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1
Lynteris, Christos. "From Prussia to China: Japanese Colonial Medicine and Gotō Shinpei’s Combination of Medical Police and Local Self-Administration." Medical History 55, no. 3 (July 2011): 343–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300005378.
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Recent historical investigation into the rise of ‘biopolitical modernity’ in China has shed some surprising light. While it was long thought that British public health initiatives entered China via Hong Kong, the recent work of Ruth Rogaski, Philippe Chemouilli and others has established that it was actually early Japanese colonialism that played the crucial role. It was the Meiji Empire's hygiene reform projects in Taiwan and Manchuria that provided the model for Republican China. Curiously overlooked by medical historians has been one of the major early works of Japanese public health that directly inspired and guided this colonial medical enterprise. This was that of the Japanese health reformer and colonial officer, Gotō Shinpei (1857–1929), and it was undertaken in Munich as a doctoral thesis under the supervision of Max von Pettenkofer. In this article, I focus on the way in which Shinpei dealt in his thesis with the relations between centralisation and local self-administration as one of the key issues facing hygienic modernisation and colonial biopolitical control.
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Cheng, Zeyang, Jian Lu, Zhenshan Zu, and Yunxuan Li. "Speeding Violation Type Prediction Based on Decision Tree Method: A Case Study in Wujiang, China." Journal of Advanced Transportation 2019 (June 27, 2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2019/8650845.
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The speeding violation has become a key concern in the traffic safety management, as it increases the risk of traffic crashes, as well as the severity of these crashes. This uncivilized phenomenon is prominent and presents an increasing trend in Wujiang in recent years, which severely endangers the road traffic safety. This study is approved by the Traffic Police Brigade of Wujiang Public Security Bureau and aims to explore the characteristic of the speeding violation behaviour and attempt to make an effective prediction about it. This study proposes a speeding violation type (including type 1 and type 2) prediction method using electronic law enforcement data obtained from the public security administration of Wujiang. Before the prediction, a speeding violation influence factor analysis based on the binary logical regression model is proposed. The binary logical regression analysis identifies that the license plate, season, speeding area, position, and rainfall are the influence factors of Wujiang’s speeding violation. Then a decision tree method is used to predict the speeding violation type according to the influence factors, and from which the speeding violation situations can be determined. The prediction results demonstrate that under the hypothetical conditions, the high speeding violation level (i.e., type 2) tends to occur under high rainfall environment, and the foreign license plate and autumn present a larger probability of high speeding violation level than the local license plate and other seasons (i.e., spring, summer, and winter), respectively. Finally, a model comparison between the proposed method and other tree-based approaches is conducted. The comparison results show that the decision tree method outperforms other methods in prediction performance (including accuracy, precision, recall, and classification error), runtime, and ROC curve, which indicates that the decision tree method is feasible in predicting the speeding violation type of Wujiang. Based on the findings, the traffic managers can macroscopically grasp the speeding violation situation of the whole road networks, which can be referred for making the related polices and taking intervention measures.
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Shah, Maulana Akbar. "Islam in the China Sea: Muslims in Myanmar (Islam di Sekitar Laut China: Orang Islam di Myanmar)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 16, no. 1 (April 12, 2019): 161–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v16i1.777.
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From an economic and strategic perspective, the Strait of Malacca is one of the most important shipping lanes in the world. It has always been a strategic maritime route that benefitted kingdoms of Tiriwizara, Majapahit, Malakka, Pagan, Hantawaddy and Konbong Kingdoms of Myanmar. Thanks to the long borderland, China and Burma have always engaged in trade and diplomatic relation. Burma, presently called Myanmar, is an important country from the perspective of geo-politics in the region, but never has the situation of 8 million Muslims in this country been worse. Muslims have been living in Myanmar for a long time. The previous Buddhist rulers of the country and the British administration that followed provided rights of citizenship to them without discrimination. In the light of these welcoming circumstances, Muslims were happy to contribute to the nation by joining the army, the police force, government institutions in areas such as health care, education, trade, business, agriculture as well as in politics and as legislators in the parliament of Myanmar. Nevertheless, their unfortunate history began when the military came into power in 1962. All the rights and responsibilities they had enjoyed over the years became restricted. Discrimination policies were applied in every segment of national institutions, thereby threatening their citizenship rights. The discrimination continued to the extent that their racial status as one of the 145 ethnic groups of Myanmar was removed. Consequently, frequent riots, afflictions, and violence against Muslim minorities became the norm, rendering peaceful coexistence between Muslim and Buddhists difficult. The objective of this paper is to research the historical existence and identification of Muslims in Myanmar. Findings of this work will touch upon a theory of peaceful coexistence between Muslims and Buddhists in Myanmar.
Keywords Islam, Muslim, identity, rights, discrimination, peace, coexistence.
