), this poetry is presented to readers as prose translations. As in the case of ancient Greek and Roman poetry, the established norm in Estonia is verse translation. Translating poetry into prose, therefore, signals that these works are not to be considered poetry. Thirdly, commentaries on this poetry tend to list lexical parallels with authors from classical antiquity without distinguishing actual quotations from the usage of poetic formulae while simultaneously (mostly) ignoring the impact of pagan and Christian texts from late antiquity and renais­sance and humanist literature.One alternative is to present Neo-Latin and Humanist Greek poetry as verse translations and focus more on discussing poetic devices and the impact of its contemporary poetry. Therefore, the second part of this article presents five poems as translations of verse and a subsequent analysis of their poetics.The first example is from a manuscript in the Tallinn City Archives and represents the earliest collection of neo-classical poetry, containing one Latin and five Greek poems belonging to the epistolary poem genre. Its author, Gregor Krüger Mesylanus (a latinized Greek translation of the name of his birth-town Mittenwalde, near Berlin), worked as a priest in Reval after his studies in Wittenberg during the time of Ph. Melanchthon (which explains Krüger‘s chosen poetic form). The Greek cycle is regarded thematically as variations on the same subject of the author‘s longing for home and his unhappiness with the jealousy and hostility of his fellow citizens in Reval. His choice of meter is influenced by Latin poetry, the initial long elegy balanced by four shorter poems of different meters (iambic and choriambic patterns). The final poem of the Greek cycle (Enviless Moon) is presented together with a metrical translation and analysis to demonstrate how sonorous patterns orchest­rate the thematic development of the poem: the author‘s wish to be like the moon, who receives its light from the brighter sun, but remains still happy and grateful to God for his own gift and ability to bring a smaller light to others.The second example analyzes the structure and poetic motives of a metrical translation of a Greek Pindaric Ode by Heinrich Vogelmann from 1633. The paper’s author also examines the European tradition of The second example analyzes the structure and poetic motives of a metrical translation of a Greek Pindaric Ode by Heinrich Vogelmann from 1633. The paper’s author also examines the European tradition of such odes (including more than sixty examples from 1548 until 2004). The third example discusses two alternative translations and additional translation possibilities of a recently discovered anagrammatic poem by Lorenz Luden. The fourth and fifth examples are congratulatory poems addressed to Andreas Borg for the publication of his disputation on civil liberty (in 1697). A Latin congratulatory poem by Olaus Hermelin is an example of politically engaged poetry, which addresses not the student but the subject of his disputation and contemporary political situation (the revolt of Estonian nobility against the Swedish king, who had recaptured donated lands, and the exile of its leader, Johann Reinhold Patkul). The Greek poem by H. Bartholin refers to the arts of Muses to demonstrate the changes in poetical representations of university studies: by the end of the seventeenth century the motives of the dancing and singing, flowery Muses is replaced with the stress of the toil in the stadium and the labyrinth of Muses.This article discusses poetry in classical languages (Humanist Greek and Neo-Latin) belonging to the classical literary tradition while focusing on poetry from Tallinn and Tartu from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It does not aim to present an overview of this tradition in Estonia (already an object of numerous studies), but rather to discuss some general problems connected to such studies—both in Europe and Estonia—and to show some alternative (or complementary) analyses of neo-classical poetics, together with verse translations and texts that are not easily available or are unknown to the scholars.The discussion of neo-classical poetry in Estonia finds problems in a detachment from poetics and the consequent discrepancies. Firstly, although scholarly treatises stress the value of casual poetry (forming the most eminent part of Estonian Neo-Latin and Humanist Greek poetry), the same treatises present this poetry from the viewpoint of its social background, focusing more on the authors and events than the poetic form. For example, in the Anthology of Tartu casual poetry and the corpus of Neo-Latin poetry from Tartu, texts are presented according to genre, which is defined only according to the classification of social events (epithalamia, epicedia, congratulations for rectorate, disputations, etc). Secondly, in most cases (the anthology, re-editions), this poetry is presented to readers as prose translations. As in the case of ancient