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1
Sheard, Michael. "Police governance in Canada : a parallax perspective." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2016. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/1153/.
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Tensions between public expectations for police governance and ethical governance mirror recent spectacular governance failures. Several recent Canadian commissions of inquiry and court cases critical of the police have suggested police governance need to be more direct and assertive. The small numbers of academic studies that focused on the unique field of policing have largely ignored the behaviour of police boards responsible for their governance. More importantly is the apparent lack of attention paid by those responsible for police governance to the criticality of the pluralistic nature of policing itself. This research focuses on police boards in particular and not the police, with particular attention given to the link between their ethical decision-making and public trust. National leads in police governance, representing regional and national boards and board associations from across the country, were interviewed for this research. Eight key aspects of police governance were analyzed, and a number of gaps between current and best practices were identified. Ultimately, a number of recommendations are made to close those gaps, including the contribution of a new universal assessment instrument for police governance: the parallax perspective tool.
2
Alvaro, Sam. "Tactical law enforcement in Canada, an exploratory survey of Canadian police agencies." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ48419.pdf.
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Alvaro, Sam (Sam Nick) Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. "Tactical law enforcement in Canada; an exploratory survey of Canadian police agencies." Ottawa, 2000.
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4
Pohl, Bernhard. "The impact of civilianization on police agencies in Canada." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5093.
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Ishikawa, Shoichiro. "Electronic surveillance and the police : a comparative study of the Canadian and Japanese systems." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26140.
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"Electronic Surveillance", the mechanical technique to monitor private communications of the suspect is one of the most powerful weapons of the police in modern crime-prevailing societies. In Canada the attempt to set up a legal framework to balance the police need for electronic surveillance against the citizen's right to privacy resulted in the Protection of Privacy Act proclaimed on June 30, 1974. In Japan, in contrast, with no specific legislation governing electronic surveillance, the police refrain from resorting to this enchanting method of criminal investigation. The purpose of this study is to propose a desirable electronic surveillance law in Japan, taking advantage of the Canadian precedent in this field.
The introductory portion of this study focuses on the concept of privacy in the West and Japan. Despite the vast difference in traditional privacy consciousness between Canada and Japan, privacy has been recognized as a legally protected interest in both countries.
In the first half of the main portion, the study analyzes the Canadian electronic surveillance legislation from the standpoint of the police. While providing the most powerful investigative tool, the law also has had a negative impact upon the Canadian police in that it brought about undue interference, judicial or otherwise, in the operation of criminal investigation.
In the last half of the main portion, the study deals with the Japanese system for electronic surveillance. The conclusion reached is that the Canadian legislative precedent can, with some necessary modification, be an appropriate model for Japan, and that Japan should introduce an electronic surveillance system with less intrusive power than in Canada while preserving the traditional independent authority of the police in criminal investigation.Law, Peter A. Allard School of
Graduate
6
Khoday, Amar. "Uprooting the cell-plant : Canadian and U.S. constitutional approaches to surreptitious interrogations in the jailhouseprison context." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112604.
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This thesis examines judicial approaches to cell-plant interrogations in Canada and the United States. These are surreptitious interrogations whereby the police inject an undercover state agent into the detention environment with the object of eliciting inculpatory statements from an accused.This thesis examines and compares the strengths and weaknesses of Canadian and United States judicial approaches to cell-plant interrogations, and their respective applications of section 7 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the Sixth Amendment of the U.S. Bill of Rights. In both countries, an accused can seek to have their incriminating statements excluded from evidence where they persuade the court that such statements were elicited by a state agent. Despite the seemingly similar language of their legal tests, Canadian and U.S. jurists define state agency and elicitation in very different ways leading potentially to very dissimilar outcomes based on the same factual circumstances.
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David, Jean-Denis. "Les Peuples autochtones et la confiance dans la police au Canada : exploration des facteurs influents." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37956.
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Depuis la ratification de la Convention de règlement relative aux pensionnats indiens en 2006, on vit au Canada une intensification de la mise en cause des relations entre le gouvernement canadien, ses institutions et les Peuples autochtones. Une des institutions ayant fait face à cette mise en cause est la police. Les contextes historique, politique et sociologique de la relation entre la police et les Peuples autochtones au Canada amènent plusieurs commentateurs à caractériser leur relation comme en étant une de méfiance. Or, bien que les données indiquent que les Autochtones au Canada ont effectivement moins de confiance dans la police que les non-autochtones, ces données démontrent également que la majorité des Autochtones au Canada disent avoir au moins une certaine confiance dans la police. S’ancrant théoriquement dans le modèle expressif sur la confiance dans la police, la thèse explore ce constat contre-intuitif et examine pourquoi certains Autochtones ont confiance dans la police alors que d’autres non, et pourquoi plus d’Autochtones que de non-autochtones se méfient de la police. Les résultats de la thèse suggèrent que la confiance dans la police des Autochtones et des non-autochtones est associée à leur perception au niveau des considérations expressives, soit le lien social dans leur communauté, la présence de désordres sociaux et physiques dans cette dernière, leur sentiment de sécurité face au crime, mais également leur jugement concernant le fait que la police traite les gens équitablement ou non. Or, bien que ces facteurs soient saillants chez les Autochtones et les non-autochtones, les résultats suggèrent que ceux-ci ont une force explicative plus importante du côté des Autochtones au Canada. Conformément, ces facteurs s’alignent à plusieurs niveaux avec les contextes historique, politique et sociologique de la relation entre la police et les Peuples autochtones au Canada. Ce dernier point semble expliquer en partie la différence entre les Autochtones et les non-autochtones en ce qui a trait à leur niveau de confiance dans la police.
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Jackson, Lisa Dawn. "Crossing the thin blue line, a study of female police officers in Atlantic Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0023/MQ36473.pdf.