Abstrak
Dari perspektif ekonomi dan strategik, Selat Melaka adalah salah satu laluan perkapalan yang paling penting di dunia. Ia sentiasa menjadi laluan maritim strategik yang memberi manfaat kepada kerajaan-kerajaan kerajaan Tiriwizara, Majapahit, Malakka, Pagan, Hantawaddy dan Kerajaan Konbong Myanmar. Disebabkan sempadan yang panjang, China dan Burma sentiasa terlibat dalam perdagangan dan hubungan diplomatik. Burma, yang kini dipanggil Myanmar, adalah negara penting dari perspektif geo-politik di rantau ini, tetapi 8 juta umat Islam di negara ini tidak pernah mengalami keadaan yang buruk. Umat Islam telah tinggal di Myanmar sejak beberapa ribu tahun yang lalu. Para pemimpin Buddha terdahulu dan juga pentadbiran British memberi hak kewarganegaraan kepada umat Islam tanpa diskriminasi. Keadaan ini menyebabkan umat Islam dengan rela hati tampil memberi sokongan kepada negara dengan menyertai tentera, pasukan polis, terlibat dalam institusi kerajaan dalam bidang kesihatan, pendidikan, perdagangan, perniagaan, pertanian, politik dan penggubal undang-undang dalam parlimen Myanmar. Walau bagaimanapun, sejarah buruk bermula apabila golongan tentera berkuasa pada tahun 1962. Semua hak keistimewaan yang mereka nikmati selama bertahun-tahun menjadi terhad. Dasar diskriminasi telah digunakan pada setiap segmen institusi nasional dan telah mengancam hak kewarganegaraan mereka. Diskriminasi ini berterusan sehingga status mereka sebagai salah satu daripada 145 kaum Myanmar dihapuskan. Akibatnya, kerusuhan, kesengsaraan, dan kekerasan yang sering berlaku terhadap kaum minoriti Muslim menjadi norma dimana tidak mungkin akan wujud kesefahaman antara Islam dan Buddha. Objektif makalah ini adalah untuk menyelidik kewujudan sejarah dan identifikasi umat Islam di Myanmar. Hasil kajian akan menyentuh teori kedamaian antara umat Islam dan Buddha di Myanmar.
Kata Kunci: Islam, Muslim, identiti, Hak, diskriminasi, kemanan, coexisten
4
Zhang, Sh. "The Trump Administration’s Policy to Contain China in The Field of Technology." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 2 (August 19, 2021): 242–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-2-242-255.
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The article examines the Trump administration's policy to contain China in the field of technology. Particular attention is paid to the content of this policy, its reasons and impact on Sino-US relations. Since taking office, Trump has begun to regard China as a competitor of USA in the global science and technology field. The Trump administration has tried to prevent free technological exchanges with China. The United States’ containment policy has weakened the strategic mutual trust between China and the United States and has aggravated the tension in Sino-US relations. Despite the efforts of the United States, it failed to influence China's technological development. The conclusion of the article is that China continues to pursue an active technology policy to mitigate the negative impact of the US containment policy.
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Kang, Jean S. "Chinese UN Representation at the Crossroads: International Pressures for Change in U.S. China Policy, 1961." International Studies Review 8, no. 2 (October 8, 2007): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-00801003.
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In 1961, the Kennedy administration confronted widespread domestic and foreign anticipation that significant changes would be made to existing U.S. China policy. Although the new administration proposed to liberate the United States from past policies and offer fresh, innovative solutions to problems confronted worldwide, the major issues that characterized and defined the American relationship with both the Chinese Communists on the mainland and the Chinese Nationalists on Taiwan posed a challenge for the new President and his top advisers. This study examines the Kennedy administration’s deliberations with regard to the Chinese representation matter at the United Nations and mounting international pressures from U.S. allies and other nations for the United States to assume a more flexible posture toward Communist China. Despite the lack of a major departure from existing policies, initiatives proposing a reappraisal of U.S. China policy during the Kennedy administration precipitated discussions and debates that significantly contributed to the evolution towards the eventual transformation of Sino-American relations.
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Kang, Jean S. "Outer Mongolia and the Changing Dynamics of UN Representation: Impacts on U.S. China Policy, 1961." International Studies Review 15, no. 1 (October 15, 2014): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01501005.
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In 1961, the Kennedy administration confronted wides-pread domestic and foreign anticipation that significant changes would be made to existing U.S. China policy. Although the new administration proposed to liberate the United States from past policies and offer fresh, innova-tive solutions to problems confronted worldwide, the major issues that characterized and defined the American relationship with both the Chinese Communists on the mainland and the Chinese Nationalists on Taiwan posed a challenge for the new President and his top advisers. This study examines the Kennedy administration’s deli-berations at the United Nations with regard to the Outer Mongolian representation matter and mounting interna-tional pressures from U.S. allies and other nations for the United States to assume a more flexible posture toward Communist China. Despite the lack of a major departure from existing policies, initiatives proposing a reappraisal of U.S. China policy during the Kennedy administration precipitated discussions and debates that contributed sig-nificantly to the eventual transformation of Sino-Ameri-can relations.
7
Blanchard, Jean-Marc F. "The United States - China Rivalry and the BRI." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 288–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-288-303.
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The article describes the United States - China rivalry and Chinas Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) through a fine-grained review of primary materials such as major US policy documents and speeches by and media interviews with key American foreign policy decisionmakers, as well as the selective use of secondary materials such as think tank studies and articles in scholarly publications. It shows that the BRI has fueled the bilateral rivalry since its birth in 2013 and that the rivalry, in turn, has affected US views about the BRI. Under President Barack Obama, the US took a muted stance towards the BRI, expressing modestly cooperative sentiments regarding it. In contrast, under President Donald Trump, Washingtons posture towards the BRI dramatically changed with his administration frequently denigrating the BRI, raising it in major security and foreign policy documents, initiating competing development schemes such as the BUILD Act, and building closer cooperation with allies against Chinas venture. Despite its angst about the BRI, however, the Trump administration never launched any large-scale countermeasures. This article contributes to clarifying the situation by correcting some factual errors in past analyses and updating the general understanding about the Trump administrations response. It systematically contemplates how internal and external economic, political, and ideational factors affected the Obama and Trump administrations responses to the BRI, demonstrating that such factors shaped or shifted US policy or bounded its form and intensity. These factors, being similar to those stressed by neoclassical realists who emphasize the role of leaders as interpreters within limits of the external environment and responders to it subject to various domestic constraints, provide a foundation which is used to speculate about the USs probable response to the BRI under President Joseph Biden, Jr.