Greek and Roman poetry, the established norm in Estonia is verse translation. Translating poetry into prose, therefore, signals that these works are not to be considered poetry. Thirdly, commentaries on this poetry tend to list lexical parallels with authors from classical antiquity without distinguishing actual quotations from the usage of poetic formulae while simultaneously (mostly) ignoring the impact of pagan and Christian texts from late antiquity and renais­sance and humanist literature. One alternative is to present Neo-Latin and Humanist Greek poetry as verse translations and focus more on discussing poetic devices and the impact of its contemporary poetry. Therefore, the second part of this article presents five poems as translations of verse and a subsequent analysis of their poetics. The first example is from a manuscript in the Tallinn City Archives and represents the earliest collection of neo-classical poetry, containing one Latin and five Greek poems belonging to the epistolary poem genre. Its author, Gregor Krüger Mesylanus (a latinized Greek translation of the name of his birth-town Mittenwalde, near Berlin), worked as a priest in Reval after his studies in Wittenberg during the time of Ph. Melanchthon (which explains Krüger‘s chosen poetic form). The Greek cycle is regarded thematically as variations on the same subject of the author‘s longing for home and his unhappiness with the jealousy and hostility of his fellow citizens in Reval. His choice of meter is influenced by Latin poetry, the initial long elegy balanced by four shorter poems of different meters (iambic and choriambic patterns). The final poem of the Greek cycle (Enviless Moon) is presented together with a metrical translation and analysis to demonstrate how sonorous patterns orchest­rate the thematic development of the poem: the author‘s wish to be like the moon, who receives its light from the brighter sun, but remains still happy and grateful to God for his own gift and ability to bring a smaller light to others. The second example analyzes the structure and poetic motives of a metrical translation of a Greek Pindaric Ode by Heinrich Vogelmann from 1633. The paper’s author also examines the European tradition of This article discusses poetry in classical languages (Humanist Greek and Neo-Latin) belonging to the classical literary tradition while focusing on poetry from Tallinn and Tartu from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It does not aim to present an overview of this tradition in Estonia (already an object of numerous studies), but rather to discuss some general problems connected to such studies—both in Europe and Estonia—and to show some alternative (or complementary) analyses of neo-classical poetics, together with verse translations and texts that are not easily available or are unknown to the scholars.The discussion of neo-classical poetry in Estonia finds problems in a detachment from poetics and the consequent discrepancies. Firstly, although scholarly treatises stress the value of casual poetry (forming the most eminent part of Estonian Neo-Latin and Humanist Greek poetry), the same treatises present this poetry from the viewpoint of its social background, focusing more on the authors and events than the poetic form. For example, in the Anthology of Tartu casual poetry and the corpus of Neo-Latin poetry from Tartu, texts are presented according to genre, which is defined only according to the classification of social events (epithalamia, epicedia, congratulations for rectorate, disputations, etc). Secondly, in most cases (the anthology, re-editions), this poetry is presented to readers as prose translations. As in the case of ancient Greek and Roman poetry, the established norm in Estonia is verse translation. Translating poetry into prose, therefore, signals that these works are not to be considered poetry. Thirdly, commentaries on this poetry tend to list lexical parallels with authors from classical antiquity without distinguishing actual quotations from the usage of poetic formulae while simultaneously (mostly) ignoring the impact of pagan and Christian texts from late antiquity and renaissance and humanist literature.One alternative is to present Neo-Latin and Humanist Greek poetry as verse translations and focus more on discussing poetic devices and the impact of its contemporary poetry. Therefore, the second part of this article presents five poems as translations of verse and a subsequent analysis of their poetics.The first example is from a manuscript in the Tallinn City Archives and represents the earliest collection of neo-classical poetry, containing one Latin and five Greek poems belonging to the epistolary poem genre. Its author, Gregor Krüger Mesylanus (a latinized Greek translation of the name of his birth-town Mittenwalde, near Berlin), worked as a priest in Reval after his studies in Wittenberg during the time of Ph. Melanchthon (which explains Krüger‘s chosen poetic form). The Greek cycle is regarded