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Journal articles on the topic 'Police militarization'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Roziere, Brendan, and Kevin Walby. "Police Militarization in Canada: Media Rhetoric and Operational Realities." Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice 13, no. 4 (October 27, 2017): 470–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/pax075.

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Abstract This paper examines police militarization in Canada between 2007 and 2017. We contrast media and police accounts of militarization with special weapons and tactics (SWAT) team deployment records disclosed under freedom of information (FOI) law. Discourse analysis reveals a series of armoured vehicle purchases has been justified by police claims about the danger faced by police officers, and the need to keep police officers and the public safe. Media and police accounts thus suggest militarization is limited. However, our FOI research shows planned and unplanned deployment of SWAT teams have risen in major Canadian cities and are higher in some cases than those reported by Kraska on public police militarization in the USA. After revealing this juxtaposition between media rhetoric and the organization and operational reality of police militarization, we reflect on the implications of police militarization in Canada and the challenges that police may face in communications about armoured vehicle purchases as public awareness of SWAT team use rises and police legitimacy is questioned.

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Moule, Richard K., Bryanna Hahn Fox, and Megan M. Parry. "The Long Shadow of Ferguson: Legitimacy, Legal Cynicism, and Public Perceptions of Police Militarization." Crime & Delinquency 65, no. 2 (April 20, 2018): 151–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128718770689.

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This study examines public perceptions of police militarization, specifically whether individuals believe police are too militarized, and support for practices associated with militarization. Drawing on concepts found in the legal socialization literature—legitimacy and legal cynicism—this study tests hypotheses regarding whether these constructs influence perceptions of militarization. Using a national sample of 702 American adults, a series of ordinary least squares regression models are used to analyze the relationships between legitimacy, cynicism, and perceptions of police militarization. Results suggested that higher levels of legitimacy reduced beliefs that police are too militarized while also increasing support for practices associated with militarization. Cynicism increased beliefs that the police are too militarized, but had no effect on support for militarization. Perceptions of militarization are thus influenced by legal socialization.

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3

Bieler, Sam. "Police militarization in the USA: the state of the field." Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management 39, no. 4 (November 21, 2016): 586–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-03-2016-0042.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to review the state of research of police militarization in the USA to explore the claim that the police are becoming more like the military, or “militarized” in order to identify gaps in the research on this topic that require further investigation. Design/methodology/approach To explore the state of police militarization, this paper draws on a scan of scholarly papers published on militarization in the American context as well as a select array of gray literature on the topic. Findings While the nature of militarization has received substantial scholarly attention, debate on the phenomenon remains and there is little consensus on the definition of what makes a department militarized. The impact of militarization is similarly unclear: some scholars suggest that it has a negative impact on policing because it creates community hostility and encourages police to see force as a central problem-solving tool. However, other scholars suggest militarization is a positive development, as it could promote professionalism and accountability. To date, there has been little empirical work on the impact of militarization on policing that could inform this debate. Originality/value This paper suggests that empirical assessments of how militarization affects use of force and legitimacy will be valuable for informing the militarization debate. As scholars on both sides of the debate have suggested that militarization affect policing outcomes in these areas, empirical tests here offer a way to explore both sides’ claims. Such tests could offer new evidence on how militarization is affecting the character and operations of American police.

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4

Steidley, Trent, and David M. Ramey. "Police militarization in theUnited States." Sociology Compass 13, no. 4 (February 27, 2019): e12674. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12674.

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5

Lawson, Edward. "TRENDS: Police Militarization and the Use of Lethal Force." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 1 (July 2, 2018): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918784209.

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In recent years, the killing of suspects by police and the “militarization” of police have drawn considerable public attention, but there is little analysis of a relationship between the two. In this article, I investigate the possibility that such militarization may lead to an increase in suspect deaths using data on police receipt of surplus military equipment to measure militarization and a newly created database on suspect deaths in all fifty states quarterly from the fourth quarter of 2014 through the fourth quarter of 2016. The data consist of more than eleven thousand agency-quarter observations. I find a positive and significant association between militarization and the number of suspects killed, controlling for several other possible explanations.