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Miao, Weishan, and Wei Lei. "Policy review: The Cyberspace Administration of China." Global Media and Communication 12, no. 3 (December 2016): 337–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766516680879.
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Baum, Richard. "From “Strategic Partners” to “Strategic Competitors”: George W. Bush and the Politics of U.S. China Policy." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 2 (August 2001): 191–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000497.
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Ever since Richard Nixon's 1972 “opening” to China, U.S. presidential election campaigns have been the occasion for the opposition party to strongly challenge the incumbent president's policy of engagement toward China. Once in power, however, successful challengers (Carter, Reagan, Clinton) have softened their criticism and accepted the strategic necessity of cooperation with China. In the first stage of this cycle, the 2000 election appeared to be no exception, as presidential challenger George W. Bush sharply criticized Bill Clinton's notion of a “strategic partnership” with the PRC and proposed instead that the U.S. and China were “strategic competitors.” This paper examines the first six months of the Bush presidency to see if the historic pattern of post-election reversion to the status-quo ante is repeating itself in the Bush Administration. Looking, inter alia, at the individual preferences of key administration policymakers, the administration's enhanced arms sale package to Taiwan, the president's pledge to do “whatever it took” to defend Taiwan, and the mid-summer visit of Secretary of State Colin Powell to Beijing, the paper documents the existence of a sharp division between “soft” realists and “hard” realists within the Bush Administration; and it concludes that while there has been a perceptible shift toward a more adversarial outlook, it is too soon to tell whether this shift will be partly offset by the normal first-term “regression to the mean.”
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MIAO, Ji. "Back to Strategic Competition? Assessing Japan’s Emerging China Policy under the Suga Administration." East Asian Policy 13, no. 02 (April 2021): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000155.
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While Japanese Prime Minister Suga Yoshihide pledged to loyally inherit Abe Shinzo’s foreign policy, his administration’s emerging policy has undergone a major shift in recent months. The new foreign policy has swayed from one that is relatively more independent and balanced to one that is more responsive to America’s competitive China policy, an intensive security agenda, tightened scrutiny of economic and technological cooperation with China, and open intervention in issues that China deems as domestic affairs. This article seeks to make an initial assessment of the nature, scope and prospects of the Suga administration’s China policy.
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Ashbee, Edward. "‘We Don’t Drown our Partners in a Sea of Debt’: U.S. Policy Responses to China’s Belt and Road Initiative." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 27, no. 4 (December 16, 2020): 374–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-27040004.
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Abstract Whereas the Obama administration had equivocated, the Trump White House declared its vehement opposition to the Belt and Road Initiative (bri). This shift went together with the Trump administration’s designation of the People’s Republic of China (prc) as a strategic competitor and a broader deterioration in bilateral relations. However, as it began to posit alternatives to the bri, the Trump administration fell back on the policy thinking of the established foreign policy community. In doing this, it tacitly accepted the importance of soft power and the adoption of strategies requiring close cooperation with allies and partners so as to develop regional infrastructural “connectivity” projects. The White House thereby stepped back from the unilateralism, “principled realism,” and reliance upon hard power that had defined Donald J. Trump’s 2015–2016 presidential campaign. Nonetheless, U.S. efforts to develop policy alternatives to the bri were limited, unstable, and variegated. The Trump administration’s actions in other policy arenas often stymied efforts to counter the prc and initiatives such as the build Act and “Prosper Africa” received scant resources. On the basis of this policy pattern, the article argues that policy communities at times can “harness” other counter-positioned, political currents, but ongoing ideational stresses and abrasion will inevitably characterize the process.
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Cha, Victor D. "Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (February 2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.
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The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.
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De Castro, Renato Cruz. "The Duterte Administration's Foreign Policy: Unravelling the Aquino Administration's Balancing Agenda on an Emergent China." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 35, no. 3 (December 2016): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341603500307.
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From 2010 to 2016, then-President Benigno Aquino balanced China's expansive maritime claim in the South China Sea. President Aquino challenged China by shifting the AFP's focus from domestic security to territorial defence, bolstering closer Philippine–US security relations, acquiring American military equipment, seeking from Washington an explicit security guarantee under the 1951 Mutual Defence Treaty (MDT), and promoting a strategic partnership with Japan. However, the Duterte administration is unravelling its predecessor's balancing agenda by distancing itself from the United States and gravitating closer to China, despite the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) July 12 2016 award to the Philippines. President Duterte's foreign policy is directed at reviving the equi-balancing policy on China, in contrast to then-President Aquino's balancing strategy. This is best exemplified by his efforts to harness China for several major infrastructure and investments projects in the Philippines and to resort to bilateral negotiations with Beijing. The present article argues that instead of relying on the US, President Duterte is fostering closer security partnership with Japan to equi-balance an emergent China.
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Vorobiev, V. Y. "The Future of US-Chinese Relations under the Administration of Donald Trump." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 9, no. 6 (July 24, 2018): 60–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2016-9-6-60-75.
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Long-standing objectives of U.S. foreign policy remain unaltered regardless of the person incumbent. The US elite unanimously see the purpose of maintaining its leading role in international relations. It is still possible that there will be some corrections the American foreign policy but they will not alter the general line. Donald Trump won the US presidential elections. He announced one of his strategic lines in foreign policy is to deter China. From the author's point of view, is to have complex consequences in economics, foreign-policy and defense strategies. The economic growth of China is declining, albeit for the past decades China became the second world power. The USA, at the same time, successfully overcame the consequences of financial crisis 2009. Nowadays, the GDP gap between considering countries is growing again and China is unlikely to reduce it in the short term. It is possible that during the diplomatic negotiations, the USA will reduce its influence in some world regions: they are ready to redistribute the spheres responsibility and demonstrate their attentive position to the interests of other state. The US-China relationships exist in changeable and dynamic forms and in this context, China relates to the stability of its partnership with Russia.