thematically as variations on the same subject of the author‘s longing for home and his unhappiness with the jealousy and hostility of his fellow citizens in Reval. His choice of meter is influenced by Latin poetry, the initial long elegy balanced by four shorter poems of different meters (iambic and choriambic patterns). The final poem of the Greek cycle (Enviless Moon) is presented together with a metrical translation and analysis to demonstrate how sonorous patterns orchestrate the thematic development of the poem: the author‘s wish to be like the moon, who receives its light from the brighter sun, but remains still happy and grateful to God for his own gift and ability to bring a smaller light to others.The second example analyzes the structure and poetic motives of a metrical translation of a Greek Pindaric Ode by Heinrich Vogelmann from 1633. The paper’s author also examines the European tradition of

Käesolevas artiklis uuritakse kõrvutavalt originaaltekstiga Fjodor Dostojevski romaani „Vennad Karamazovid“ kahte eestikeelset tõlget, mille autoriteks on Aita Kurfeldt ja Virve Krimm. Analüüsi objektiks on jutustaja muutlik diskursus, mille eripära avaldub stiili ebaühtluses ehk muutlikkuses. Jutustaja „takerduval“ kõnel on romaanis oluline funktsioon, mis seisneb kaootilise, ebakindla kunstilise maailma loomises. Eestikeelseid tõlkeid vaadeldakse võrdluses lähtetekstiga mitmel mikrostilistilisel tasandil: kesksõnatarindid, sõnade ja sõnatüvede kordus, modaalsõnad, deminutiivid, fraseoloogilised üksused, grammatilistest normidest kõrvalekaldumine. The article studies two Estonian translations of Dostoyevsky’s novel The Brothers Karamazov by Aita Kurfeldt and Virve Krimm, comparing them to the source text. The tradition of translating Dostoyevsky’s works into Estonian has its beginning in the 20th century. It started with Johannes Aavik’s experimental translations and was continued by the classic of Estonian literature A. H. Tammsaare – in 1929, the first Estonian translation of Crime and Punishment appeared in the latter’s translation. In the 1930s, preparations began in Estonia to publish Dostoyevsky’s collected works in 15 volumes, and, as part of this initiative which involved several translators, the novel The Brothers Karamazov first appeared Estonian in Aita Kurfeldt’s translation (1939–1940). Kurfeldt’s translation was later edited and updated by Helle Tiisväli, and the new edition published by the Kupar publishing house in 2001. In the 21st century, the novel was translated for the second time and published by Varrak with an afterword by Peeter Torop in 2015–2016. The translator was Virve Krimm, a capable and talented translator who had already translated Dostoyevsky’s Demons as well as other books by classic Russian authors, e.g., Turgenev’s novel Home of the Gentry, his stories and prose poems; she had also been a co-translator of Tolstoy’s War and Peace. In Krimm’s obituary by the Translators’ Section of the Estonian Writers’ Union, her translation of The Brothers Karamazov was highly appreciated. Both translations were made during times free of the prescriptive norms of the Soviet regime. If ideological coercion in the narrower sense of the word (the authorities’ pressure on translators, editors and publishers) is considered, both translations can be regarded as expressions of the translators’ free choice – both were completed in free Estonia. A conspicuous characteristic of Kurfeldt’s translation is her word-for-word reproduction of Dostoyevsky’s phrases or whole syntactic periods, preserving even the word order. The author of the later translation as well as the later editor of Kurfeldt’s translation have clearly tried to actively oppose Kurfeldt’s tendency towards literal translation. Still, the first translator’s “literal translation” cannot be claimed to be an indicator of dilettantism, as Kurfeldt’s attempts to copy Dostoyevsky’s syntax and even punctuation may be viewed as an essential effort to revive the narrator’s changeable, clumsy manner of speech in The Brothers Karamazov. This article analyses the narrator’s transmutable discourse, the peculiarity of which is expressed in the inconsistent or unstable style, as well as its translations into Estonian. In the novel, the narrator’s inconsistent speech has an essential function which consists in creating a chaotic, unstable artistic world. Studies of Dostoyevsky’s poetics have often drawn attention to the peculiarity of the narrator’s style and tone in his works. Mikhail Bakhtin noted that the narrator’s word constantly fluctuates between two extremes – the dryly informative, recording word and the word depicting the character. The researchers who have followed or developed Bakhtin’s theoretical conception have also noted that such inconsistent and hesitant narration style approaches, or actually is, non-literary language. As Aage A. Hansen-Löve has shown, the spontaneous or chaotic manner of narration was characteristic of the vanguard or initial period of Russian