Journal articles on the topic 'Police in peacekeeping missions'

The involvement of police in post-conflict peacekeeping has experienced exceptional growth. As a result, the countries contributing police officers to United Nations and European Union Missions is increasing. The countries that have contributed police officers to the 24 United Nations Missions that took place between January 2006 and December 2012 are examined and compared with those of military peacekeeping contributing countries. The countries identified as contributing police to peacekeeping missions during this period are different from those contributing military forces and are principally developing nations. These results raise questions in regard to the form of policing being introduced in post-conflict nations and the depriving of the contributing countries of their limited resource.

Are United Nations peacekeeping missions effective at reducing violence in civil wars? Although UN peacekeeping is a notable intervention tool, the international community lacks systematic knowledge of how well it mitigates civil war violence. Given that UN peacekeeping is increasingly used in the midst of war, this is a significant research gap with direct policy relevance. This book systematically explores if and how the capacity and constitution of UN peacekeeping missions affect the amount of violence in civil conflicts. It argues that peacekeeping effectiveness needs to be assessed in relative terms, theorizing that more robust missions are increasingly capable of addressing combatant incentives for employing violence. The authors conduct large-n analyses of the number of combatants and civilians killed during each month for all civil wars globally from 1992 to 2014, measuring the capacity and constitution of UN missions with unique data on the number and type of peacekeeping personnel deployed. The analyses reveal that increasing UN military troop and police personnel deployed to a conflict significantly reduces violence against civilians, and increasing UN military troop personnel significantly mitigates battle-related violence. By contrast, smaller missions and missions composed of observers are not associated with reduced violence. The book complements the large-n analyses with qualitative explorations of peacekeeping mechanisms on violence in Côte d’Ivoire and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The authors conclude that while peacekeeping is not without detriments, it is an effective tool of violence reduction.

Does culture pose significant threat to UN Peacekeeping Forces in their line of duty in conflict areas? Does it affect their role as peacekeepers in midst of conflicts? Peacekeeping is not an ordinary military assignment, like in war. Peacekeeping Operation requires certain skills, such as cross-culture competence and high cultural resilience. Hence, peacekeeping work must be understand as an activity that rely more on cooperation, integration from all related stakeholders, and coordination between UN Peacekeeping Mission with other parties, like civilians, government, police, humanitarian workers, mass media, etc. nowadays, the complexity of UN missions requires variation in their training methods. This paper will discuss several of training programs involving the entire component of peacekeeping forces, including their family, regarding to cross-cultural competence and cultural resilience.

After joining the United Nations in 1955, Nepal not only initiated its non-isolationist foreign policy, but also effectively championed the policy of non-alignment, world peace and non-intervention at several multilateral forums and UN bodies. The most outstanding and globally applauded effort has been Nepal’s contribution in the maintenance of global peace and security through UN peacekeeping missions. Adhering to the eastern philosophy of ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam’, which envisions the entire world as one family, today, Nepal is the 5th largest troop contributor to the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO). But most of the literature produced on Nepal’s role in the United Nations peacekeeping mission are either too general and mere archival or focussed only on glorifying the contribution of Nepali soldiers in different peacekeeping missions. Identifying the same research gap, this study aims to appraise Nepal’s participation in UN peacekeeping missions from Nepal’s foreign policy objective of world peace. To fulfill the same objective, the ethos of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam has been foregrounded in the study. Initially, the general understanding of UN peacekeeping in Nepal was associated with bravery, which was later replaced by the concept of ‘kamaune’, which means to earn from the missions. But this study has deliberately cloaked the economic variable of peacekeeping and foregrounds the philosophical drive to highlight how Nepal’s peacekeeping should find more places in political and foreign policy measurement rather than being confined to the financial and institutional variables.

Peace missions in the modern world are inextricably linked to the political and social processes taking place in specific regions of the globe. When looking closer to the more than fifty-year history of international peacekeeping operations, it should be noted that as time passes, they undergo constant transformations. Their types, goals, and ways of implementation are changing. That is because the environment in which such operations are carried out is changing. They are also transforming the goals and priorities of local and international communities. Permanent modification is also subject to threats in the modern world. Peace missions are conducted under ever-changing social, economic, and political conditions. They must be flexible so that they can adapt to new challenges. Success is never guaranteed because the tasks related to maintaining peace are carried out in challenging conditions. The success of the peace mission depends on many factors, such as the composition of the peacekeeping mission (military personnel, police, civilian employees), logistical support, entrusted tasks and the environment in which the peace mission operates.

Article studies the strategic frame, organizational and operational aspects of UN peacekeeping missions police components activities to ensure sustaining peace.It is noted that at present the UN Police actively participates in UN peace operations acting as an integrated solution of issues of peace and security. Consideration is also given to the growing importance of the UN Police to international peace and security and the increased attention given to policing by the Security Council and the Secretary General.The UN police now engage in United Nations peace operations across the entire peace and security spectrum, from conflict prevention to peacekeeping and peacebuilding. Serving in the frame of UN interim administrations the UN Police acquired a unique experience of law enforcement and international cooperation on combating crime.It underscores the most recent global developments, including advances made in the Strategic Guidance Framework for International Police Peacekeeping, to ensure coherence of effort and refine strategic police generation platforms.From the viewpoint of the structural and functional approach, the UN Police as a peacekeeping actor has not only specific functions and tasks, but also the potential, organizational structure, trained personnel needed to perform a wide range of tasks both at the stage of conflict prevention and post-conflict peacebuilding.The legal and organizational issues of UN Police involvement in peacekeeping activities are almost resolved. At present the UN Police component as an institutional subsystem represents an organizational structure that unites international policemen from various member states, which acts as a collective actor in UN peacekeeping.

While United Nations peacekeeping missions were created to keep peace and perform post-conflict activities, since the end of the Cold War peacekeepers are more often deployed to active conflicts. Yet, we know little about their ability to manage ongoing violence. This article provides the first broad empirical examination of UN peacekeeping effectiveness in reducing battlefield violence in civil wars. We analyze how the number of UN peacekeeping personnel deployed influences the amount of battlefield deaths in all civil wars in Africa from 1992 to 2011. The analyses show that increasing numbers of armed military troops are associated with reduced battlefield deaths, while police and observers are not. Considering that the UN is often criticized for ineffectiveness, these results have important implications: if appropriately composed, UN peacekeeping missions reduce violent conflict.