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Ayala, Aurélio. "La North-West Mounted Police canadienne et ses auxiliaires métis, 1874-1900 : une relation d'interdépendance ?" Thesis, Nantes, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NANT2028/document.
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En 1873, le gouvernement canadien crée la police montée pour établir sa souveraineté sur les plaines de l’Ouest, préparer l’arrivée de colons euro-canadiens, et contrôler les populations autochtones, Amérindiens et Métis. Cette politique coloniale provoque la résistance armée des Métis en 1885 qui cherchent à se défendre de ces déprédations territoriales et politiques. Pourtant, à travers nos recherches dans des archives inédites de la police, nous avons trouvé des traces de la coopération d’auxiliaires Métis avec le corps policier, dès son déploiement en territoire autochtone. Cette thèse cherche à comprendre pourquoi la police montée a recruté ces Métis lors de son installation dans l’Ouest et des premiers contacts avec les Autochtones, mais également tout au long de ses missions de colonisation, même après le soulèvement métis de 1885. Par leur coopération avec la police, ces auxiliaires tentent d’améliorer leur situation économique, sociale et politique. Ils mettent à disposition de la police un capital social et culturel, dont elle a besoin – connaissance des langues, des peuples et de l’environnement autochtones – pour mener à bien ses missions dans un territoire qu’elle ignore. En échange, la police fournit des salaires, des contrats de fournisseurs ainsi que son aide militaire et juridique. Une relation d’interdépendance se met donc en place. Cette thèse démontre que ces auxiliaires forment des réseaux sociaux loyaux au Canada ce qui permet à la police de recruter des hommes de confiance. Mais, cette coopération indique une forme d’agencéité de la part des coopérants car ils partagent à travers leurs réseaux le capital économique offert par la policeIn 1873, the Canadian government founded the Mounted Police to assert its sovereignty on the Western plains, to prepare Euro-Canadian settlement and to control First Nations and the Metis. This colonial policy triggered the resistance of the Metis, who took up arms in 1885 to defend their territory and political rights. This thesis is based on original sources from the police archives. They reveal the existence of an on-going cooperation of some Metis, from the arrival of the police on indigenous territory in 1874 until the end of the century at least. This thesis aims at understanding why the police hired these Metis during its takeover of the West and the first contacts with Indigenous peoples, as well as throughout the implementation of its colonial mission, even after the Metis uprising of 1885. Through cooperation with the police, the auxiliaries tried to mitigate the negative effects of colonialism by making economic, social and political gains. The auxiliaries provided the police with the social and cultural capital it needed – their knowledge of aboriginal languages, cultures and environment – to implement its missions in an unfamiliar territory. In return, the police provided salaries and supply contracts as well as its own military and judicial help. The police and its auxiliaries relied on each other in this interdependent relationship. This research has shown that the auxiliaries formed socio-familial networks who were loyal to Canada, which helped the police hire trustworthy men. Nevertheless, this cooperation also stems from the auxiliaries’ agency since they shared the economic capital obtained from the police through their social networking practices
10
Savoie, Jo-Ann Helen. "Skills women bring to the position of chief of police." ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/1933.
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Organizational leaders are unaware of the gender-specific leadership skillsets women possess to increase organizational effectiveness and how to address potential barriers for assuring these skillsets are recognized as effective. Of the estimated 69,000 police officers serving in Canada, approximately 14,000 are women. Of those 14,000, only 10% hold a senior rank, and less than 3% hold the position of Chief of Police. Technology speed, globalized crime, and shrinking budgets have created a need for a new style of leader in policing, and increasing the representation of women may address this need. This multiple case study used the concept of doing gender and transformational leadership for its conceptual framework, and was designed to identify the skillsets that women bring to the chief of police position to increase the effectiveness of recruiting and promotional boards' decision process. Data were gathered from government resources, newspaper articles, and information provided by 13 female participants who had held the position of Chief of Police in Canada. Coding and analyzing the responses showed 3 underlying themes that the participants considered mandatory for the position of chief of police: higher education, political and business acumen, and effective interpersonal skills. Higher education improves critical and creative thinking, while enhancing analytical skills and improved understanding of self. Political and business acumen is important for women, as their voices are often marginalized in community dialogue, and effective interpersonal skills. The implications for positive social change include promoting awareness of the skillsets women can develop while maximizing existing resource talent.
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McBride, Michelle. "From indifference to internment : an examination of RCMP responses to nazism and fascism in Canada from 1934 to 1941 /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq23157.pdf.
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Reyes, Marquez Carolina. "La coopération interinstitutionnelle dans la gestion de l’immigration irrégulière en région frontalière au Québec." Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/11312.
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Au cours des dernières années, particulièrement en 2016 et 2017, le nombre de demandeurs d’asile traversant illégalement la frontière pour se rendre au Québec a connu une hausse considérable. Devant l’essor de ce phénomène, l’étude du processus de gestion de l’immigration irrégulière en région frontalière prend de l’importance. Au Québec, lorsqu’il est question de sécurité en région frontalière, plusieurs acteurs peuvent se voir interpellés par ce domaine compte tenu du partage de responsabilités constitutionnelles. Dès lors, des acteurs de la sécurité et du domaine de l’application de la loi régis par le gouvernement fédéral, ainsi que par le gouvernement provincial, se voient confier des responsabilités quant à la sécurité en région frontalière. De ce fait, l’Agence des services frontaliers du Canada et la Gendarmerie royale du Canada ont la responsabilité d’assurer respectivement la sécurité aux points d’entrée officiels terrestres, ainsi qu'entre les points d’entrée au pays. Toutefois, la Sûreté du Québec présente dans les municipalités régionales de comté marquées par la présence de la frontière canado-américaine se voit également responsable d’assurer la sécurité sur le territoire. Au même titre que la Sûreté du Québec, des acteurs policiers au niveau municipal peuvent à leur tour se voir interpellés par la présence de la frontière à proximité de leur territoire et de certains phénomènes frontaliers, tels que l’immigration irrégulière . Ainsi, ce mémoire étudie le processus de coopération entre les acteurs de la sécurité issus de différents paliers du gouvernement en matière de gestion de l’immigration irrégulière . Cette coopération interinstitutionnelle est comprise comme les rôles et responsabilités de ces acteurs, les mesures que ceux-ci mettent en application devant les cas d’immigration irrégulière, ainsi que les relations qui régissent les interactions entre ces organisations d’application de la loi.