realism, but it was also preserved in the movement during its later years. Dostoyevsky modelled the type of the “non-professional” narrator as early as in the 1840s. The speech of this narrator is knowingly “non-literary”. The writer’s “carelessness with words” has also been described and analysed in literary studies as a deliberate device realised at different levels of the narrative: in composition (e.g. the stylistic inconsistency in chapter headings), syntax, lexical paradigm, structure of phraseological expressions and deviations from language norms. In this article, the Estonian translations are viewed in comparison with the source text on several microstylistic levels: participial constructions, repetition of words and word stems, modal words, diminutives, phraseological units, deviation from grammatical norms. The comparative analysis of the translations in the article does not attempt to characterise the translations in full, but only discusses the key tendencies in rendering the narrator’s unstable speech. The theoretical basis for the analysis derives from the virtual model of different translation types presented in Peeter Torop’s article “Tõlkeloo koostamise printsiibid” (“Principles of compiling translation history”, 1999). In conclusion, it appears that Kurfeldt’s translation is a text dominated by an orientation towards the expressive plane of the source text. The word order in sentences, punctuation marks, modal words and their positions in the text are rendered exactly. Still, the translation is inconsistent at the microstylistic level: the translator tries to replace functional repetitions occuring in the text with synonyms, changes participial constructions into subordinate clauses, and presents participles as verbs in the third person; in a number of cases Kurfeldt also omits words and phrases. The edited translation has undergone essential changes in its turn – the editor has striven for stylistically correct, fluent, “proper” speech which sometimes remains rather far from the original. Krimm’s translation has a considerably more complicated structure. Initially, it can be said that Krimm’s translation is oriented simultaneously towards the content plane of the source text, i.e. towards lexical and semantic precision, and sometimes also towards an equivalence with the rhythmic and intonational level of the expression plane of the original. Still, the precision of translating other levels of the expression plane of the original depends on the essentiality of the translated elements in the structure of the novel. Similarly to Kurfeldt, Krimm does not attempt to preserve diminutives, as these grammatical forms are not characteristic of the Estonian language. Thus, opting for an orientation mainly towards the expressive plane of the target text, Krimm continues many aspects of her personal tradition of translating Russian classics from the second half of the 20th century. Choosing the expression plane of the target text as a dominant was characteristic of many other Estonian translators in the Soviet period, as such a translation strategy compensated for the lack of political freedom. The conclusions of the article concern only the recreation of the narrator’s uneven speech in the Estonian translations of The Brothers Karamazov by Kurfeldt and Krimm and, at this stage, do not expand to encompass other layers of the complicated structure of Dostoyevsky’s novel in the texts by the two translators. The article serves as the beginning of a study: further, both translations could be viewed in a broader ideological context, considering the dependence of concrete translation solutions on the translation norms of the 1930s, the normative requirements for literary translation in the 21st century, problems of editing of translations, as well as aspects related to political, literary, linguistic, intermedial and other translation-related contexts.

The aim of the paper is to analyse the perceptions Estonian 13-16-year-olds have about privacy and imagined audience on SNS, blogs and Instant Messenger. Semi-structured interviews (N = 15) were carried out to explore the various privacy strategies teens implement in order to manage their extended audience. The findings indicate that the majority of the teens in the sample had misperceptions about the size of their online audience. Furthermore, many of them seldom thoroughly thought about possible privacy issues when communicating on mediated publics. Although several of our interviewees confessed that they only kept the members of the “ideal audience”, i.e. close friends and schoolmates, in mind while publishing posts, others claimed to be “performing” somewhat differently in front of extended audience. Our results therefore challenge widespread assumptions that youth do not care about privacy and are not engaged in navigating privacy, as three main privacy strategies – strategic information sharing, self-censorship and social steganography – were implemented by the young interviewees.