The main historical and contemporary participation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations are described. The key notions of peacekeeping are defined showing this definition as the main rational tool for preventing and resolving disputes, threats, conflicts at the national, regional and global levels is the modern peacekeeping system. The main laws of Ukraine concerning peacekeeping operations are characterized with defining objectives for these operations.The attention is focused on the Ukraine’s participation in different international peacekeeping operations including 26 operations which ended and 8 ongoing operations. An important aspect of Ukraine’s participation in peacekeeping on the African continent is its coordinated actions with the United Nations on the diplomatic settlement of conflicts and the adherence to official statements regarding them.Peacekeeping missions are currently operating in Liberia, Congo, Sierra Leone, Sudan (Darfur and Juba) and other African countries. In particular, these are peacekeeping missions such as: the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), the UN Mission in Côte d’Ivoire (ONUCI), the African Union – United Nations Operation in Darfur (UNAUMID), the UN peacekeeping operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), demilitarization and peacekeeping in the disputed area of Abyei (UNISFA), the UN Mission in the Republic of Southern Sudan (UNMISS), UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSCA).Ukrainian peacekeeping potential is analysed. Participation of the armed forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations of the United Nations is one of the priority foreign policy tasks of our state, successful implementation of which positively influences strengthening of the national authority of Ukraine, promotes development of cooperation with Euro-Atlantic and regional security structures and has an exceptional significance for the national interests of our country. Ukraine claims to be a full-fledged subject of international relations, increases its credibility and demonstrates a peaceful policy.

Recent years have seen an increased emphasis on both protection of civilians and the problem of sexual violence. We explore the impact of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping on the occurrence of wartime sexual violence. Acknowledging the difficulty in reducing sexual violence, we propose two conditions under which peacekeepers are more likely to be successful: when the mission has a protection mandate and when the conflict actors exercise a high level of control over their forces. We find that the ability of peacekeepers to reduce sexual violence in general is weak. Only police within protection missions reduces the risk of sexual violence by rebels. However, when the actors exercise control, the number of peacekeepers is associated with a lower risk of sexual violence by both governments and rebels. We conclude that dealing with sexual violence by weak and fragmented actors is a challenging task beyond the current capacity of UN peacekeeping.

AbstractWhile China has been portrayed as a reluctant supporter of UN peacekeeping in the past, it has voted in favour of every newly established UN peacekeeping operation since the beginning of the new millennium. Previous studies of China's behaviour in UN peacekeeping explained this phenomenon primarily with recent shifts in its foreign and security policy rather than with changes in UN peacekeeping itself. This article analyses China's voting behaviour in the UN Security Council on peacekeeping resolutions in the context of the evolving concepts of UN peacekeeping. It argues that China's recent enthusiasm for these missions is the result of two developments. On the one hand, Beijing was able to reinterpret its understanding of UN peacekeeping after its experience in the 1990s, especially with regard to the use of force; while on the other hand, the way UN peacekeeping missions are conducted was reformed after the Brahimi Report in 2000, which made UN peacekeeping more agreeable to the China.

IntroductionPolicing is a stressful activity. Police officers must deal with aggressive people, delinquents, and danger, or with victims and citizens asking for help. Often they don’t have enough material or human resources and they must decide under stressful conditions. In international peacekeeping missions stressful situations are even more frequent, increased also by hostile reactions of the inhabitants of the country, who sometimes refuse the presence of foreign police forces. Despite those situations, some police officers don’t feel stress and show higher sensation seeking, suggesting that personality traits protect from stress.AimsIdentify levels of stress perception and sensation seeking personality traits in a sample of police officers involved in peace keeping mission in East-Timor, included in United Nations police forces.MethodsData were collected using a translation of Perceived Stress Scale (Cohen et al, 1983) and Sensation Seeking Scale (Zuckerman, 1994), applied to 70 male police officers from portuguese “Guarda Nacional Republicana”, after comeback from a peace keeping mission (mean age 31.3 years).ResultsThe results reveal that sensation seeking” exists in our sample, confirming that the police officers had a tendency to search for new experiences and adventure. Low levels of emotional exhaustion and low stress perception were identified, and the sample has a high tolerance for boredom.ConclusionsPersonality traits can protect from stress and sensation seeking is typical of some activities, including policing. The knowledge of personality traits can be useful to choose individuals who must deal with stressful situations, such us peace keeping missions.

As Kristina Daugirdas points out in her article on the role of reputation in international organizations (IOs), peacekeeping operations include a multitude of actors with varying interests. These actors have competing priorities, which forces IOs to balance the needs of the actors involved in peacekeeping missions. Because IOs often depend on member states as implementing agents, this could cause IOs to suppress their own interests in favor of member states, which could ultimately negatively affect the communities in which the peacekeepers operate. This dynamic is present in UN peacekeeping operations. While Daugirdas seeks to align the incentives of the UN and the states that contribute peacekeepers so as to harness reputation as a force to encourage the good behavior of all involved, I argue that this alignment rarely happens because of IOs’ reliance on member states. Through the dynamics of UN peacekeeping operations, I show that the UN reliance on states to provide police officers and troops suppresses the UN's own interests in favor of the contributing states’ interests. I also identify a carrots and sticks approach to balancing incentives. As Paul Stephan does in his essay for this symposium, I draw on a rational-choice, actor-based theory to identify the mixed motives of the various actors who staff and operate peacekeeping missions. The framework proposed here, I contend, provides a way to better understand the sources of the tension that exist when evaluating reputation as a disciplinary tool for IOs.

AbstractThis article first examines data bases available to assess the risk of vaccine-preventable diseases (VPD). In the second part, immunization recommendations and practices are briefly evaluated in view of the risk of exposure to VPD and of the efficacy and safety of available vaccines.

Indonesia is one of the Police Contributing Countries (PCC) in the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations. Since 1989, Indonesia has deployed their police officers into various peacekeeping missions, either individually or in the units called Formed Police Units (FPU). In deploying the FPU, Indonesia as the PCC is not only responsible for preparing the personnel, but also equipping the FPU in logistics and infrastructure, which includes appropriate camps in the mission area. These camps have an important role as the operational and administrative base of the FPU, personnels accommodation, assets storage facility, and notably as the symbol of Indonesia’s commitment to its contribution to world peace. Garuda Camp Indonesian FPU in MINUSCA, Central African Republic, was built in 2018 by the International Relations Division of The National Police with total assets more than 500 billion rupiahs. During the 2 years of placing the Indonesian FPU in MINUSCA, several security threats have occurred in this camp, such as theft and burglary. In this case, the camp security is an important element to ensure the Unit's success in performing its mission mandate. Therefore, the author sees the need for an evaluation using the perception of Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) to increase the level of security at Garuda Camp. This is based on CPTED which has a basic idea that proper and effective design in the use of the built environment can lead to a reduction in crime and fear of crime, as well as an improvement in the quality of life in an environment. The author explores threats and use qualitative methods to identify the compliance of physical security requirements in the camp. The result of the study shows that Garuda Camp is included in the medium level threat category. Thus, a threat prevention strategy is needed.