13
Bernier, André. "La création de bureaux d’enquête sur la police dans deux provinces canadiennes : une comparaison Québec — Colombie-Britannique." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38589.
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Cette thèse de doctorat analyse deux processus de réforme des politiques publiques touchant l’imputabilité et le contrôle de la police au Canada. Dans une perspective comparative, elle vise à expliquer la création d’agences civiles d’enquête sur les incidents graves impliquant des policiers au Québec (Bureau des enquêtes indépendantes) et en Colombie-Britannique (Independent Investigations Office). Le cadre théorique de cette recherche qualitative provient de la sociologie de l’action publique, mais mise également sur des apports de la théorie des équilibres ponctués. Les données proviennent de l’analyse du contenu d’un vaste corpus de sources documentaires et de 32 entretiens semi-directifs réalisés sur le terrain avec des participants et des observateurs.
Le modèle analytique original élaboré dans la thèse appréhende les réformes suivant deux perspectives. La lecture macro-contextuelle (chapitres cinq à huit) montre d’abord que les politiques concernées se sont révélées historiquement très résistantes avant d’être modifiées radicalement sur une courte période de temps. Cette stabilité est corrélée avec la présence d’une image de politique publique bien définie, favorable au statu quo. Cependant, des facteurs contextuels de court et de long terme ont contribué à délégitimer l’image. Ainsi, des enquêtes publiques ont proposé un cadre cognitif nouveau et des évènements focalisant ont ouvert la porte à un changement de dynamique dans le secteur de politique publique. La perspective micro-situationnelle (chapitres neuf à onze) permet d’étoffer ces constats en offrant une lecture sociologique fine de chaque cas. Elle montre que trois types d’acteurs y sont organisés en deux réseaux de politique publique (réformiste et conservateur). Cette perspective permet d’identifier les stratégies utilisées par le camp réformiste pour contester la position centrale occupée par les groupes policiers. En particulier, l’enquête publique constitue un point d’accès alternatif au processus de production des politiques publiques pour ceux qui cherchent à infléchir un rapport de force jugé défavorable. Enfin, l’analyse du travail de problématisation met en lumière la façon dont les incidents médiatisés et les rapports d’enquêtes publiques servent à attester de la « réalité » d’une conception du problème. Au final, la thèse permet de mieux comprendre l’articulation de la trilogie « scandale – enquête publique – réforme », bien connue des observateurs des réformes policières.
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Piednoir, Julien. "La dynamique du désordre : incivilités, insécurité, inefficience, criminalité." Thèse, Nantes, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/18161.
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Piednoir, Julien. "La dynamique du désordre : incivilités, insécurité, inefficience, criminalité." Thèse, Nantes, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006NANT4011.
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Partant du constat des difficultés d'adaptation éprouvées par le système social et l'organe policier, notre hypothèse est celle de leur inefficience à résoudre le problème des incivilités. Une revue de littérature (américaine, canadienne, française) et la passation de questionnaires auprès des résidants d'un quartier de Montréal révèlent d'abord les caractéristiques essentielles des incivilités. La gravité de celles-ci apparaît relative à leur concentration et associée au sentiment d'insécurité. En ayant identifié les erreurs contenues au sein des définitions proposées, en particulier l'existence d'un glissement analytique consistant à confondre la nature substantielle des incivilités et celle normative d'infraction assignée par la police, il s'agit ensuite de voir comment celle-ci les encode, les valorise et les traite. Si les incivilités constituent dans leur quasi-totalité des contraventions, voire des délits, l'interface pénale, l'infraction, fonctionnant sur une logique individuelle, unitaire, et répressive, ne peut permettre d'appréhender correctement un phénomène qui s'apprécie sur une échelle territoriale. Une réponse sociale et policière efficientes suppose de re-conceptualiser les incivilités comme une partie et une étape d'un phénomène criminel qui, dans l'espace et le temps, agrège des actes, non pas tant de nature (pénale et criminelle) que de degrés, différents. Afin de contrer l'effet dynamique d'une spirale de décomposition d'un quartier urbain, la police et le système social doivent adopter des instruments, méthodes et pratiques, qui contribuent à la mise en place de stratégies territoriales, coordonnées et anticipativesObserving the difficulties of adaptation experienced by the social system and the police organ, our hypothesis is one of their inefficiency in resolving problems of incivilities (assimilating disorders). A literature review (American, Canadian, and French) and the passing of questionnaires to residents of a Montreal neighbourhood disclose at first the essential characteristics of incivilities. The gravity of the latter appears relative to its concentration and association to feelings of insecurity. Having identified the suppressive errors within the proposed definitions, in particular the existence of an analytical downturn consisting of confusing the substantial nature of incivilities and its normative of infractions assigned by the police, it is a matter of examining how they (the police) encode, value and treat these incivilities. If the incivilities constitute effectively in almost entirety fines, the penal interface, indeed the infraction, functions on an individual, unitary and repressive logic and does not allow for one to correctly apprehend the phenomenon apprised on a territorial scale. An efficient social and police response implies a re-conceptualization of incivilities as a part and a step of the criminal phenomenon which, in space and time, aggregates the acts, not so much of nature (penal and criminal) but of different degrees. Finally, notably, to counter the dynamic effect of the spiral of decay of an urban neighbourhood, the police and the social system must adopt instruments, methods and practices which contribute to the implementation of territorial, coordinated and anticipative strategies
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Button, David B. "Canadian Forces families : social impacts of accommodation policy." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/27849.