Artikkel käsitleb luuletaja Ilmi Kolla (1933–1954) luulet stalinismiperioodi kontekstis kui vastupanu ajastu diskursiivsetele jõujoontele. Ilmi Kolla luuletuste enamikku ei olnud võimalik avaldada, sest need ei vastanud sotsialistliku realismi ja stalinliku ideoloogia nõuetele. Ka avaldamiseks vastu võetud tekstide puhul heitsid ajalehtede ja ajakirjade toimetused talle sageli ette luuletuste sobimatust kehtivate ideoloogiliste ja esteetiliste nõuetega. Selles mõttes võib Ilmi Kolla luulet näha sotsiaalse protestina, mis ei olnud küll otseselt selle eesmärgiga loodud, kuid mis toimis sellisel moel. The article analyzes the poetry of the Estonian writer Ilmi Kolla as the resistance toward the discursive hegemony of the Stalinist era. The dominant tenor of the Stalinist era was falsely optimistic, leaving no space for articulations of individual experiences and existential questions, the topics which were central for Ilmi Kolla’ poetry. The writers could not, in the Stalinist era, publicly oppose the ideological and social demands of Soviet rule. Instead, one could adapt the position of a passive dissenter; in the context of literary production, such a position could mean remaining silent (i.e. not publishing texts) or cultivating aesthetic practices which were out of touch with the official ideological demands of the era – this last option meant writing into the drawer.During the Stalinist period in Estonian SSR, the only officially accepted method of creating literary texts was ‘socialist realism.’ The acceptance of this method suggested ideological conformism; indeed many authors conformed to the ideological demands of the era. Estonian literature of earlier periods was re-evaluated according to Stalinist ideological demands. In poetry, the newly-established demand for socialist realism prescribed the range of accepted topics; acceptable themes included war, building up the new socialist society, class struggle and the struggle for peace, and the worship of Stalin. Ideological emphasis was laid on the foregrounding of a collective viewpoint and communist values. However, there were several authors who did not conform to the pressure; the poetess Betti Alver, for example, did not publish any poems during the twenty postwar years.Ideological education of authors became one of the cornerstones of producing the socialist realist works; of particular importance was guiding the literal production of young authors. This was arranged through the Writers Union, where advisers of prose and poetry were employed. Journal editors performed the same role and critical articles were published concerning the production of young authors. As a young author, the position of Ilmi Kolla in the Soviet literary landscape was precarious because she hardly complied with requirements of socialist realism. Therefore, she failed to publish most of her poems. Kolla indeed tried to conform and wrote conforming poetry for earning income, but these poems often failed. Even poems which were accepted by the editorial board for publication were not considered ideological enough and were harshly criticized. The central theme in Kolla’s poetry was individual and erotic love, instead of collective values demanded by socialist realism. Kolla’s poetry tended to have existential undertones and was tempered by a sense of sorrow. Such poetic modes were considered unacceptable in the context of Stalinism since these indicated a sense of human weakness, understood according to Stalinist ideology as lacking in optimism and yielding to negativity and decadent feelings. The most well known poem by Kolla, “Sorrowful moments” carries a sense of an approaching death; it focuses on an individual who loves and longs for the happiness, whose soul is sick and who is thinking about the transciense of life and about the appoaching death. This poem was published only after Kolla’s death in 1957 and then became widely read. The poem has been considered Kolla’s existential outcry; it has been interpreted as a turning point in the poetic practices of the period (Veidemann 2000). Many poems by Ilmi Kolla which she could not publish during her lifetime were distributed from hand to hand in a manuscript form after her death, impacting in this way the attitudes of many people. Readers have recalled how discovering the poetry of Kolla affected them strongly in the Stalinist atmosphere of the 1950s; many remember how Kolla’s poems became close to their hearts and were experienced in the context of the era as something extraordinary and out of sync with the official trends. A collection of Kolla’s poetry was published after her death in 1957, but the compiler Heljo Mänd has acknowledged that she did not dare to publish Kolla’s more spiritual poetry because of the fear of criticism. Since individualism was suppressed in the Soviet Union, the expression of poetic individualism can be understood as a form of dissent or opposition (Hersch 2016). Therefore, the poetry of Ilmi Kolla can be seen as an opposition to Soviet rule and as a protest toward society which repressed individuality. In addition to Kolla’s poetry as a poetic dissent, her freeminded personality was also somewhat inappropriate in the Soviet system. As many other writers, Kolla teased the system, conformed where necessary, but also used the system in her own interests. The poetry of Ilmi Kolla can be understood as a social protest which was not directly created for the purpose of dissent, but which functioned in this way in the Stalinist and post-Stalinist society.