Since the beginning of UN peace operations, there has been discussion as to exactly how they should be carried out. Thus far, a just theory of UN peacekeeping operations has not yet been formed, in the way a Theory of Just War for waging war or a theory of police ethics for law enforcement in a peace context had been formed. The article discusses what a justified risk distribution between UN peacekeepers and local civilians should be. One of the points of criticism of UN peacekeeping missions is the lack of protection of the local population in the course of an escalating situation. Familiar examples are the traumas of Rwanda (1994) and Srebrenica (1995). Discussing differences between UN peacekeeping missions, warfare, and law enforcement, it appears that peacekeepers have more in common with law enforcers than with combatants during wartime. Through the method of analogy and by applying some typically military ethics principles, the moral status of the UN peacekeepers is analyzed. Finally, a risk distribution analysis between UN peacekeepers and the local population is carried out, by offering a concise overview by philosophers of arguments for and against taking fewer risks by peacekeepers. The analysis reveals important deontological and consequentialist arguments. Taking also into consideration that transferring more risk to the peacekeeping troops alone does not mandatory lead to less exposure to risk of the vulnerable and innocent local civilians, it can be concluded that a more practical, virtuous, responsible risk calculation will be necessary at that point to find the best risk distribution.

After the peacekeeping tragedy in the Central African Republic (CAR) in March 2013, South Africa’s participation in peacekeeping missions on the African continent is under investigation. Military personnel of the South African National Defence Force recently took part in both conventional and unconventional, asymmetric warfare in two peace missions, one in the CAR and one in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In the CAR a unilateral military agreement between states existed, while in the DRC a United Nations (UN) mandate for multilateral offensive peacekeeping was authorised. The rationale for South Africa’s participation in African missions is important while the country is serving as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. Its role as one of the leading nations in Africa to deploy peacekeepers is central to its foreign policy. The article focuses on contrasting operations, and diverse challenges such as the authorisation of mandates, funding, logistics and shortcomings in asymmetric training for irregular “new wars” where peacekeepers are required to protect civilians in countries to which they owe little allegiance. Lessons learnt from the widely differing operational experiences in these recent peace missions are discussed.

AbstractWhat leads a country's population to support or oppose peacekeeping operations? Are there cross-national diff erences in public support for peacekeeping? In this paper, we aim to answer these questions by examining public attitudes towards peacekeeping operations in the United States and ten European nations (France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, the United Kingdom, Poland, Slovakia, and Turkey). is paper also assesses several explanations for cross-national variations in support for these missions. More specifi cally, we aim to determine whether theories of risk assessment, elite cues, and policy objectives can explain public support for peacekeeping cross-nationally.

Following Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000), the United Nations arranged mandates on women, peace and security (WPS) in order to address the equality between men and women, in order to allow them to actively participate in managing world security and peace. The purpose of this mandate was to give women the same opportunities, protection, access to resources and services, as well as right to participation in decision-making, as an attempt to achieve and sustain peace and security. In 2014, women constituted 3% of the UN’s military personnel and 10% of the police personnel out of the total number of UN peacekeepers from 123 countries, including Indonesia. In Lebanon, one of the areas focused on by UN peacekeeping missions, Indonesia currently deploys the largest peacekeeping personnel of up to 1,296 individuals, of which 24 are women. This number constitutes 5% of Indonesia’s total peacekeepers on the UN’s mission. Using the qualitative approach method through collecting secondary data, this paper aims to examine the participation of Indonesian women peacekeepers, particularly in UNIFIL, in relation to helping, protecting and supporting women and girls as the victims of war based on the feminist point of view. It was found that Indonesian women peacekeepers provide a tremendous contribution to the effectiveness of the UN’s peacekeeping operations. Women can provide softer approaches toward war victims and help to promote peace in the region. This shows that women still have not had much opportunity to prove their abilities in battle. Therefore, improvement is needed in order to increase the Indonesian women’s peacekeeper role in peacekeeping operations.

International justice is inextricably intertwined with peace. However, where the un Security Council has in the past referred situations to the International Criminal Court it has failed to provide follow-up support. Neither Libya nor Sudan have consented to the icc’s jurisdiction, and without its own police force the icc has faced enormous difficulty in conducting investigations and obtaining the accused. Despite being indicted by the icc, the Libyan authorities are refusing to hand over Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi, whom they have sentenced to death in a domestic trial, and despite repeated calls for his arrest, Sudanese President, Omar Al-Bashir is travelling around the world with impunity. This embarrassing deadlock has led to calls for un troops, already present on the ground in both Libya and Sudan, to intervene. This paper highlights the practical difficulties of such cooperation, looking at case studies of successful cooperation between the icc and peacekeeping missions in the drc, Cote D’Ivoire, and Mali, as well as the role of nato in the former Yugoslavia and contrasting these with the situations in Libya and Sudan. Ultimately, this paper suggests that to extend the mandates of the peacekeeping operations present in Libya and Sudan would compromise the missions, erasing impartiality, leading to a withdrawal of State consent, and requiring such excessive force as to constitute a threat to peace.

Since the passage of UN Security Council resolution 1325, there has been a growing focus on the involvement of women in peacekeeping operations. Ambitious UN targets, the Vancouver Principles, and the Canadian government’s Elsie Initiative all aim to support the increased inclusion of uniformed women in peacekeeping missions. This article discusses three areas in which the Roméo Dallaire Child Soldiers Initiative (Dallaire Initiative) is working to support Vancouver Principle (VP) 11 through the training of women security sector actors, training on gendered dimensions of the recruitment and use of child soldiers and SGBV against child soldiers, and through research on how gender matters in peacekeeping operations. Based on these experiences and an engagement with the academic literature, it makes a number of policy recommendations in support of VP 11.Keywords: gender, peacekeeping, training, child soldiers, SGBV

The article discusses the involvement of the Polish police in international police cooperation in the context of the theory of public goods. The aim was to confirm the hypothesis that in today’s reality, cooperation between state authorities around the world is necessary to ensure security, which is regarded as a public good. An example of such involvement are actions taken by the Polish police. The article presents the assumptions of the theory of public goods and the notion of security as a public good. It is followed by an analysis of how the Polish police were involved in international cooperation from the beginning of the 1990s until today. The article presents peacekeeping missions of the UN, EU, OSCE and WEU in which the Polish police participated or are still participating. Then the author presents local, regional and global initiatives in which the police are involved at an operational and non-operational level, including activities coordinated by the EU, international police organizations and networks of liaison officers, as well as activities which are a part of bilateral cooperation. The presented overview of international cooperation undertaken by the police made it possible to confirm the initial hypothesis.