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6

Koslicki, Wendy M., and Dale Willits. "The iron fist in the velvet glove? Testing the militarization/community policing paradox." International Journal of Police Science & Management 20, no. 2 (May 21, 2018): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461355718774581.

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A number of police militarization scholars have explored the paradox of the simultaneous emergence of community policing and militarism in the United States. Several researchers have suggested that police militarization and community policing may be cohesive strategies of state control, with community policing being the “velvet glove” that wraps the “iron fist” of militarization in palatable rhetoric. Alternatively, it has been suggested that these two policing strategies are incoherent, having emerged as a result of the state’s disorganized attempts to maintain control in the face of significant societal changes. To date, little research has examined the link between community policing and police militarization specifically. This study uses community policing data from the 2013 LEMAS survey to examine variation in military equipment acquisition data from the Department of Defense’s 1033 Program between the years 2012 and 2014. Results show that departments engaging in certain community policing activities are significantly less likely to acquire general military equipment, firearms, and military vehicles. These findings suggest that these policing strategies are not necessarily coherent and potentially support the argument that community policing efforts can buffer militarization. However, these results also highlight the need for more empirical research on existing theories of militarization, as well as the causes and effects of police militarism and community policing activities.

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7

Glasnovich, Ryan S. "A Case Study in Police Militarization." Journal of Applied History 2, no. 1-2 (June 16, 2020): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895893-bja10006.

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Abstract The militarization of civilian police forces has become a topic of increasing interest among policymakers and social scientists in contemporary societies. In light of this, researchers have debated how and why police forces become militarized. The historical case of Japan in the Meiji Period (1868–1912) provides one such answer. As the Meiji government Westernized Japan in the late-nineteenth century, it also developed a modern police system. Although initially civil in orientation, a combination of internal and external factors—factors shaped by a national crisis—led to a twentieth-century police institution steeped in militarism. Understanding the process whereby the Japanese police militarized can provide lessons for those interested in similar developments taking place in police organizations around the world in the present day.

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8

Coyne, Christopher J., and Abigail R. Hall-Blanco. "Foreign Intervention, Police Militarization, and Minorities." Peace Review 28, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 165–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2016.1166739.

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9

Kraska, P. B. "Militarization and Policing--Its Relevance to 21st Century Police." Policing 1, no. 4 (November 7, 2007): 501–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/pam065.

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10

Jones, Daniel J. "The Potential Impacts of Pandemic Policing on Police Legitimacy: Planning Past the COVID-19 Crisis." Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice 14, no. 3 (June 5, 2020): 579–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paaa026.

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Abstract One of the biggest challenges facing modern policing in recent years has been the lack of police legitimacy. The tipping point of this phenomenon is often attributed to the Rodney King incident in Los Angeles in 1991, where Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) officers were videoed assaulting a lone black male. They were arrested and charged but eventually all were acquitted, thereby etching deep distrust between communities and police. Now the Rodney King example is an extreme and criminal act by police but it was the beginning of communities and media focusing on what the police were doing and how they were doing it. This lack of legitimacy coupled with what is referred to as the militarization of policing have lasting consequences and impacts on police–community relations and how interactions between police and community shape society today. In the wake of pandemic policing due to COVID-19, there are tales of two eventualities for police legitimacy that will be explored in this article: (1) The police response to the pandemic results in further militarization and draws deeper divides between police and communities or (2) the police response is compassionate and build on procedurally just operations resulting in the rebuilding of police legitimacy post-pandemic.

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McMichael, Christopher. "Pacification and police: A critique of the police militarization thesis." Capital & Class 41, no. 1 (November 30, 2016): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816816678569.

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Lindsay-Poland, John. "Understanding Police Militarization in the Global Superpower." Peace Review 28, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 151–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2016.1166720.

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Mummolo, Jonathan. "Militarization fails to enhance police safety or reduce crime but may harm police reputation." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115, no. 37 (August 20, 2018): 9181–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1805161115.