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Since World War II the Canadian military community has evolved to meet the needs of a permanent military force and has changed from the preserve of the single male to include women and families. Thus the Department of National Defence (DND) has become concerned with the welfare of military families as an integral part of military preparedness.
A variety of accommodation policies were formulated and programs established to satisfy the needs of these families who worked and lived in such a unique environment. These policies and programs have emphasised housing and related infrastructure, and included both physical and social services. They have, in part, enabled DND to relieve many family related problems despite the disruptive lifestyle.
However, as a result of evolutionary changes in the Canadian Forces, the lifestyle of Canadians and the general economic situation, concern has arisen that current DND policies relating to housing and service provision may no longer be appropriate or effective.
This thesis looks at the lifestyle and unique difficulties of military families in order to evaluate the social impacts on the families resulting from accommodation policy. Although the general question of whether DND should even be in the business of creating and maintaining its own communities is complex and requires the consideration of many factors, this thesis limits itself to the social impacts of accommodation policies. Since it is generally perceived that social concerns have received limited consideration in the past, this thesis develops a framework to consider and include such concerns. This is done through: secondary research of analogous civilian communities and other military communities; primary data from recent DND family studies; informal interviews with families and decision-makers in the military community; and, the personal experience of the author as a member of the military community.
There are four main findings. First, a framework based on Lichfield's Planning Balance Sheet methodology is a suitable and appropriate tool for assisting decision-makers in making informed choices. Second, the creation of a Non-Public Housing Society responding to DND but operated at arms-length, is seen as a viable housing policy alternative which deserves further study. Third, the social impacts on military families resulting from the municipalization of physical services are not significant. And fourth,.; social services when provided internally appear more successful.
The unique lifestyle of military families is linked to operational effectiveness and military preparedness through the work/family environment. The importance of social planning on this interface is emphasized to encourage decision-makers to explicitly incorporate social planning into the decision-making process. The Planning Balance Sheet methodology is suggested as an appropriate one for this purpose.Applied Science, Faculty of
Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of
Graduate
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Raboy, Marc 1948. "Broadcasting and the idea of the public : learning from the Canadian experience." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=76908.
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Hall, Richard 1957. "The CRTC as a policy-maker, 1968-1982 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74264.
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The Canadian Radio-television and Telecommission Commission (CRTC) is the body which regulates communications activity in Canada. It has become almost a cliche to say that in addition to simply formulating regulations, the Commission has also been the dominant policy-maker in the communications field. The allegation has been made that the CRTC is "out of control", usurping a policy-making role more properly exercised by elected government officials, while also defying their attempts to constrain its behaviour. It has further been argued that this Commission usurpation and defiance has meant that both the minister and Parliament have little or no influence to direct the agency.The study demonstrates that the Commission has often acted as a policy-maker but that this role has been in response to the existence of a policy vacuum and lack of leadership from elected government. Furthermore, the agency has assumed a policy-making role not through an act of usurpation but with the tacit consent of elected officials. For these officials, the CRTC performs a useful function "insulating" them from the need to make a decision (and accept responsibility) on policy issues which often involve difficult political choices. The study also shows that the agency's "political masters", Cabinet and Parliament, possess a variety of both formal and informal control mechanisms which effectively prevent the CRTC from maintaining a policy position independent from government.
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Zagalski, Cezar. "The courts and public policy : towards more effective judicial policy-making." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61126.
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The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms has significantly changed the functions of the Canadian courts. Ever since its entrenchment in 1982, the third branch of government has enjoyed a powerful status in the Canadian polity. Countless Charter decisions, affecting the lives of all Canadians, have been rendered. The courts have been asked to rule on cruise missile testing, abortion, aboriginal rights, minority language rights and a whole range of other issues of a political, economic or social nature. Our political system, whose traditional foundations lay in the principle of parliamentary supremacy, has become one of constitutional supremacy. The new and powerful status of the nonelected judiciary has raised serious questions not only regarding the legitimacy of judicial review under the Charter but also the institutional capacity of the courts to face the Charter challenge. The author examines the nature of the judiciary's policy-making function under the Charter in order to determine the extent to which the courts are equipped to fulfil their task. The thesis suggests that in order to face the Charter challenge effectively, the courts can no longer operate within the framework of the traditional adversary process. Instead, the courts must constantly look to the prevailing values in our society as well as examine thoroughly social and scientific phenomena before rendering an "informed" policy decision. This can only be achieved through a coherent framework of Charter analysis and effective ways in handling extrinsic materials. The focus of the present paper is on section 1 of the Charter which, due to its open-ended language, most clearly invites courts to make policy-type decision.
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Graham, Angela Cruikshank Ken. ""A colossus and a conundrum": Canada, the United States, and Canadian China policy, 1942--1970." *McMaster only, 2007.
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Verma, Savita. "Ownership structure and corporate dividend policy." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31375.
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This study investigates the potential role of ownership structure as a determinant of the corporate dividend policy.
A firm's dividend policy is modelled as the outcome of a voting game among groups of asymmetrically informed shareholders, who also have different marginal tax rates for dividend income. The outcome of the voting game is determined by the relative voting powers of these shareholder groups. Voting power is denned as the probability that a particular block of shares will be pivotal in determining the outcome of the voting game.