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of Germanys participation in UN, EU and NATO peacekeeping operations in Africa. The relevance of the research topic is due to conflicting opinions about the need to preserve and prolong most operations in the region. In this regard, the opinions of experts with optimistic and pessimistic views on this problem are considered, and the stages of the evolution of peacekeeping activities are highlighted. The purpose of the study is to prove the validity of the assumption of the critical theory of the use of peacemaking by countries as a tool for realizing their foreign policy aspirations. Based on the analysis of German efforts to increase its military contingent in UN peacekeeping operations and maintain positions (despite the presence of oppositional representatives of the Parliament) in EU and NATO operations, it is proposed to identify the cause-and-effect relationships of such behavior. To achieve this goal, we used the method of historicism, which helped to identify the problems of the past that Germany is trying to get rid of by participating in the operations of international organizations, as well as the method of comparative analysis, which regulates the comparison of Germanys efforts in missions with its foreign policy tasks. The analysis of the documents of the international organizations under consideration, as well as legislation and foreign policy doctrines of Germany, allows us to assess not only the legality of the country's operations outside its borders, but also to identify foreign policy priorities in order to obtain reliable results when comparing them. In conclusion, we present the following conclusions: the evolution of Germanys efforts in the UN, EU and NATO missions in Africa. The results of the research reflect the postulates of critical theory in the process of studying German peacekeeping activities in Africa.

Cultivating cooperation with local populations is necessary for peacekeeping operations to effectively prevent and reduce violence. To accomplish their missions in complex foreign theaters of operation, peacekeepers must solicit information about local political actors, social networks, and violence. Under what conditions do local populations cooperate with United Nations peacekeepers? How does exposure to peacekeeping security activities, relief activities, or abuse – three of the primary ways that local communities experience peacekeepers – affect the likelihood that individuals cooperate with peacekeepers by providing information to them? Using an original survey of a random sample of residents of metropolitan Port-au-Prince, Haiti, we show that people who are exposed to security and relief activities by the United Nations peacekeeping operation, MINUSTAH, have more positive opinions of how effective they are, and are more willing to cooperate with peacekeepers by providing them with information. On the other hand, exposure to abuse dramatically undermines civilian opinions of how effective, benevolent, and abusive peacekeepers are but has a smaller effect on cooperation. These findings present an opportunity and challenge for peacekeepers: if public opinion and cooperation are responsive to peacekeeper policy, then peacekeepers must deliver services and prevent abuse in order to solicit the cooperation that is necessary for mission success.

The need to protect citizens and investments abroad is placing tremendous pressure on China’s traditional foreign policy strategy and noninterference principle. Instability in most of BRI countries form new security conditions, pushing China to be more flexible in engaging in missions it had previously opposed, including political engagement in intrastate conflicts in the developing world. Following the formula “politics is a big economy”, China starts rethinking its security interests. As a result, China has smoothly adopted the transition strategy from non-intervention into internal affairs to a more proactive non-indifference approach, that Chinese academics are describing as “creative” or “constructive” engagement. Many new elements contribute to this new constructive engagement - conceptual narrative, political support, geopolitical competition, growing capacities and new security conditions. The key point of the article is to analyze China’s strategy in defending national interests overseas, including the rescue and peacekeeping operations, mediation, political envoys, etc. The special focus is done on proactive peacekeeping policy of China and its new role in the security environment. Obviously, in future China will follow implementing the overseas missions, including humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, evacuation operations, defense of sea lanes, stabilization operations, peacekeeping and counterterrorism missions. After launching in 2017 its first overseas military base in Djibouti, there is little evidence to predict that in the near future China intends to construct more bases. But nevertheless the geopolitical rivalry with the United States might push China to convert three deep-water ports - Gwadar (Pakistan), Salalah (Oman), and Seychelles ports into naval bases. The degree of the China’s involvement in global security landscape will depend on the level of its responsibility, since Beijing is undergoing through a higher degree of international pressure in order to take more obligations. Responding to overseas security crises through military actions would be mostly shaped by events (case-by-case approach), inspired by political motivations and organized as small-scale and low-intensity missions.

The occupation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and certain districts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions as a result of Russian aggression cause the relevance of the study of foreign experience in restoring the territorial integrity of the country and the reintegration of the returned territories. The article presents an analysis of experience of Croatia in the de-occupation and reintegration of the territory of the self-proclaimed Republic of Serbian Krajina. The process of restoring the territorial integrity of Croatia through the military offensive operations after long-term ineffective peacekeeping missions of UN as well as through a peaceful return and gradual reintegration under the control of international peacekeeping missions has been researched. The factors contributed to and hindered this process, in particular, international mediation and assistance, reformation of the military sector, the position of non-combatants, the activity of public organizations and etc. were outlined. Based on the conducted analysis, it has been established that experience of Croatia in peaceful reintegration can be used in Ukraine in the field of peacebuilding, restoration of trust between the population of two sides of delimitation line, the return of displaced people, recognition of civil law documents issued at uncontrolled territories, pension issues, introduction of transitional police forces, international mediation and assistance in the process of reintegration of the population of the conflict zone into the peaceful public life of the country can help to develop more effective strategies as for the reintegration of the temporarily occupied territories of Donetsk and Luhansk regions.

This article uses the case study of the unifil mission in South Lebanon to explore the role of trust in facilitating or obstructing inter-organizational cooperation and local ownership in a traditional UN peacekeeping mission. Peacekeeping is distinct from many other forms of military engagement in the level of cooperation it requires, not only between different national military contingents, but between militaries and international police and civilian staff, personnel from local institutions and municipalities, and local communities. This article argues that the inter-organizational cooperation necessary for effective interoperability will not happen unless there is trust between the militaries working together. Equally, local ownership is not possible unless local populations trust peacekeepers to be impartial. However, this soft skill – awareness of the role of trust and how to engender it – is not included in pre-deployment training for military personnel. We outline the soft skill of ‘trust awareness’, including a typology of trust relevant for peacekeeping, and ‘trust mechanics’- practical actions and behaviors that foster trust.

International humanitarian law (IHL) applies at times of armed conflict, placing legal obligations on all warring parties that are designed to limit the inhumanity of warfare. Armed Police Force (APF), Nepal with the mandate to control an armed struggle occurred or likely to occur in any part of Nepal, to control armed rebellion or separatist activities or likely to occur in any part of Nepal, and to provide assistance in case of external intervention being under the Nepali Army, can at any time become a party in both international and non-international armed conflict. APF’s role in UN Peacekeeping Missions is also an area where it may have to engage with non-state actors if and when situation demands. All these necessitate APF personnel to have proper understanding and compliance to the principles of IHL, violation of which can increase human suffering and consequent individual criminal responsibility and command responsibility. In light of this, it concludes the IHL specific trainings in APF, Nepal should be maintained and augmented to ensure broad and better understanding and respect for IHL in times of conflict.