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The increasingly visible presence of heavily armed police units in American communities has stoked widespread concern over the militarization of local law enforcement. Advocates claim militarized policing protects officers and deters violent crime, while critics allege these tactics are targeted at racial minorities and erode trust in law enforcement. Using a rare geocoded census of SWAT team deployments from Maryland, I show that militarized police units are more often deployed in communities with large shares of African American residents, even after controlling for local crime rates. Further, using nationwide panel data on local police militarization, I demonstrate that militarized policing fails to enhance officer safety or reduce local crime. Finally, using survey experiments—one of which includes a large oversample of African American respondents—I show that seeing militarized police in news reports may diminish police reputation in the mass public. In the case of militarized policing, the results suggest that the often-cited trade-off between public safety and civil liberties is a false choice.

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14

이창규. "A Study of police militarization : With a focus on U.S. Policy." 국제법무 9, no. 2 (November 2017): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.36727/jjilr.9.2.201711.006.

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15

Koslicki, Wendy M. "The Militarization of the Police? Ideology versus Reality." Journal of Criminal Justice Education 31, no. 4 (June 25, 2020): 621–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10511253.2020.1785518.

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Meitl, Michele Bisaccia, Ashley Wellman, and Patrick Kinkade. "Armed and (potentially) dangerous: exploring sheriffs' perspectives of police militarization." Policing: An International Journal 43, no. 5 (August 13, 2020): 845–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-05-2020-0079.

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PurposeDomestic law enforcement increasingly utilizes military tools and techniques in traditional policing activities. An increased militaristic approach is not without controversy, given the many high-profile incidents involving such tactics that have resulted in tragedy. We seek to assess specific views of policymakers who implement such strategies by measuring the attitudes of Texas sheriffs on these measures.Design/methodology/approachIn late 2019 and early 2020, a census was completed with Texas sheriffs to better understand their attitudes about the use of military tactics. A robust return rate captured the views of 142 (56%) respondents from a diverse set of rural and urban counties. Opinions on the appropriateness, effectiveness and necessity of military techniques were measured.FindingsResults indicate Texas sheriffs strongly support the use of military tools and techniques, believe they protect officer safety and should continue to be taught and utilized by law enforcement when appropriate.Practical implicationsSecondary consequences of police militarization may counteract its desired positive outcomes and lead to significant risks for officers and citizens alike. Strong police support makes the reduction in use of these tactics unlikely, but these results give opportunity for consideration of such policy to all law enforcement agencies.Originality/valueIt is the first study to examine county sheriffs' perceptions of militarization since the events of Ferguson, Missouri and provides a very recent assessment of views from a population of leaders both integrated into policy decisions and intimately accountable for policy implementation.

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17

den Heyer, G. "Radley Balko. Rise of the Warrior Cop: The Militarization of America's Police Forces." Policing 8, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 90–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/pau009.

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Ayers, John W., Benjamin M. Althouse, Adam Poliak, Eric C. Leas, Alicia L. Nobles, Mark Dredze, and Davey Smith. "Quantifying Public Interest in Police Reforms by Mining Internet Search Data Following George Floyd’s Death." Journal of Medical Internet Research 22, no. 10 (October 21, 2020): e22574. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/22574.

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Background The death of George Floyd while in police custody has resurfaced serious questions about police conduct that result in the deaths of unarmed persons. Objective Data-driven strategies that identify and prioritize the public’s needs may engender a public health response to improve policing. We assessed how internet searches indicative of interest in police reform changed after Mr Floyd’s death. Methods We monitored daily Google searches (per 10 million total searches) that included the terms “police” and “reform(s)” (eg, “reform the police,” “best police reforms,” etc) originating from the United States between January 1, 2010, through July 5, 2020. We also monitored searches containing the term “police” with “training,” “union(s),” “militarization,” or “immunity” as markers of interest in the corresponding reform topics. Results The 41 days following Mr Floyd’s death corresponded with the greatest number of police “reform(s)” searches ever recorded, with 1,350,000 total searches nationally. Searches increased significantly in all 50 states and Washington DC. By reform topic, nationally there were 1,220,000 total searches for “police” and “union(s)”; 820,000 for “training”; 360,000 for “immunity”; and 72,000 for “militarization.” In terms of searches for all policy topics by state, 33 states searched the most for “training,” 16 for “union(s),” and 2 for “immunity.” States typically in the southeast had fewer queries related to any police reform topic than other states. States that had a greater percentage of votes for President Donald Trump during the 2016 election searched more often for police “union(s)” while states favoring Secretary Hillary Clinton searched more for police “training.” Conclusions The United States is at a historical juncture, with record interest in topics related to police reform with variability in search terms across states. Policy makers can respond to searches by considering the policies their constituencies are searching for online, notably police training and unions. Public health leaders can respond by engaging in the subject of policing and advocating for evidence-based policy reforms.