Using Shapley values as instruments for shareholder groups' voting powers, data on firms which traded on the Toronto Stock Exchange during the 1976-88 period are employed
to test the model's predictions.Business, Sauder School of
Graduate
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McKercher, Asa. ""Not easy, smooth, or automatic": Canada-US relations, Canadian nationalism, and American foreign policy, 1961--1963." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28409.
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An historical consensus has coalesced around the view that Canadian-American relations reached a nadir from 1961-1963. The argument is that due to differences of both personality and policy John Diefenbaker, Canada's Prime Minister, and US President John Kennedy loathed each other. Scholars have subsequently debated over who was more to blame for this, but their analyses have been incomplete because the American side has largely been ignored. As most, if not all, of the historians who have examined the Diefenbaker-Kennedy era have been Canadian, American archival sources have been used sparingly. Drawing upon the rich documentary collection in the US National Archives and the Kennedy Presidential Library, this thesis argues, in contrast to what many have contended, that US foreign policy was in fact quite complimentary towards Diefenbaker's government. This was primarily because American policy-makers were aware of the potent force of Canadian nationalism, which their experiences with Diefenbaker only confirmed.
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Bellamy, Sarah. "The Canada-Chile Free Trade Agreement and the direction of Canadian foreign policy in the 1990s." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0001/MQ42350.pdf.
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Fremeth, Howard. "The creation of Telesat: Canadian communication policy, Bell Canada, and the role of myth (1960-1974) /." Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2005. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2098.
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Shaw, Jacqueline T. (Jacqueline Tanya) Carleton University Dissertation History. ""Grudging gifts": Canada, the Colombo plan and the formation of an aid policy." Ottawa, 1992.
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Bricker, Darrell Jay Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Political partisanship and public policy-making in Canada: the Canada Works Program." Ottawa, 1989.
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Pusch, John J. "Monetary aggregation in Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22623.
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This thesis is an empirical comparison of the relationship between money and other key economic variables and investigates an alternative method of defining money in Canada. Severe theoretical problems with traditional monetary aggregation methods are identified and Divisia aggregates are examined through the use of index number and aggregation theory. Summation and Divisia aggregates are constructed, tested and compared in three critical areas: information content, causality and stability. In particular this thesis investigates whether Divisia money is a potentially useful indicator of economic conditions. The data consists of Canadian quarterly observations for the period 1968.1 to 1989.4 for 26 different monetary assets and their own rates of return. The Divisia indices do not clearly outperform their summation counterparts but do show consistent and stable growth trends during the period in question. The results show that Divisia monetary aggregation is theoretically more appealing than the simple sum approach and that Divisia money provides meaningful information for Canadian monetary policy.
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Prongos, Peter George. "Canada and the Sandinistas : a case study of the determinants of Canadian policy towards Nicaragua, 1979-1984." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26596.
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This thesis examines Canadian responses to developments surrounding Sandinista rule in Nicaragua. The questions addressed in this thesis are:
1) What was the nature of the Trudeau government's policy toward the Sandinista government of Nicaragua?
2) What were the determinants of this policy?
3) What alternative policies were available to the Canadian government?
A brief- overview of the evolution of Canadian policy towards Latin America in the 20th century is followed by a discussion of the major elements of Canadian relations with the Sandinista government, a history of the evolution of that policy, and an examination of the role of Canadian non-governmental actors, i.e. business, labour, churches, aid and solidarity groups, and the press. The next section focuses on the influence of international actors on Canadian policy, particulary the United States. The last part analyzes the determinants of Canadian relations with the Sandinistas and offers a critique of Canada's policy.
This study finds that official interest in Nicaragua gradually increased after the Sandinista victory, following that of the Canadian public. The Clark government mirrored the attitude of the Carter administration, which was suspicious of the new government
in Managua. In spite of the enormous devastation wrought in Nicaragua, the Tories provided no direct bilateral aid. The return of the Liberals under Pierre Trudeau did not signal an immediate change of policy towards Managua, while Reagan's inauguration in 1981 brought to power an administration determined to "roll back" the Sandinista revolution. Canada's initial response was "quiet acquiescence". Although not completely unsympathetic to the Sandinistas, Canada was wary of angering the United States. Canada granted more assistance to Honduras in spite of its deplorable human rights record and support for the Contra attacks against Nicaragua. Canada decided to back the Contadora peace process as the only alternative to increasing U.S. militarization, but this support was primarily confined to rhetoric. As Canada grew increasingly worried about Washington's actions, llttawa began to be more openly critical. The government eventually made a few moves to implement its own policy toward Nicaragua (some aid, stronger rhetoric), but llttawa did not undertake any major peace or development initiatives, either unilaterally or with other nations. Canada's ambiguous rhetoric was essentially compatible with U.S. policy, the main difference being questions of method. Policy tended to be piecemeal and inconsistent, determined primarily by the hope of winning the good will of the United States, modified slightly by the fear of the consequences of an escalating crisis on trade and wor order, and, to a lesser degree, by public opinion in Canada. The Canadian government is found to have failed to live up either to its principles or its potential to help resolve the crisis that developed around the Sandinista revolution.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
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Salgado, Martinez Teofilo de Jesus. "Canadian refugee policy : asserting control." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=83148.
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This thesis considers the apparent shift in Canadian refugee policy between the more liberal refugee programs of the 1980s to the more restrictive contemporary orientation. We provide an explanation for the nature and content of policy pronouncements made in the period following the events of September 11, 2001. In order to put contemporary policy in context, we begin our investigation post-World War II when Canada first entered the international arena as a fully independent state. What follows is an examination of why the Canadian government has preferred its choice of refugee policies, and a consideration of forces and institutions that have shaped policy in the postwar period. At the same time, we reflect on the tension between Canada's refugee policy choices and its stated commitment to humanitarian values and international agreements.