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Grunow, Dieter. "Structures and Logic of EP Implementation and Administration in China." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 40, no. 3 (September 2011): 37–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261104000303.
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This paper describes empirical observations gathered during a research project on the implementation of environmental protection (EP) policies in China. The project focused on local EP in both urban and rural areas. Policy field analysis was used as a conceptual framework for structuring the observations. The paper develops in three main steps discussing the following topics: 1) Collective problems within the policy field of EP show that EP issues in general are unlike those of other policy fields. Official EP policies in China today resemble those of other countries – but they are separating issues and responsibilities, making local implementation very demanding. 2) China lags behind in its willingness and ability to implement these policies – leading to implementation gaps. To explore the causes and consequences, specific sites in China are described in an extended look at local implementation structures. It was found that although policies in China are basically the same everywhere, the structures for implementing them and the quality of their implementation vary widely with regard to resources, organization, coordination, staff qualifications, personnel placement, and other aspects. 3) Not all of the challenges hampering local implementation of environmental policies were China-specific; however, some of those which are can be described as the macro-context: an ineffective rule of law, insufficient involvement of civil society, and complicated macro-structures of public administration prevent a generally high level of successful EP implementation in China.
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Osius, Ted. "Legacy of the Clinton-Gore Administration's China Policy." Asian Affairs: An American Review 28, no. 3 (January 2001): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927670109601490.
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Cui, Yunhuo, Hao Lei, and Wenye Zhou. "Changes in School Curriculum Administration in China." ECNU Review of Education 1, no. 1 (March 2018): 34–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30926/ecnuroe2018010103.
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Purpose —This study focuses on the establishment and evolution of the school curriculum administrative system in China. Design/Approach/Methods —Based on policy papers and documents, this paper explores changes of the concept, tradition and practices of curriculum administration in China. Findings —The curriculum administration since 1949 has developed from an “excessively centralized curriculum administration” model to a “sharing-based curriculum administration”. China's three-level curriculum administrative system, comprising a national-, local-, and school-level curriculum administration framework, is explained and analyzed. Originality/Value —This is a comprehensive scholarly review of historical changes in school curriculum administration in China. This paper also provides provocative suggestions for future development of school curriculum administration in the Chinese context.
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Sutter, Robert. "The United States and Asia in 2005: Managing Troubles, Sustaining Leadership." Asian Survey 46, no. 1 (January 2006): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.1.10.
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Deepening American preoccupations with other problems at home and abroad saw Bush administration policy toward Asia generally continue along established paths and remain secondary in U.S. policy priorities. The administration stepped up high-level exchanges with Asian counterparts, showed some flexibility over North Korea, and resisted domestic pressures for a tougher China policy.
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Dittmer, Lowell. "Chinese Human Rights and American Foreign Policy: A Realist Approach." Review of Politics 63, no. 3 (2001): 421–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500030916.
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This article focuses on the function of human rights as a foreign policy ideal in American foreign policy, particularly since the end of the Cold War. China became a challenging target of U.S. human rights policy after Tiananmen. Human rights as an ideal may be defended either by idealist or by realist means. Whereas the former are logically consistent with the ends, only the latter promises immediate results. The Clinton administration thus began with an attempt to manipulate trade policy to pressure China into improving its human rights policies. The administration then shifted to idealist means more consistent with idealist ends, including the resort to international organization sanctions. But here Washington failed even more conspicuously. The article concludes that human rights did not turn out to be a politically suitable ideal to orient U.S. foreign policy. The impact on China was fierce resentment. But human rights have improved.
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LIM, Yves-Heng. "The Three Myths of France's China Policy." East Asian Policy 06, no. 02 (April 2014): 108–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930514000208.
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Visiting China for the first time in spring 2013, French President François Hollande reaffirmed France's commitment to a policy defined more than 15 years ago by the Jacques Chirac administration. The Paris' unshaken position towards Beijing is nonetheless puzzling. This “global strategic partnership” has incurred significant economic, ideational and political costs for France, while benefits have remained at best meagre and questionable.
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Thi Nguyen, Hang Thuy. "A Historical Review of the Nixon Administration and European Political Cooperation." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0002.
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Abstract With a historical approach, this paper examines the Nixon administration’s policy and stance towards European Political Cooperation (EPC). In December 1969, at The Hague Summit the leaders of the European Community expressed their determination for deepening European integration. The final communiqué of The Hague Summit stressed that the European Community’s desire to achieve EPC and to parallel the European Community’s economic increasing strength with a role to play in the world affairs. With this in mind, the paper will examine the impacts that Nixon administration’s attempts to rebalance U.S. foreign relations reflected in the opening to China and the détente with the Soviet Union had on European political integration. Then, it will be argued that the Nixon administration’s shifting foreign policy priorities can be seen as one of the driving forces of EPC. The paper puts forth that a European Community, whose weight was increased by first its economic integration and then its political cooperation, was seen by the Nixon administration as a challenge to the United States. It is concluded that after a long time of consistently supporting European integration as a means to secure peace and prosperity in Europe, the United States under the Nixon administration had to re-consider its foreign relations and rebalance its focus on the global chessboard. This rebalancing certainly impacted EPC in particular and the European integration process in general.
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Liu, Zezhao, and Jie Huang. "Factors Contributing to Social Risk Management in China: Evaluation in the Context of SSRA Initiative." Chinese Public Administration Review 8, no. 2 (December 29, 2017): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v8i2.158.