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Amar, Paul. "Operation Princess in Rio de Janeiro: Policing ‘Sex Trafficking’, Strengthening Worker Citizenship, and the Urban Geopolitics of Security in Brazil." Security Dialogue 40, no. 4-5 (August 2009): 513–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010609343300.

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This article develops new insights into the gendered insecurities of the neoliberal state in Latin America by exploring the militarization of public security in Rio de Janeiro during 2003—08 around campaigns to stop the ‘trafficking’ of sex workers. Findings illuminate the intersection of three neoliberal governance logics: (1) a moralistic humanitarian-rescue agenda promoted by evangelical populists and police groups; (2) a juridical ‘law and rights’ logic promoted by justice-sector actors and human-rights NGOs; (3) a worker-empowerment logic articulated by the governing Workers’ Party (PT) in alliance with social-justice movements, police reformers, and prostitutes’ rights groups. Gender and race analyses map the antagonisms between these three logics of neoliberal governance, and how their incommensurabilities generate crisis in the arena of security policy. By exploring Brazil’s fraught efforts to attain the status of ‘human security superpower’ through these interventions, the article challenges the view that the reordering of security politics in the global south is inevitably linked to desecularization, disempowerment, and militarization.

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Correa, Jennifer G., and James M. Thomas. "From the Border to the Core: A Thickening Military-Police Assemblage." Critical Sociology 45, no. 7-8 (September 3, 2018): 1133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920518794269.

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Militarization on the US–Mexico border has intensified in America’s post-9/11 War on Terror, while America’s War on Drugs has escalated militarization in America’s urban core. This infusion of military weapons and tactics along the border and within America’s urban core produces devastating effects on communities of color. Yet, to date, few critical race scholars attend to the Wars on Terror and on Drugs as two sides of the same coin. This article serves as a bridge between US–Mexico border studies and critical race studies vis-à-vis a theorization of a thickening military-police assemblage birthed by the War on Drugs, and intensified by the War on Terror. To delineate this assemblage, we respond to two key questions: how and to what degree has the US–Mexico border served as a staging ground for US (para)military and surveillance strategies at home and abroad? and how do discourses on America’s urban core compare and contrast with those on its southern border? We draw upon the cases of Esequiel Hernández, Jr. and Michael Brown, two teenagers whose lives were taken by this assemblage, to frame these questions. Our analysis reveals material, symbolic, and affective links between America’s militarization on the southwest border and within its urban core.

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Burkhardt, Brett C., and Keith Baker. "Agency Correlates of Police Militarization: The Case of MRAPs." Police Quarterly 22, no. 2 (September 24, 2018): 161–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1098611118800780.

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In 2014, protests in Ferguson, Missouri (MO), and the subsequent law enforcement response, shined a light on police militarization—the adoption of military styles, equipment, and tactics within law enforcement. Since 1990, the U.S. Department of Defense has transferred excess military equipment to domestic law enforcement agencies via the federal 1033 program. This article examines transfers of mine-resistant ambush-protected vehicles or MRAPs. Designed to withstand explosive blasts during U.S. military occupations in Iraq and Afghanistan, surplus MRAPs have been shipped to more than 800 domestic law enforcement agencies. This article uses national data on law enforcement agencies and on 1033 program transfers to analyze the pattern of MRAP distribution. The results show that MRAPs are disproportionately acquired by agencies that have warrior tendencies and rely on asset forfeiture to generate revenue. This pattern of militarization is consistent with a model of governance that views citizens as both opportunities and threats.