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Narain, Nigmendra. "Canada's India policy, 1947-1997, the emerging policy agenda." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22259.pdf.
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Giannini, Adriana. "A tentative national infrastructure policy for Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21941.
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Throughout history, a well maintained and functioning infrastructure has successfully contributed to Canada's international competitiveness and high standards of living, however, this infrastructure has deteriorated significantly and it poses a threat to Canada's productivity, international competitiveness, economic development and the quality of life of all Canadians. Neglect of Canada's infrastructure over the past several decades has resulted in accelerated deterioration and has caused many assets to become obsolete, unsafe or no longer serviceable long before the end of their service life. The recent, tragic infrastructure failures and distresses reflect these years of neglect and reveal the urgency of bringing infrastructure back to acceptable levels of safety and serviceability. This thesis proposes that a National Infrastructure Policy be developed as a first step towards this improvement. The need for a policy is highlighted by reviewing some of the main findings of the 2007 FCM-McGill Infrastructure Survey and the current trends in infrastructure management. The policy will address the current trends and shortfalls and provide long-term, sustainable solutions to dealing with the infrastructure crisis in a standardized manner nation-wide.Tout au long de l'histoire, une infrastructure efficace et bien entretenue a contribué à la compétitivité internationale du Canada ainsi qu'à l'élévation de son niveau de vie. Cependant, cette infrastructure s'est sensiblement détériorée et est devenue une menace pour la productivité du Canada, pour sa compétitivité internationale, son développement économique et la qualité de vie de tous les Canadiens. La négligence à ce sujet durant ces dernières décennies a provoqué une détérioration rapide et rendu de nombreuses structures obsolètes, dangereuses voir même inutilisables bien avant la fin supposée de leur durée de vie. Les récents sinistres et tragiques défaillances dénoncent ces années de négligence et révèlent un besoin urgent de remettre l'infrastructure canadienne à des niveaux de sécurité et de service acceptables. Cette thèse propose qu'une Politique Nationale d'Infrastructure soit mise en place comme première étape vers cette amélioration. Le besoin d'une telle politique est mis en évidence par certains des principaux résultats de l'Enquête FCM-McGill sur les Infrastructures Municipales - 2007 et par la tendance actuelle de gestion des infrastructures. Cette politique abordera les tendances et insuffisances actuelles et fournira des solutions durables afin de traiter la crise de l'infrastructure d'une manière standardisée à l'échelle nationale.
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Rudkin, Aaron. "Frame Analysis of Canadian Copyright Reform 2008-2012: From "Made-in-Canada" to a "Balanced Solution"." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31601.
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From 2008-2012, the Harper government engaged in an effort to reform Canada's copyright legislation. This thesis uses a frame analysis approach to identify two distinct frames advanced by the government during this reform. 2008's Bill C-61 was unsuccessfully framed as a "Made-in-Canada" bill in order to combat opposition claims that American pressure unduly influenced the policy process. Following the failure of this bill, the government embarked on a public consultation on copyright. Although the government did not substantively modify subsequent reform bills, it was able to leverage the consultation process and Supreme Court of Canada jurisprudence to lend legitimacy to its new frame of the reform as a "balanced approach", build a coalition of support, and mitigate opposition. The thesis' analysis supports key conclusions of existing framing literature and creates a space for the role of ideas in the study of copyright reform in Canada.
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Riddell, Troy. "Legal mobilization and policy change : the impact of legal mobilization on official minority-language education policy outside Quebec." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=38515.
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The doctoral thesis investigates the impact of legal mobilization and judicial decisions on official minority-language education (OMLE) policy outside Quebec using a model of judicial impact derived from New Institutionalism theory. The New Institutionalism (NI) model of judicial impact synthesizes the dominant approaches to judicial impact found in the US literature, which are reviewed in Chapter Two, and transcends them by placing them within a framework based on the New Institutionalism.The model, as developed in Chapter Three, proposes that certain factors will increase the probability of judicial decisions having a positive influence on policy, such as whether incentives are provided for implementation. The model argues that institutions---as structures and state actors---have important influences on these factors. Furthermore, the NI model recognizes that institutions play a partial and contingent role in the construction of policy preferences and discourse and in mediating the political process more generally over time.
Chapter Four demonstrates that the NI model can be applied usefully to reinterpret existing accounts of how legal mobilization and judicial decisions impacted the struggle over school desegregation in the US---a case that provides a heuristic comparison to OMLE policy as it concerns the question of how and where minorities are educated.
Chapters Five through Seven describe OMLE policy development in Canada from the latter 1970s until 2000, with case studies of Alberta and, to a lesser extent, Ontario and Saskatchewan. Chapter Eight reveals that legal mobilization by Francophone groups cannot be understood without reference to institutional factors, particularly the Charter of Rights and funding from the federal government. The policy impact of legal mobilization was influenced strongly by the Supreme Court's 1990 Mahe decision and by federal government funding to the provinces for OMLE policy development, while public opinion appeared to be a least a moderately constraining force on policy change. Chapter Eight further reveals that legal mobilization and judicial decisions helped Francophone groups gain access to the policy process and shaped the policy goals and discourse of actors within the process over time.
Chapter Nine bolsters confidence in the conclusions generated in Chapter Eight by demonstrating how the explanations provided by the NI model, which emphasize the direct or mediating influence of institutional factors, are superior to explanations generated by a Critical Legal Studies (CLS) approach, a "systems" approach, a "dispute-centered" approach, and by Gerald Rosenberg's model. The thesis concludes by suggesting avenues for future research on judicial impact, particularly research that is focused on comparative institutionalism.