Interoperability is central to UN peace operations. These operations are civilian-led enterprises that pursue complex objectives, which often can only be achieved through the close collaboration of civilian, police, and military actors. As a result, coordination and interoperability between civilian and uniformed personnel in peace operations is not only desirable but often necessary to the success of these missions. Yet, interoperability is not a given. Peace operations face important challenges that can undermine the ability of their different components to work effectively together towards common objectives. Based on observations made during field research in Haiti and time spent at the UN headquarters in New York City, this essay discusses the challenges faced by peace operations in regard to interoperability, factors that facilitate interoperability, and implications for Canada’s announced return to peacekeeping.

Existing research shows that peace after civil wars is more stable with peacekeepers present. Yet, violence persists in many postwar contexts, and although postwar violence is often strategic and closely linked to the faultlines of the preceding war, we know little about the impact of peacekeepers on such violence. What we know, moreover, focuses on the former combatants, while this study shows that the majority of deaths in postwar violence are inflicted by other armed actors. This is a challenge for peacekeepers who – for mandate or capacity reasons – usually focus on the warring parties. I argue that the impact of peacekeepers on postwar violence hinges on the extent to which they fill a public security gap after war, since responsibility for violence not covered by a mission’s mandate lies with the often dysfunctional security agencies of the state. To test this I use a novel spatial approach to generate data that captures the manifold manifestations of violence across different postwar contexts. I find that only UN police – with their broader effect on public security – mitigate postwar violence generally. UN troops have some impact on civilian targeting by former combatants but no such effect could be identified for violence by other armed actors. The findings highlight the importance of peacekeeping police at a time when the modus operandi and capacity of UN police have been questioned, but also the importance of accounting for a multitude of violent actors when analysing the impact of international interventions more generally.

This updated issue of the professional publication Bulletin of the Slovenian Armed Forces is dedicated to the question of the Slovenian commitment to finding peaceful solutions to conflicts. As Commander­in­Chief of the Defence Forces of the Republic of Slovenia, I find this subject not only necessary but also entirely essential. There are many reasons for this. The historical experience of the Slovenian people has not always been pleasant regarding the preservation of national identity, manifested in the language as well as in the cultural and national tradition. Despite different repressive and denationalising measures taken by many foreign authorities, our ancestors managed to preserve the Slovenian nation through much wisdom, deep national awareness and political skill. The importance of consistent compliance with the provisions of international law in crisis situations, including wars, was seen in 1991. Slovenia won the war, not only in a military sense but also by complying with all legal norms, thus soon becoming recognised as a young European democratic country founded on high legal and moral principles. The lessons of war in 1991 increased the resolve of the Slovenian people for clear rejection of the use of force in finding solutions to any kind of conflict. For this reason, my pleasure at being invited to write about the topic of Slovenian people in the service of peace is that much greater, in part also due to the fact that I spent a large part of my professional life, from 1992 to 2005, working in the United Nations, first as the ambassador of the Republic of Slovenia, later as UN Assistant Secretary­General. In both functions I dealt with peacekeeping operations to a considerable extent. United Nations peacekeeping operations were in full swing at that time and underwent great development on the one hand, but also bitter disappointment and moments of deep doubt on the other. However, they continued to develop to the current extent. The topic of the Bulletin is presented in truly deep, scientific, theoretical and practical ways, from strategic and tactical levels, considering the evolutionary and transformational characteristics of peacekeeping operations, and deriving from historical experience. The most respected authors in the Slovenian professional field have thrown light upon important conceptual changes in the area of peacekeeping operations, which result from numerous factors, in particular from important geopolitical changes in the world. We must not disregard the increasing cooperation of regional organisations in the implementation of peacekeeping operations, which has indirectly brought about a different understanding of the term “peacekeeping operation” and opened technical discussions in the area of terminology as well as in the technical fulfilment of obligations, all the way to the question of the necessity of a preliminary UN mandate. These deficiencies can also be seen in Slovenia and point to the need for conducting a deep technical discussion as soon as possible and unifying the understanding of both the structure of the Slovenian Armed Forces and the broader defence and security system. The introductory and in particular the more theoretical parts of the Bulletin may be taken as important contributions in this regard. Some of the articles offer interesting historical insight into the cooperation of Slovenian men, and later women, in various endeavours for peace launched by individual great powers and international organisations. Although it is difficult to understand the military intervention of European forces on the island Crete in 1897 as a peacekeeping operation, the objective which is still in the forefront of contemporary efforts of the international community in this area was achieved for at least some time. This intervention ensured an armistice between the parties involved in the conflict and enabled a diplomatic solution on the island without unnecessary victims. The confidence that the highest political and military authorities in the Austro­Hungarian Empire had in the 2nd Battalion of the 87th Infantry Regiment from Celje was truly special. This was particularly the case because the military unit was mainly composed of Slovenes, and at the time of deployment in Crete its commander was a Slovene as well. However, we need to emphasise that such thinking is unconventional. By studying the literature on peacekeeping operations we see that such operations were first mentioned around 1919 in connection with peace conferences after the end of World War I and with managing various border issues in Europe, different plebiscites and other situations which, besides political and other diplomatic action, also required the protection of security and were followed by military operations intended for this particular purpose. History tells us much about peacekeeping operations intended to maintain truces. In these operations, coalition forces were deployed to an area in which a truce already existed and had to be maintained among well organised and disciplined armed forces. Today, the status of armed forces is quite different. We have to look at all of history and every aspect of international military engagement which is not armed combat by nature but a military presence with various aspects of employment of military force and the constant readiness and capability of peace forces to defend themselves effectively and be prepared to use weapons to fulfil their mandate. If today we see peacekeeping operations as valid in this respect, it is clear that we have to be familiar with history and evaluate what we can learn from past experience and how we are obliged to consider the present. Of course, we must consider the present. If we look at the status of peacekeeping operations today, we see how important this military activity is for the modern world. I will only dwell upon the United Nations, which from the standpoint of peacekeeping operations is the most important organisation operating today. Approximately 140,000 soldiers participate in peacekeeping operations under the auspices of the United Nations. No other military force has that number of uniformed personnel operating abroad. These people are assigned to eighteen currently active peacekeeping operations, each costing the organisation about seven billion dollars. This is the largest component of the budget of the United Nations. However, this expenditure is small in comparison to other kinds of military deployment outside the UN, to operations which are not peacekeeping operations by nature. Peacekeeping operations have become very multidimensional. The latest such operations, established in Africa (Darfur, Chad, Central African Republic), have been among the most demanding from the very beginning. We can thus conclude that peacekeeping operations are becoming increasingly more complex, which also results in a higher degree of risk. In 2007, 67 members of UN peacekeeping operations lost their lives. Looking at individual operations we see that six people died in Lebanon alone that year. Ever since peacekeeping operations have been in existence, Lebanon has been one of the most dangerous areas. Today, however, it is somewhat outside the sphere of interest. This may be due to the fact that there is a peacekeeping operation active in the area, on account of which a state of relative peace can be better maintained. Peacekeeping operations are both dangerous and multidimensional, multidimensional because they are no longer focused merely on keeping belligerent parties apart. Modern peacekeeping operations include both standard and supplemental functions. Providing a secure environment for political normalisation, humanitarian activity and development is a comprehensive task, requiring the engagement of peacekeeping forces in operations that are far from being common types of military deployment. This raises different questions about the training and competence of peacekeeping forces. We also have to ask ourselves how we can fully consider the lessons learned from previous peacekeeping operations and organise a system of command, particularly in organisations such as the United Nations, while at the same time making sure that national contingents do not lose their identity. There are thus two lines of communication, one through channels established by international organisations and the other through those established by national systems of armed forces. How to balance this and achieve efficient functioning? How to ensure the operation of different cultures, members and levels of competence in a way that facilitates the success of peacekeeping operations? These are always important questions to consider. In recent years the question of interest has pointed to the complexity of modern peacekeeping operations. Peacekeeping operations are frequently required to facilitate an environment in which elections can be conducted and assist in the establishment of a legal order and institutions to maintain that order. Both tasks are extremely demanding. The establishment of a safe environment for conducting elections in a country with poor communications, with no tradition of elections and with violence linked to every political event, is an extremely difficult task. The establishment of a legal order in areas with no such tradition or adequate infrastructure is even harder. There is often a need to include the civilian police, whose tasks in peacekeeping operations are very demanding. Civilian police have a number of other particularities besides problems connected to the aforementioned multidimensionality. It is necessary to adapt to the local environment in order to facilitate effective police performance. How to facilitate this in an environment such as Haiti, for example, with its difficult past? How to facilitate this in linguistically demanding environments such as East Timor until recently and in other difficult circumstances? These are all extremely demanding tasks. However, there is not much understanding with regard to all the details and problems arising from their implementation. The international political community is often satisfied merely by defining the mandate of a peacekeeping operation. For many people this signifies the solution to the problem, considering that the mandate is defined and that the deployment of forces will occur. However, this is where real problem solving only begins. Only then does it become obvious what little meaning general resolutions of the United Nations Security Council and other acts by which mandates are defined have in the context of actual situations. Therefore, I am of the opinion that we have to take a detailed look at experience from the distant past as well as the present. When speaking of the civilian police we also have to consider the fully human aspects that characterise every peacekeeping operation. Once I spoke to a very experienced leader of civilian police operations about the need to send additional police officers to the mission in Kosovo in the spring, when winter is over and people become more active, which also results in a higher crime rate. He explained that this is not only a problem in the area of this mission but elsewhere in Europe. In spring, the crime rate rises everywhere. Therefore it is difficult to find police officers during this time who are willing to leave their homeland, where they are most needed, and go to a mission area which is just then facing increased needs. I mention this to broaden understanding of the fact that the deployment of peacekeeping forces, both military and civilian police, is not only a matter of mandates and military organisation, but sometimes of the purely elementary questions that accompany social development. I have already mentioned that memory of the past is a very important component of considering present peacekeeping operations. I would like to conclude with another thought. I believe the manner of organising the knowledge of peacekeeping operations is of great importance to all countries, especially those that are new to cooperating in peacekeeping operations. This knowledge cannot be gained from books written at universities, but only from monitoring and carefully analysing the previous experiences of others. It is very important that this knowledge be carefully organised, that these experiences be carefully gathered and analysed, and that a doctrine be developed gradually. This doctrine is required for a country like Slovenia, which is new at conducting peacekeeping operations, to be able to manage well and define its role in international peacekeeping operations properly. To achieve this objective, a new country must cooperate with those countries which have been conducting peacekeeping operations for a long time and therefore have a richer experience. The neighbouring Austria is known to have one of the longest and most interesting systems of experience in peacekeeping operations within the United Nations. Ever since it joined the UN, Austria has been active in numerous activities linked to peacekeeping operations. Its soldiers and the civilian police have participated in a number of peacekeeping operations. Experience gained in this way is of great value, and using this experience is necessary for successful planning of and operating in future peacekeeping operations. The future will be complicated! At one time, when the members of peacekeeping operations numbered approximately 80,000, the United Nations thought that nothing more could be done, and a larger number of members was unthinkable. Today the number of members is significantly larger, development will most likely still continue and conditions will become even more demanding. I do not wish to forecast events which have not yet taken place. However, I would like to strongly emphasise that the history of peacekeeping operations is not over yet and that the future will be full of risks and challenges. I would also again like to stress the importance of this issue of the Bulletin of the Slovenian Armed Forces, which is entering a new decade, and express my pleasure at being able to note down a few thoughts. Let me particularly emphasise that as Commander­in­Chief of the Slovenian Defence Forces I will continue to devote special attention to achievements in the area of cooperation in peacekeeping operations in the future, having a special interest in these experiences. I thank the authors of the articles of this important issue of the Bulletin for their scientific and professional contributions – and I greatly respect those who have already done important work in the name of the Republic of Slovenia with the Slovenian flag on their shoulders, with the hope that they continue to fulfil their obligations in accordance with the rules.