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Managing social risk has become a policy concern in contemporary public administration. In China, the Social Stability Risk Assessment (SSRA) was conceived as a government-driven and performance-based system to tackle the challenges of social instability, with the last decade witnessing an increasing imperative to promote its implementation. In practice, local administrations have asserted the importance of social risk management in improving the capability of handling uncertainties, yet studies on SSRA effectiveness are relatively limited. To fill the gap, this paper examines factors for mobilizing local administrators in implementing effective SSRA enforcement through a framework constructed from the perspective of government agencies. Using field survey data collected from four provincial regions, we refined five theoretical constructs and affiliated thirty-five items critical for SSRA operational effectiveness, and found that administrative intervention by the local government plays a crucial role. This study contributes to an understanding of China’s social risk management practice, and offers assessment criteria to monitor its effectiveness in public administration.
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Chen, Dean P. "Liberal Internationalism, Jacksonian Nationalism, and the US One China Policy." Asian Survey 57, no. 5 (September 2017): 885–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.5.885.
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This article examines how Wilsonian foreign policy tradition has shaped the postwar US One China policy, and how Jacksonianism, championed by the Donald Trump administration, challenges that vision. Embracing militant nationalism, commercial mercantilism, and unilateralist diplomacy, Trump’s commitment to “One China” will more likely be conditional on Sino–American transactional interchanges.
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Bautista, Lowell. "The South China Sea Arbitral Award amidst Shifting Philippine Foreign Policy." Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340097.
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Abstract The South China Sea Arbitral Tribunal award was an overwhelming legal and moral victory for the Philippines. The arbitral tribunal categorically declared that China’s nine-dash line claim is incompatible with the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. However, China’s defiance of the ruling and refusal to honor and implement the award pose a serious challenge to Manila’s victory. In addition, the astonishing shift in Philippine foreign policy direction, alongside the change in government, flouts the arbitral award and undermines previous State policies assertive of Philippine maritime and territorial claims in the South China Sea. The current direction of Philippine-China relations under Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has demonstrated positive signs of improvement compared with acrimonious bilateral relations pursued by the previous Aquino administration. The arbitral award has largely been set aside in the government’s effort to restore amicable economic and diplomatic relations with China. This paper examines the South China Sea arbitral award amidst shifting Philippine foreign policy under the administration of President Rodrigo Duterte.
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Nguyen, Thi Thuy Hang. "A Shift in U.S. Foreign Policy under the Nixon Administration and European Political Cooperation: A Historical Analysis." Baltic Journal of European Studies 6, no. 1 (February 1, 2016): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2016-0007.
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AbstractWith a historical approach, this paper examines the Nixon administration’s policy and stance towards the European Political Cooperation (the EPC). In December 1969, at The Hague Summit the leaders of the European Community expressed their determination for deepening European integration. The final communiqué of The Hague Summit stressed the European Community’s desire to achieve the EPC and to parallel the European Community’s increasing economic strength with a role to play in the world affairs. With this in mind, the paper will examine the impacts that Nixon administration’s attempts to rebalance U.S. foreign relations reflected in the opening to China and the détente with the Soviet Union had on the European political integration. Then, it will be argued that the Nixon administration’s shifting of foreign policy priorities can be seen as one of the driving forces of the EPC. The paper puts forth that a European Community, whose weight was increased first by its economic integration and then by its political cooperation, was seen by the Nixon administration as a challenge to the United States. It is concluded that after a long time of consistently supporting European integration as a means to secure peace and prosperity in Europe, the United States under the Nixon administration had to reconsider its foreign relations and rebalance its focus on the global chessboard. This rebalancing certainly impacted the EPC in particular and the European integration process in general.
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Kostrzewa, Marek. "Strategic reassurance - nowa koncepcja czy słabość polityki USA wobec Chin?" Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 29, 2011): 83–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.4.
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The author of this article analyzes a new idea introduced to the American policy toward China upon taking over by Democrats and the Administration of the White House. Searching the answer to the question what 'strategic reassurance' is in bilateral and multilateral US-China relations he enters the course and results of B. Obama's first state visit to China in 2009 and surveys strategic interests of the US and China in the Pacific area. He comes to the conclusion that 'strategic reassurance' is a rule and it is not a concept of American policy in bilateral relations with China, which for its substance and political nature will not be introduced to them, following the rule of 'status quo' in the Taiwan Strait, a new quality and will not eliminate tensions that may originate in them. Functioning of this rule in bilateral relations meets strategic interests of China, because theoretically it increases a foresee ability proportion of B. Obama's new Administration actions and in comparison to G. W. Bush policy creates a perspective for more stable environment. In the context of the US multilateral relations this term meets conceptual criteria of a new strategic vision of American policy toward Asia, including key role of ASEAN i, in order to balance the powers rank changing as a consequence of rising China, with no undermining its position in the region.
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Teets, Jessica C., and Reza Hasmath. "The evolution of policy experimentation in China." Journal of Asian Public Policy 13, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17516234.2020.1711491.
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ZHU, XUFENG. "POLICY CHANGE AND EXPERT INVOLVEMENT IN CHINA." Public Administration 91, no. 2 (April 20, 2012): 281–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9299.2011.01976.x.
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Araral, Eduardo, and Shivani Ratra. "Water governance in India and China: comparison of water law, policy and administration." Water Policy 18, S1 (October 17, 2016): 14–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2016.102.
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We compare water governance between China and India in terms of water laws, policies and administration based on a survey of 182 water experts from 19 provinces/states. We find that water governance in China is consistently stronger compared with India across 17 indicators of water governance. We speculate that these variations could be attributed to differences in political, legal and administrative systems as well as levels of economic development and political system.
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Jae Cheol Kim. "Getting China to change its policy toward North Korea? Evaluating the Park Geun-hye administration's China Policy." National Strategy 23, no. 4 (November 2017): 115–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35390/sejong.23.4.201711.005.