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Gallagher, Stephen J. "State-society relations and the design and implementation of public policy : an application of the state-centered paradigm to a case study of the National Energy Program." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74282.
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The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the relative influence of state and societal actors on public policy and, specifically, to determine the potential for state autonomy in Canada. To advance this project, two 'paradigms' of state-society relations are developed from an analysis of a range of contending theories of state-society relations. These include Eric Nordlinger's state autonomy theory, elitism, pluralism, and Marxism. The paradigms are then applied to a case study of the design and implementation of the petroleum related elements of the National Energy Program. We conclude that the Canadian state can demonstrate a significant degree of autonomy from societal influence using various strategies and resources which are generally unavailable to societal actors. The specific findings of our case study are that in the development and implementation of the NEP the greatest impediments on the federal government's autonomy arose, not from business interests or public pressure, but from the opposition of other state actors and the impact of market forces and international economic conditions.
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Kellett, Ken. "Bilateral aid in Canada's foreign policy : the human rights rhetoric-practice gap." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, c2013, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3298.
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Successive Canadian federal governments have officially indicated their support of human rights in foreign policy, including as they relate to aid-giving. This thesis quantitatively tests this rhetoric with the actual practice of bilateral aid-giving in two time periods – 1998-2000 and 2007-2009. This, however, revealed that Canada has actually tended to give more bilateral aid to countries with poorer human rights records. A deeper quantitative analysis identifies certain multilateral memberships – notably with the Commonwealth, NATO, and OECD – and the geo-political and domestic considerations of Haiti as significant and confirms a recipient state’s human rights performance is not a consideration. These multilateral relationships reflect state self-interests, historical connections, security, and a normative commitment to poverty reduction. It is these factors that those promoting a human rights agenda need to contemplate if recipient state performance is to become relevant in bilateral aid decisions. Thus, it is necessary to turn to international relations theory, in particular liberal institutionalism, to explain Canada’s bilateral aid-giving in these periods.vi, 141 leaves ; 29 cm
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Sandgathe, Tracey Layne. "Environmental impact assessment and the promise of eco-pragmatism : a consideration of the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/32451.
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Because of the potential for development to have negative environmental impacts, one of the most important questions addressed by environmental law and policy is whether and how to allow development to proceed. In Canada this question is answered primarily through environmental impact assessment ("EIA"). At the federal level, EIAs are required under the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act, S.C. 1992, c. 37 ("CEAA") for certain types of proposed projects and activities. Although CEAA's purposes include fostering both a healthy environment and economy, the Act does not provide any instruction on how to balance or choose between these goals in situations where both goals cannot be served. In 1999 Professor Daniel Farber developed a methodology he refers to as 'eco-pragmatism' in an attempt to create a means by which society's competing (and often contrary) values can be balanced and satisfactory trade-offs arrived at. In this thesis the differences between CEAA and eco-pragmatism are explored and consideration is given to whether eco-pragmatism might assist in resolving the value conflicts that often characterize EIAs. Of particular interest is whether Farber's approach might improve the CEAA framework and assist CEAA decision-makers in determining whether proposed projects should be approved. It is argued that although eco-pragmatism is useful, it is not adequate if the ultimate goal is environmental protection that is sustainable into the future. Both CEAA and eco-pragmatism focus on the mitigation of negative environmental effects, rather than on achieving long-term environmental gains or observing a minimum environmental standard. Accordingly, both arguably have the effect of slowing the erosion of environmental quality, but each fails to observe some sort of environmental 'bottom line' that would impose an ultimate limit on negative impact. It is suggested that an ultimate limit is a necessary (albeit difficult) element of environmental law.Law, Peter A. Allard School of
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Kurnitzki-West, Vera. "Legitimation and legitimacy in Canadian federal communications policies and practices." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63240.
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Cardinal, Donna. "Envisioning cities, making municipal cultural policy in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0021/MQ46966.pdf.
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Tillman, Joseph M. "An examination of ocean policy development in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ54966.pdf.
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Neals, Michael J. Carleton University Dissertation Geography. "Housing in Canada; an analysis of interurban variations in the concentration of Canadian Home Ownership Stimulation Plan grants." Ottawa, 1985.
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Prevost, Helene Carleton University Dissertation Journalism and Communication. "The baie comeau policy and foreign ownership in the Canadian book publishing industry; culture, continentalism, and Canada-U.S. relations." Ottawa, 1994.
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Gordon, Michael Lynn Harvey. "Urban land policy and the provision of housing in Canada, 1900-1985." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/24672.
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This thesis investigates one of the major factors in the supply and cost of housing, land. The hypothesis of this thesis is that a principal reason why Canada continues to have a housing problem is that government housing policy has treated land as a market commodity much like any other and has rarely examined, let alone challenged, the ramifications of this assumption in terms of its impact on the supply, quality and price of housing. The examination of the land component of urban housing is pursued by exploring the following research questions: How have Canadian government officials, politicians and reformers defined the urban land problem as it relates to housing and what land policies have been considered and implemented in relation to housing problems? The public, professional and academic discussion of these questions is pursued by a review of the professional and academic literature, municipal plans, technical reports and government studies and the debates on housing and urban land policy in the federal parliament. The thesis is divided into two parts. First, the philosophy of private landownership and the basic thrust of public land policy is examined. Most attention is given to the nature of property rights and their protection and enforcement by government as it is the most fundamental land policy. Also, the nature of urbanization and the intervention of government in urban development and housing since 1900 is reviewed. Second, an historical overview of land policy and the provision of housing is provided. This discussion is divided into four historical periods: 1900-1929, 1930-1939, 1940-1969, 1970-1985. The constraints on and opportunities for urban land policy are examined and the nature of land policy in each period is discussed. There have been, in general, five categories of land policies adopted since 1900: land use zoning, subdivision regulation, public infrastructure and servicing programmes, public land assembly programmes and unearned increment taxes. These policies have emphasized the treatment of land as a privately held market commodity. There is a conflict between the desires of private land owners to maximize the return on their land and the need of the broader community to obtain land for housing at prices which make affordable and physically adequate housing feasible. This conflict is at the crux of the urban land problem.Applied Science, Faculty of
Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of
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Nilsen, Kirsti. "Social science research in Canada and federal government information policy, the case of Statistics Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ28027.pdf.