Some UN peacekeeping operations are generally regarded as a success, e.g. El Salvador, Sierra Leone and Mozambique. Other missions are seen as obvious failures, such as Rwanda and Somalia. Not only do these mixed results justify research into the question “do peacekeeping operations actually contribute to durable peace?”, but both academic scholars and policy makers also try to identify factors explaining these differences. In earlier research, factors for success and failure were distilled from literature to explain the differing contributions of UN peacekeeping operations. After further research on the cases of Rwanda, Mozambique, El Salvador and Cambodia nine factors for success and failure were identified. According to these nine factors the probability that a peacekeeping operation makes a positive contribution to durable peace increases if: 1) the parties are sincere and willing to cooperate with the implementation of the operation; 2) the operation is able to provide a sufficient sense of security to the parties; 3) the operation has sufficient attention to the causes of the conflict both in depth and in breadth; 4) the operation receives co-operation from important outside actors and parties; 5) the operation is deployed timely and at the right time; 6) the operation is implemented by competent personnel under competent leadership, and with clear command structures; 7) the operation is part of a long term approach; 8) the ‘policy tools’ implemented in the operation are coordinated within the operation, as well as externally; and 9) the operation provides ‘ownership’. The questions addressed in this paper are: a) to what extent does UNMIS meet these different factors for success and failure for UN peacekeeping operations?; and b) to what extent does this picture match the image that results from a review of the North-South conflict and peace process, the role of UNMIS, and an analysis of the extent of durable peace? The answers to these two questions allow more insight into the chances for success or failure of UNMIS and provide further knowledge on factors for success and failure of UN peacekeeping operations.