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CHOI, WOOSEON. "Structural realism and Dulles's China policy." Review of International Studies 38, no. 1 (September 1, 2011): 119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210511000477.
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AbstractThe Eisenhower administration's tough containment policy toward China has been conventionally viewed as an unsensible policy resulting from domestic political pressures or ideology. Refuting the conventional explanations, this article argues that during the early Cold War, the US superiority in bipolarity drove China to balance the United States in Asia. Dulles, the architect of the China policy, made accurate assessments of the power structure in Asia and the inevitable enmity with China. Driven by structural imperative, he decided to pursue containment to maintain the favourable balance of power in Asia by retarding the relative power growth of China allied with the Soviet Union and secondarily by accelerating their conflict through harder pressure on a weaker China. This case long considered as a prime anomaly to balance of power theory actually demonstrates how powerfully distributions of power shape alliance behaviours of states in the anarchic international system.
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Qingguo, J. "One administration, two voices: US China policy during Bush's first term." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 6, no. 1 (August 23, 2005): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lci132.
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Scobell, Andrew. "Crouching Korea, Hidden China: Bush Administration Policy toward Pyongyang and Beijing." Asian Survey 42, no. 2 (March 2002): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2002.42.2.343.
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Ying, Fuk-Tsang. "Religious Freedom in China: Policy, Administration, and Regulation: a Research Handbook." Religion, State and Society 37, no. 3 (September 2009): 335–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637490903056641.
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Roehrig, Terence. "The United States and Asia in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (January 2021): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.11.
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In 2020, the United States sought to implement its policy of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific to address the challenge of a rising China. US–China antagonism increased, spurred on by economic tensions and concerns for Beijing’s actions with respect to Hong Kong, Taiwan, the South China Sea, and the Uighurs, with all this occurring in the context of the global pandemic. As the Trump administration came to a close, the most pressing question was how the turn to great power competition, which intensified in 2020, would evolve under a Biden administration.
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Nugraha, Nur Arif. "The Strategic Partners and Strategic Competitors between China and United States in the Period of Barack Obama Administration." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 4, no. 2 (November 1, 2015): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.4.2.147-160.2015.
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This essay will consider a number of perspectives to determine whether the relationship between China and United States is strategic partnersor strategic competitors. During the Obama administration, the policy toward China oscillates between being strategic partners and strategic competitors since the first time he became President in January 2009 until the present time. In this essay, I will argue that the relationship between China and the United States should be based on partnership rather than competition considering the strategic position of both countries in the world recently, especially in terms of economic cooperation. However, there is still a sense of competition between them, especially in military sectors. Sometimes, the relationship between them in this sector often brings the tense to their relationship. Keywords: Obama administration, policy, strategic partners, strategic competitors, relationship.
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Zhai, Qiang. "Crisis and Confrontation: Chinese-American Relations during the Eisenhower Administration." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 3-4 (2000): 221–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645921.
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AbstractThe 1950s was a decade of crisis and confrontation between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the United States. Considering China as a major threat to U.S. interests in East Asia and the Pacific, the Eisenhower administration adopted a policy of political isolation, economic embargo, and military containment against the PRC. Leaders in Beijing viewed the United States as a primary enemy hostile to China's revolution and its unification with Taiwan. They maintained an intense anti-American campaign throughout the decade. How did this condition of hostility come about? How did policymakers in Washington and Beijing view each other? What objectives did the Eisenhower administration plan to achieve in pursuing a policy of toughness against the Chinese Communists? And how did Mao Zedong and his associates react to American pressure and antagonism? This essay will use recently released American and Chinese documents to answer those questions.
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Ionova, E. "The Policy of Donald Trump’s Administration in Central Asia." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 3 (2020): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2020-3-53-65.
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Washington’s strategic course in Central Asia is primarily aimed at weakening China in the region, being an integral part of the anti-Chinese trend of Donald Trump's policy. At the same time, it pursues the goal of weakening the role of Russia, which is a constant of the US policy. Relations with the regional countries are actualized by the “Afghanistan factor” in connection with the impending withdrawal of the American contingent from the IRA. Uzbekistan is considered by Washington as an outpost of its policy in Central Asia, primarily in the Afghan direction. In Kazakhstan, the United States concentrat on promoting anti-Chinese sentiments. Despite the fact that relations with three other countries in the region remain on the periphery of Washington's policy, their development is envisaged by the framework of the C5 + 1 format.
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Yan, Feng, He Daming, and Beth Kinne. "Water resources administration institution in China." Water Policy 8, no. 4 (August 1, 2006): 291–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2006.041.
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Water is one of the basic natural resources and a strategic economic one. According to Chinese law (The Constitution and The 2002 Water Law), water resources are national properties and the state government has the responsibility to administer and protect them. At present, water administration is shared by several ministries of the State Council and called “nine dragons administer water”. This paper illustrates the overall water administration scheme. It focuses on the overlapping mandates and interactions between various ministries, particularly those between the Ministry of Water Resources (MWR) and the State Environment Protection Administration (SEPA). The paper then analyzes the reasons why conflicts and disputes over ministry policies and strategies occur and the resultant lowering of administration efficiency and degradation of the water environment. Considering the complexity of water administration and the multiple demands on and limited water resources, some trends must be developed in water administration institutions to improve the efficiency of water administration. In particular, water administration must be strengthened and unified; administrative power must be separated from supervisory power; watershed management and planning must be strengthened; and cooperation among the related water departments must be increased.
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Badaruddin, Muhammad, and Suciliani Octavia. "TURNKEY PROJECT DAN DINAMIKA PENGATURAN KETENAGAKERJAAN ASING DI INDONESIA." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 1, no. 2 (January 27, 2018): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v1i2.617.