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Royds, Mollie. "Human security and Canadian foreign policy, Canada's international security dilemma in the new millenium." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/MQ64926.pdf.
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Dale, Ann 1948. "Sustainable development : a framework for governance." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35959.
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The implementation of sustainable development is the social imperative of the 21st century, requiring strong leadership by governments at all levels. As the logical convenor of constituent groups in civil society, governments have a key role to play in diffusing its concepts and practices in the next decade, before critical thresholds are reached. This role will not be realized, however, without a guiding framework across governments that provides consistent and effective leadership to other sectors of Canadian society, equally supported by a new framework for governance based on human responsibility and the interconnectedness of human and natural systems. These frameworks are grounded on the reconciliation of three imperatives, the ecological, the social and the economic, based on analogues taken from ecological systems. Principles such as integrity, cyclical processes, resilience and systems approaches are key, as are the many alternative paradigms circulating within society capable of providing new information about the ways in which our systems operate.
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Vos, Timothy P. "Explaining media policy American political broadcasting policy in comparative context (The Netherlands, Canada) /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Gabriel, Christina L. "Recasting citizenship, the politics of multiculturalism policy in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0016/NQ27293.pdf.
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Gray, Erin. "Exploring decentralisation in Canada : devolution of labour market policy." Thesis, Swansea University, 2003. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42527.
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This thesis entails the study of both why and how decentralisation of government authority takes place. Decentralisation in Canada is explored by investigating a federal proposal for the devolution of active labour market policies from federal to provincial governments, and by closely examining the positions taken by both levels of government during the development of two federal-provincial labour market agreements in the mid- 1990s. The two bilateral agreements chosen for this examination are, the Canada-Nova Scotia Agreement on a Framework for Strategic Partnerships, and the Canada-Alberta Labour Market Development Agreement. The central focus of this research is to examine the extent to which federal and provincial governments' positions on the devolution of policy are influenced by 'political' and 'public' interests. The first argument holds that political imperatives influence governmental priorities, attitudes, and motivations as decisions about devolution are made. The second argument maintains that governmental positions on devolution are founded on the motivation to promote the best outcomes for the public at large. This study employs a research focus that is qualitative in nature, and it draws from interpretive and constructivist approaches to inquiry. Interviews were conducted with civil servants who represent federal and provincial interests in the provinces of Alberta and Nova Scotia. A comparative analysis of the evidence found that both political and public interests influenced federal and provincial positions on devolution. This research illustrates that while political and public interests might be separated analytically, in real cases of policy-making they overlap. Nonetheless, the evidence tips the scales towards a political interest explanation much more clearly and convincingly than a public interest interpretation.
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Sisto, Joseph M. "Canada and the nuclear arms race : a case study in unilateral self-restraint." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29780.
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The objective of this thesis is to determine why Canada, a state that pioneered nuclear technology, and that faced, throughout the Cold War, the Soviet threat to its national security, consistently rejected any opportunity to convert its latent nuclear capability into an indigenous nuclear weapons program. The answer to this research question must address a number of explicit contradictions in Canadian foreign policy. While Canada has, on the one hand, rejected the bomb, it has, on the other hand, pursued defence and industrial policies based upon intimate involvement with nuclear weapons. Moreover, Canada espouses, on the one hand, a clearly realpolitik view of international relations, while, on the other hand, committing to forging for itself a role as an international peace broker. It becomes, therefore, unclear which theory of international relations could adequately explain this dualism in Canadian policy formulation. This thesis argues that power and self-interest are not separable from Canada's decision to reject the bomb, and that by modifying certain precepts of realist theory, we may substantiate the hypotheses that two disincentives to proliferation are at the root of Canada's policies: first, Canada's political and geographical proximity to the United States and thus a credible U.S. nuclear umbrella; and second, prestige, where Canada interpreted both the rejection of its nuclear option and its internationalist policies as a sign of independence vis-a-vis the United States.
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Van, Rooy Alison Lorette. "The altruistic lobbyists : the influence of non-governmental organizations on development policy in Canada and Britain." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7327692d-f554-4f67-86e4-ab51e22053fc.
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The role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) has sparked increased interest in recent years as they have grown in prominence and international activity. The thesis looks at British and Canadian NGOs concerned with overseas development assistance, and asks what influence they have wielded in the formulation of their own governments' development policies. Based on recent policy community writing, a "conceptual map" is devised which suggests that six elements are important for any analysis of influence: context, content, motivations, resources, tactics, and channels. Chapters two to five use these elements to look at the broad "policy communities" in which official development policy is formulated, and to examine the increasing roles and activities of NGOs as lobbyists. Chapters six and seven take a closer look at two specific "policy networks" within those communities: the relationships created around the World Food Conference in 1974 are compared with those existing at the time of the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (the Earth Summit). The thesis concludes that NGOs have had an increasing but limited influence on government policy, given (1) an increase in the activity and influence of NGOs, (2) the greater relevance of certain "elements of influence" over others, and (3) the comparatively stronger influence of Canadian NGOs in relation to their British counterparts. The thesis' contribution to knowledge is based on its use of extensive and original primary sources and interviews in both countries, its application of a policy community approach to a new field in international relations, and its systematic attempt to answer evolving questions about this growing, international, and non-governmental force.