Introduced in 1999, formed police units (FPUS) constitute a relatively recent invention in the history of UN peacekeeping. Yet, currently more than 10,000 individuals are deployed in such units. Their members are un civilian police officers but – like military personnel – they may be given executive mandates. Consequently, (the optimal regulation of) their legal position (i.e. whether equivalent to that of military members of national contingents or of UN experts on mission) and (of) their criminal accountability (i.e. exclusive contributing State jurisdiction and/or permissibility of host State criminal jurisdiction) have been a subject of prolonged disagreement. The legal-political struggle between the UN Secretariat (Office of Legal Affairs) and the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations concerning these issues has triggered important clarifications of the existing rules and led to revisions of legal instruments, including the most recent amendments to the UN Model Memorandum of Understanding. Through a study of this process, the present article aims to clarify the legal status and criminal accountability of FPU officers, as well as to predict the stability of the current legal status quo. In addition, the analysis of these issues provides valuable insights into the relevant practice of and priorities within the UN and among troop and police contributing countries. It thus even helps assess chances that military members of national contingents may in the future be subjected to the criminal jurisdiction of host States. Last but not least, the study highlights the importance of accurate and up-to-date information.

AbstractMandates of United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions increasingly include stabilisation and peace enforcement components, which imply a proactive use of force often carried out by national, regional or multinational non-UN partners, operating either in support of or with the support of the UN, acting as ‘proxies’. This article analyses the legal, policy and perception/security implications of different types of ‘peace operations by proxy’ and the additional challenges that such operations create for humanitarian action. It suggests some mitigating measures, including opportunities offered by the UN Human Rights Due Diligence Policy, for a more coherent approach to the protection of civilians, but also acknowledges some of the limitations to an independent UN-led humanitarian action.

The article analyses the key aspects of the EU policy towards Armenian-Azerbaijan armed conflict. The author explores basic parameters of the EU presence in the region and a degree of its influence on political processes and peaceful settlement. The article shows basic directions of possible collective actions of the parties to the conflict and international mediators (Russia, USA, leading states of the EU) concerning peaceful settlement of this crisis situation in the framework of Minsk Group of the OSCE. In this context, the author devotes attention to the questions of status of Nagorno-Karabakh and models of possible international peacekeeping missions to the area.

The article is focused on studying the phenomenon of the administrative and legal status of the National Police as a subject of Ukrainian state policy implementation in human rights and freedoms. The author outlines the essence and content of the administrative and legal status of the National Police of Ukraine through the leading categories of "law" and "freedom", which are important for the democratic processes developing in Ukrainian society. The administrative and legal status of the National Police of Ukraine is considered as a set of characteristics and powers entrusted in the state legislation, a set of the following components: target – determined by the mission of the police to promote the state policy implementation in the fight against crime and peacekeeping, enforcement of rights, public and state interests; organizational – characterizes the structure of the National Police, consisting of a central police control facility, which consists of organizationally integrated structural units that ensure the implementation of the police tasks in human rights protection; competent – related to the definition of tasks, functions, rights, and duties, as well as the degree of responsibility of the law enforcement and its units and employees, determining the focus of their activities on the protection of the individual and the guarantee of the legitimacy of counteracting the state on the part of the person to protect their rights and freedoms. In practice, the implementation of the new administrative and legal status enables law enforcement to approve the law, enhance the communication and legal culture of police officers, overcome the traditional politicization and militarization of law enforcement by updating the organizing strategies of human rights activities, strengthen the state and professional discipline, make the police activities transparent, improve the control system and responsibility of police structures and professionals for malpractice.

China’s security concept is evolving, and its participation in Africa’s Arab countries’ peacekeeping is transforming itself from aloof bystander to active player, and from multilateralism to both multi- and unilateralism. The establishment of China’s logistics base in Djibouti does not signify a sudden change in China’s African foreign policy; instead, change has been gradual and tangible and began with the evolution of China’s participation in United Nations peacekeeping operations, and engagement in Africa’s infrastructure projects, in parallel with China’s increasing global presence. The base serves as a logistics and support facility for Chinese peacekeepers, as well as a naval facility to support anti-piracy missions off the coast of Somalia as part of an international anti-piracy operation. Moreover, the base helps China to ensure its maritime and commercial interests and safeguard Chinese nationals in West Asia and the African continent. However, the United States and the West are concerned with the geopolitical and geoeconomic implications of China’s logistics base in Djibouti. The geography of Djibouti has led to the rising of geopolitical rivalries between the great powers, which may intensify in the coming years.

AbstractThe current scientific publication follows the invitation of scientists from the University of Defense in the Czech Republic, Brno for joint international study on economic diplomacy and peacekeeping. The paper presents the role of the Bulgarian army in the operations of international crisis management as part of the security and defense policy of the country, and characteristics of the activities of armed forces in international operations for crisis management. The article focuses on national contribution to international efforts in support of peace and stability, the legal basis for the participation of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Bulgaria in allied and coalition operations and support operations and military participation of the Republic of Bulgaria in international missions and operations.

The monitoring and reporting of grave violations against children in situations of armed conflict is at the core of the Children and Armed Conflict (CAAC) normative and institutional architecture as outlined in twelve United Nations (UN) Security Council resolutions since 1999. The child protection mandate in United Nations peacekeeping operations is the key pillar underpinning this architecture.While the role of civilian Child Protection Advisers (CPAs) in identifying and reporting on these violations through the Security Council-mandated Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism on Children and Armed Conflict (MRM) is by now well established and largely codified, the contribution of uniformed peacekeepers to this critical function has been generally overlooked. However, in recent years, a series of UN and non-UN legal and policy instruments have placed increasing emphasis on the role of the UN Military and Police in the MRM.

This chapter is a short history of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda (unamir). It is based on an examination of the Australian deployment to Rwanda undertaken as part of the five-volume Official History of Australian Peacekeeping, Humanitarian and Post-Cold War Operations. The chapter briefly charts the establishment, travails, reduction, re-establishment and then demise of this UN mission. In doing so highlights how unamir was perpetually dogged by having mandates that, while they seemed suitable when they were created in New York, were quickly overtaken by events in Rwanda. Moreover, after the genocide, the recreated unamir was forced to attempt to police the very people and institutions it was reliant on for its continued survival if it was to carry out its mandate.