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China’s aggressiveness to conduct its belt and road initiatives through the Pacific Rim meets Presiden Joko Widodo’s ambition to attract foreign investment. The Indonesian President has been very ambitious in reaching high economic growth that requires readiness of infrastructure support. In dealing with China, Indonesia is required to accept China’s turnkey project scheme for infrastructure development, particularly in welcoming Chinese workers and equipments as an integral part of the project package. As a consequence, Indonesia has to loose its foreign worker regulation despite creating new contradictions with its domestic policy. This article is trying to investigate China’s funding and investment influence in Indonesia particularly in the foreign worker management during the period of President Joko Widodo Administration. The research conducted with qualitative method particularly the case study to analyze a sequential case in the field. Result of this research shows that the China’s turnkey project scheme impacts the foreign worker management in Indonesia. Our data displays pretty massive cases related to Chinese workers, extending from the violation of immigration regulation to the increase number of smuggling and other criminal activities. This research also highlight the indication that the Joko Widodo Administration tend to loose the Indonesian foreign worker regulations, as well as being less assertive in processing varous immigration cases which related to Chinese foreign workers. Moreover, the Jokowi administration has changed lots of regulations despite it has conflicting issues with the Law on Foreign Worker. On the other hand, the Parliament’s Special Committee on the Foreign Worker Issue has recommended the Jokowi Administration to pay more serious attention on cases related to the Chinese workers.
Keywords: Turnkey Project, Foreign Investment, Foreign Aid, Regulation on Foreign Worker, Illegal Foreign Worker
Abstrak
Agresivitas Pemerintah China dalam menjalankan belt and road initiatives ke berbagai negara yang terpetakan dalam road map-nya, bertemu dengan kepentingan Indonesia di bawah Pemerintahan Joko Widodo. Yakni ambisi untuk mengejar target pertumbuhan yang tinggi yang mempersyaratkan dibangunnya berbagai proyek infrastruktur sebagai penunjangnya. Pembangunan berbagai proyek tersebut membutuhkan ketersediaan anggaran yang cukup besar dalam waktu cepat. Salah satu strategi pemenuhannya adalah dengan mencari investasi maupun pinjaman luar negeri, terutama asal China yang secara koinsiden juga sedang agresif berekspansi. Kehadiran investasi dan pinjaman asal China di Indonesia dengan skema turnkey project ternyata menimbulkan ekses yang tidak sederhana. Skema tersebut menjadi salah satu pintu masuk tenaga kerja asal China melalui proyek-proyek infrastruktur yang ternyata menimbulkan permasalahan baru dalam pengaturan sektor ketenagakerjaan asing (TKA) di Indonesia. Irisan fenomena dari keinginan untuk merealisasikan proyek infrastruktur secara cepat, kebutuhan anggaran yang cukup tinggi terhadap pendanaan proyek dari China, dan kekurangsiapan dalam pengaturan masuknya tenaga kerja asing adalah fokus dari penelitian yang hasilnya penulis tuangkan dalam artikel ini. Dari penelitian yang dilakukan, terdapat peningkatan berbagai kasus yang terkait dengan kehadiran TKA asal China, antara lain adalah penyalahgunaan visa, penyalahgunaan status kerja, sampai pada meningkatnya angka penyelundupan dan tindak kriminalitas. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan menganalisis secara triangular beberapa data yang didapatkan melalui wawancara terhadap narasumber primer, pengolahan dokumen-dokumen resmi, analisis terhadap berbagai literatur dan pemberitaan media massa.
Kata Kunci: Turnkey Project, Investasi Asing, Pinjaman Asing, Tenaga Kerja Asing, Peraturan Ketenagakerjaan
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Husenicova, Lucia. "U.S. Foreign Policy Towards North Korea." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 22, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.22.05.
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The U.S. relations to Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are since the end of the Cold War revolving around achieving a state of nuclear free Korean peninsula. As non-proliferation is a long term of American foreign policy, relations to North Korea could be categorized primarily under this umbrella. However, the issue of North Korean political system also plays role as it belongs to the other important, more normative category of U.S. foreign policy which is the protection of human rights and spreading of democracy and liberal values. In addition, the North Korean issue influences U.S. relations and interests in broader region of Northeast Asia, its bilateral alliances with South Korea (Republic of Korea, ROK) and Japan as well as sensitive and complex relations to People’s Republic of China. As the current administration of president Donald J. Trump published its National security strategy and was fully occupied with the situation on Korean peninsula in its first year, the aim of the paper is to analyse the changes in evolution of U.S. North Korean policy under last three administrations, look at the different strategies adopted in order to achieve the same aim, the denuclearization. The paper does not provide a thorough analysis, neither looks at all documents adopted and presented in the U.S. or within the U.N. It more focuses on the general principles of particular strategies, most significant events in mutual relations as recorded by involved governmental officials and also weaknesses of these strategies as none has achieved desirable result. In conclusion, several options for current administration are drawn, however all of them require significant compromises and could be accompanied with series of setbacks dangerous for regional stability and U.S. position in the region.
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Mok, Ka-Ho, Anthony Welch, and Yuyang Kang. "Government innovation policy and higher education: the case of Shenzhen, China." Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management 42, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 194–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1360080x.2019.1701851.
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Wen, Zhuoyi. "Government Purchase of Services in China: Similar Intentions, Different Policy Designs." Public Administration and Development 37, no. 1 (February 2017): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pad.1792.
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GORE, Lance L. P. "Seizing the “Trump Opportunity” and Engaging the World: Chinese Foreign Policies in 2017." East Asian Policy 10, no. 01 (January 2018): 56–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930518000053.