Teesid: Käesolev uurimus põhineb Jüri Talveti juubeliüritusel peetud ettekandel ning keskendub professori Liivi-alase tegevuse käsitlemisele. Artiklis tutvustan Talveti Liivi-tõlgenduse uudseid ja vähemärgatud detaile, mis kajastuvad tema koostatud Liivi luule väljaannetes ja nendega ühenduses olevates kriitilistes käsitlustes. Siinjuures tahan näidata, et Talvet avaldab Liivi luulet teistsuguses võtmes ja teisendab oluliselt seda normi, mille vahendusel Liivi luulet tänapäeval tuntakse. The article addresses Jüri Talvet’s interpretation of poetry by Juhan Liiv (1864–1913). Its focus lies on a collection of Liiv’s poetry Snow Drifts, I Sing: Selected Poems (Lumi tuiskab, mina laulan: Valik luulet, 2013) compiled by Talvet. I shall compare this book with the most extensive volume of Liiv’s poetry of the previous century With and Without You (Sinuga ja sinuta, 1989) edited by Aarne Vinkel, which has had a major role in the shaping of the norms that serve as a basis for understanding Liiv’s work in recent times. The article observes how these volumes mediate Liiv’s poetry and the way Talvet transposes its earlier publishing standards. More particularly, I will analyse the poetry collection edited by Talvet from five perspectives: I will map the new texts and text fragments included in the work, discuss Talvet’s corrections and highlight the omitted fragments and full texts. Such specific treatment can be narrowed down to three broader topics: what new additions Talvet makes to the known textual body of Liiv’s poems (new texts); what changes he makes to previously published poems (textual additions, corrections and omissions); what he has left out (omitted texts). Talvet adds a great number of texts to the known body of Liiv’s poems. The poetry book Snow Drifts, I Sing contains over 20 poems that are not included in With and Without You; furthermore, Talvet publishes a number of new pieces of poetry. These texts have been extracted from Estonian print media at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th, early publications of Liiv’s poetry compiled by Friedebert Tuglas and Liiv’s written legacy. Of the more obscure or unpublished finds I will pay most attention to the poem I Found (Leidsin). The analysis of this poem shows that even though Talvet’s contributions to the body of Liiv’s published poetry may seem insignificant at first, the texts bear a certain aesthetic significance or value of thought that definitely sharpens and expands the view on Juhan Liiv’s poetry. Besides new texts, the volume compiled by Talvet also introduces a number of new versions of well-known poems. This includes text additions, corrections as well as omissions. Such changes have been applied to more than 20 poems. The most fascinating modifications occur in the poems “I Walked toward the Forest” (“Ma kõndisin metsa poole”), “Autumn” (“Sügise”) (i.e. the poem beginning with the verse “Drab sand and empty field” (“Igav liiv ja tühi väli”)) and “Infidelity” (“Truudusetus”). Compared to Vinkel, Talvet has managed to find better publication solutions for several of Liiv’s poems and his reasoning has dispelled a certain ambiguity that has long reigned over the publication of some of Liiv’s texts. And even though some of Talvet’s selective choices for Snow Drifts, I Sing have raised questions, the collection and his accompanying monograph allow readers to discover the reasoning behind his decisions and general problems concerning the publication of Juhan Liiv’s poetry. The poetry book Snow Drifts, I Sing excludes a great number of texts—more than 30—that were previously included in With and Without You. The omission of a rather well-known poem Future (Tulevik) raised the most questions and Talvet has not provided any reasons for that. Nevertheless, the general tightening of the circle of Liiv’s poetic works is understandable because most of the poems excluded from Snow Drifts, I Sing are generally lacking and fail to convey Liiv’s magnitude as a poet to the reader. The abundance of such texts may draw attention away from the intensity of Liiv’s poetry. Talvet’s selection has a clearer focus than Vinkel’s, emphasizing the unusual and unique quality of Liiv’s poetry. My research demonstrates that Talvet’s innovations have external scope and inherent gravitas—they concern a considerable number of Liiv’s poems and are expressed in substantial modifications. Despite the long and exhaustive publication practice of Liiv’s poems, Talvet has managed to present Liiv to the reader in a considerably different manner.