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to identify the managerial challenges in using lean techniques in designing a comprehensive characterization of the organization logistics and physical distribution system. The study further sought to determine the extent to which these challenges impact the logistics and physical distribution of goods and informed managerial practices.Methodology: The study employed a qualitative research design. The study targeted all the senior managers at Director Levels at the GSC and the RSC and all the senior operational staff from supply chain and service delivery pillars in three (03) large Field Missions. These field missions are namely United Nations Stabilization Mission in Congo (MONUSCO); United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS); and the United Nations Support Office for AMISOM (UNSOA). This study used purposive sampling technique. The researcher purposively sampled fifteen (15) personnel; with three (03) participants each from the GSC, RSC, and three (03) participants each from the three (03) Field Mission. Primary data was obtained from the original sources using questionnaires and interview.Findings: The results revealed that DFS did face various challenges in the implementation of lean strategies and that the operational difficulties experienced within its operations across field missions resulted in reduced customer satisfaction, increased supplier lead time and increased operational costs. The respondents indicated that they experienced a lack of understanding of the complexity of supply chain at the senior leadership level whereby most initiatives are tainted with personal agenda as a consequent the biggest hurdle to overcome is gaining enthusiasm and trust of the staff. They also indicated that there is a high risk of asset waste and loss due to assets remaining in stock for over one year without use. Further, they indicated that there are weaknesses in the management of construction or “self-constructed” projects; and weaknesses in the restructuring of the department of peacekeeping operations.Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The study recommends that DFS should foster a continuous performance improvement mindset among staffs through planning, doing, checking and taking corrective actions on a balanced scorecard that integrates and aligns staff motivation and interest to the objectives of the organization. Also, objective and fair work plan and performance management are an ingredient to foster continuous improvement

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to identify the managerial challenges in using lean techniques in designing a comprehensive characterization of the organization logistics and physical distribution system. The study further sought to determine the extent to which these challenges impact the logistics and physical distribution of goods and informed managerial practices.Methodology: The study employed a qualitative research design. The study targeted all the senior managers at Director Levels at the GSC and the RSC and all the senior operational staff from supply chain and service delivery pillars in three (03) large Field Missions. These field missions are namely United Nations Stabilization Mission in Congo (MONUSCO); United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS); and the United Nations Support Office for AMISOM (UNSOA). This study used purposive sampling technique. The researcher purposively sampled fifteen (15) personnel; with three (03) participants each from the GSC, RSC, and three (03) participants each from the three (03) Field Mission. Primary data was obtained from the original sources using questionnaires and interview.Findings: The results revealed that DFS did face various challenges in the implementation of lean strategies and that the operational difficulties experienced within its operations across field missions resulted in reduced customer satisfaction, increased supplier lead time and increased operational costs. The respondents indicated that they experienced a lack of understanding of the complexity of supply chain at the senior leadership level whereby most initiatives are tainted with personal agenda as a consequent the biggest hurdle to overcome is gaining enthusiasm and trust of the staff. They also indicated that there is a high risk of asset waste and loss due to assets remaining in stock for over one year without use. Further, they indicated that there are weaknesses in the management of construction or “self-constructed” projects; and weaknesses in the restructuring of the department of peacekeeping operations.Unique contribution to theory, practice and policy: The study recommends that DFS should foster a continuous performance improvement mindset among staffs through planning, doing, checking and taking corrective actions on a balanced scorecard that integrates and aligns staff motivation and interest to the objectives of the organization. Also, objective and fair work plan and performance management are an ingredient to foster continuous improvement

The gap between rhetoric and implementation is exactly what I want to talk about. Sanam described the flurry of activity and really intentional, dogged advocacy of civil society in getting this foundational resolution passed, 1325, and lo and behold, there was no immediate and dramatic change, and there has not been since then. But there have been some ways that countries and civil society have reacted to try to get us closer to that implementation, and one of those has been a focus on and a creation of what are called national action plans on Women, Peace, and Security, on the implementation of 1325; countries name them different things. And for those who are not familiar, they are usually basically just a multi-agency strategy, ideally with an implementation plan that spans a range of departments, agencies, and includes any spectrum of things. They can call for more women to be appointed mediators, for more support to women's groups for conflict prevention, meeting the unique physical needs of women in humanitarian crises or refugee camps. Some countries say they want to deploy more women to peacekeeping missions, recruit more female police officers, provide support to people raped during war, training security forces, et cetera. There is a broad range of things that are included in them.

In the wake of the Canadian government’s pledge for a renewed role at the United Nations (UN) notably by reengaging in peacekeeping activities, this special issue focuses on Canada’s added value to peace operations. Our aim is to identify the goals, challenges, and stakes for Canada’s reengagement in peace operations as a central component of foreign and defence policy. One of the first questions to ask is how can Canada contribute to peace operations which are now characterized by more complex security environments, in a way that is consistent with its interests, resources, and capacity? The second question relates to Canada’s engagement in peace missions in the context of a continuously evolving technological landscape. Finally, we address defence planning, equipping the Canadian Armed Forces, and managing personnel, as they relate to UN operations. The time is ripe to revitalize the debate on peace operations and analyze Canada’s capacity in this area.

European Union member states have always recognized the need to act together in foreign policy and defense matters, but this has proved to be a difficult challenge and hard to achieved. The principle of a common foreign and security policy (CFSP) was formalized for the first time in 1992 by the Treaty of Maastricht, but creation of formal secondary instruments for diplomacy and intervention were needed pursuant to regional conflicts in the 1990s. Such decisive actions are the European Union peacekeeping missions to several of the world’s trouble spots which promote development of the European Security and Defense Policy and design of European military structure. The first Europe defense agreement was sign on 17 of March 1948 in Brussels establishing the Western European Union. Together with the NATO Agreement they create the defense policy of Europe. In this context, the research paper aims is to explore the development of the Western European Union as a cradle for the birth of the European Union security and defense policy and the difference between the policies that are in the Union competence and the one exclusively to the Member States.

New coverage of the recent wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the ensuing public education campaigns by the Department of Veterans Affairs and private veterans advocacy groups combine to call the public's attention to the many potential mental health problems associated with traumatic event exposure. Indeed, since 2001, Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) and Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) combat and peacekeeping missions have been characterized by high levels of exposure to acts of extreme violence, with often gruesome effects. Less publically discussed is the fact that a surprisingly large number of United States civilians also report exposure to traumatic events, such as severe interpersonal violence, natural disasters, and serious automobile accidents. In fact, approximately 70% of randomly sampled respondents indicated that they have experienced an incident characterized by significant perceived life threat at some point during their lives.

AbstractThis article develops an International Practice Theory (IPT) approach to United Nations peace operations through the study of the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). MINUSTAH saw the introduction of new practices within the context of a UN peace operation, namely the use of joint military-police forces to conduct offensive action against armed groups that were labelled as ‘gangs’. While more objectivist problem-solving approaches would argue that the UN mission was simply adapting to the situation on the ground, an IPT lens reveals that there was considerable struggle to integrate these new practices within the repertoire of peacekeeping. The article argues for the benefits of applying an IPT lens to peace operations while proposing to develop theoretical and methodological approaches that have been less prominent in IPT. Theoretically, it posits that IPT can better articulate practice and discourse by paying more attention to what actors say about what they do.