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In 2017 China took advantage of the Trump administration’s “America-first” foreign policy to reinforce the three general trends of Chinese foreign policy under Xi Jinping. US-China relations had a slow, hesitant start but turned out unexpectedly well. However, China botched on the Korean Peninsula and had yet to put its relationship with India on a constructive path. The 19th Party Congress’s blueprint for Chinese development requires a bigger role for China on the world stage.
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Ngeow, Chow‐Bing. "Malaysia’s China Policy and the South China Sea Dispute Under the Najib Administration (2009–2018): A Domestic Policy Process Approach." Asian Politics & Policy 11, no. 4 (October 2019): 586–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12494.
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NGA, LE THI HANG, and NGUYEN LE THY THUONG. "India–China Competition in South Asia Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Administration." Journal of Indian and Asian Studies 02, no. 01 (January 2021): 2150001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2717541321500017.
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South Asia is becoming one of the most fiercely competitive battlegrounds between India and China. Located at the center of South Asia and with its large geographical area, population, and economic size, superior military strength compared to other countries in the region, India has always been the most influential power in the region. But in the past decade, China’s intensified partnership with small countries in South Asia has threatened India’s number one position in the region. It is the challenges posed by China in South Asia, inter alia, that have forced India under Prime Minister Narendra Modi to make various important foreign policy adjustments. To interpret India–China competition in South Asia in aspects of diplomacy, economy, security and defense, the paper uses international relations theories including constructivism, neo-realism (particularly offensive realism) and the balance of threat theory. Although the paper analyzes India–China competition in all three areas of diplomacy, economy and military security, the authors are of the view that, the most fundamental motivation of China and India in this competition is to achieve power and security and not economic objectives. While China’s strategic calculation leans towards its ambitions to gain greater power in the geopolitical order, India’s strategic calculation leans towards ensuring its security. By using qualitative methods and utilizing secondary data including books, treatises, articles and policy briefs[Formula: see text], this paper analyzes the strategic calculations of India and China in South Asia. The paper argues that China’s intention is to emulate and then overtake India in the very region of India’s traditional influence, while India’s strategy is to maintain and strengthen its number one position in the region. Though China’s influence in the region seems to have overwhelmed over India, India with all its internal forces is also hindering China’s penetrating steps into South Asian region.
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Cai, Penghong. "The South China Sea: Troubled Waters in China-U.S. Relations." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 02 (January 2017): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500130.
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Similar to his foreign policy and strategic thinking, President Trump’s South China Sea policy features strong uncertainty. The new president is keen on enhancing U.S. military strength, but often uses “suspense” to achieve better deals on the negotiation table. Whether the practice can be directly linked to the rebalancing strategy is uncertain, but it can be said that the Trump administration is seeking peace through stronger military power, which will exert complex impact on the security situation of the South China Sea as well as the rest of the Asia-Pacific region. President Trump believes that the United States should consolidate its maritime supremacy in the Asia-Pacific, yet seeking confrontation and conflicts is by no means a policy option for the United States to maintain its regional hegemony. In comparison, China’s approach to resolving disputes and the security dilemma with the United States is to seek common ground while shelving disputes. Both countries should try to enhance their mutual understanding on the South China Sea issue for sustainable development of China-U.S. relations.
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Jiahan, Cao. "Recalibrating China-U.S. Climate Cooperation Under the Trump Administration." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 04, no. 01 (January 2018): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740018500033.
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Based on the analytical framework of securitization, this article argues that cooperation between China and the United States on climate change will not lose momentum despite President Trump’s seemingly passive stance. A securitization process on the climate issue has been ongoing in China since President Xi Jinping took office and proposed the Overall National Security Outlook (ONSO). Climate security was thus integrated into China’s political discourse as a key component of ecological and common security, leading to a period of China-U.S. cooperation during the Obama administration. Similarly, in the United States, climate policy has been cemented in security planning and assessment of various federal agencies. The U.S. security sector seems to be largely unaffected by the White House decision to withdraw from the Paris Agreement. A growing number of Americans treat climate change as a security threat and many U.S. states and cities, in collaboration with business leaders, have taken on a role in international climate diplomacy. Combined with existing intergovernmental collaborative projects, robust market forces and innovative local initiatives will continue to push China-U.S. climate cooperation forward. As a necessary step to sustain its ties with the United States on climate issues, the Chinese government needs to propose a renewed bilateral framework on energy and environment cooperation under the China-U.S. Comprehensive Economic Dialogue.
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von Homeyer, Henrik, and Lukas Kolloge. "Zwischen China und USA – das europäische Ringen um eine Chinapolitik." integration 44, no. 2 (2021): 159–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0720-5120-2021-2-159.
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Donald Trump’s presidency has substantially undermined the transatlantic partnership, leading to an erosion of trust by many Europeans. These concerns have led to a debate in the European Union (EU) about its role in the world and its position in the great power conflict between the US and China. This debate mainly revolves around two different positions: the first advocates for an independent European China policy and a balanced relationship between Europe and the US and China. The second seeks a close partnership between the US and the EU to confront China jointly. This article argues that the EU should seek a common transatlantic China policy with the Biden administration, because China represents a fundamental challenge to the EU’s interests and values.
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CHEN, Weixing. "Uncertain Times: The Reconstruction of China–US Relationship." East Asian Policy 11, no. 04 (October 2019): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000333.
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The rise of China has shaken, to some extent, the pillars sustaining the US dominance in the world. Facing structural challenges from China, the United States has responded on three levels: political, strategic and policy. The Donald Trump administration has adopted a hard-line approach while attempting to engage China at the structural level. The China–US relationship is entering uncertain times, and the reconstruction of the relationship could take a decade.