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Roziere, Brendan, and Kevin Walby. "The Expansion and Normalization of Police Militarization in Canada." Critical Criminology 26, no. 1 (October 23, 2017): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10612-017-9378-3.

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Denman, Derek S. "The logistics of police power: Armored vehicles, colonial boomerangs, and strategies of circulation." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 38, no. 6 (June 5, 2020): 1138–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775820929698.

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Images of police armored vehicles in Ferguson and Baltimore have been influential in a public conversation about the militarization of the police. However, recent critical and abolitionist work on policing rejects the concept of “militarization” for obscuring the longstanding histories and institutional connections between military and police apparatuses. By following the transfers of armored vehicles to police, this article illuminates the logistical pathways that connect colonial warfare and domestic policing, adding an account of the material composition of police power to the historical work of critical and abolitionist thinkers. The article proceeds through a critical reading of records of the Defense Logistics Agency, tracking the transfer of surplus armored vehicles to the police. Designated as “high-visibility property” by the Defense Logistics Agency, these vehicles testify to the materiality of police power. The article then tracks the visibility and materiality of these vehicles as they are deployed in urban and suburban spaces and considers their unique capacity to suppress the democratic energies of crowds. Tracking the armored vehicle provides a way to ask how the rigid lines of fortified urban space are organized into mobile vectors and where ongoing processes of colonization enter these spatial processes.

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Masera, Federico. "Police safety, killings by the police, and the militarization of US law enforcement." Journal of Urban Economics 124 (July 2021): 103365. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jue.2021.103365.

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Delehanty, Casey, Jack Mewhirter, Ryan Welch, and Jason Wilks. "Militarization and police violence: The case of the 1033 program." Research & Politics 4, no. 2 (April 2017): 205316801771288. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168017712885.

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Does increased militarization of law enforcement agencies (LEAs) lead to an increase in violent behavior among officers? We theorize that the receipt of military equipment increases multiple dimensions of LEA militarization (material, cultural, organizational, and operational) and that such increases lead to more violent behavior. The US Department of Defense 1033 program makes excess military equipment, including weapons and vehicles, available to local LEAs. The variation in the amount of transferred equipment allows us to probe the relationship between military transfers and police violence. We estimate a series of regressions that test the effect of 1033 transfers on three dependent variables meant to capture police violence: the number of civilian casualties; the change in the number of civilian casualties; and the number of dogs killed by police. We find a positive and statistically significant relationship between 1033 transfers and fatalities from officer-involved shootings across all models.

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Kraska, Peter B. "Questioning the Militarization of U.S. police: Critical versus advocacy scholarship∗." Policing and Society 9, no. 2 (April 1999): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.1999.9964809.

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BOETTKE, PETER J., JAYME S. LEMKE, and LIYA PALAGASHVILI. "Re-evaluating community policing in a polycentric system." Journal of Institutional Economics 12, no. 2 (September 10, 2015): 305–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174413741500034x.

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AbstractElinor Ostrom and her colleagues in The Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis at Indiana University in Bloomington conducted fieldwork in metropolitan police departments across the United States. Their findings in support of community policing dealt a blow to the popular belief that consolidation and centralization of services was the only way to effectively provide citizens with public goods. However, subsequent empirical literature suggests that the widespread implementation of community policing has been generally ineffective and in many ways unsustainable. We argue that the failures are the result of strategic interplay between federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies that has resulted in the prioritization of federal over community initiatives, the militarization of domestic police, and the erosion of genuine community-police partnerships.

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Bove, Vincenzo, and Evelina Gavrilova. "Police Officer on the Frontline or a Soldier? The Effect of Police Militarization on Crime." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 9, no. 3 (August 1, 2017): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.20150478.

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Sparked by high-profile confrontations between police and citizens in Ferguson, Missouri, and elsewhere, many commentators have criticized the excessive militarization of law enforcement. We investigate whether surplus military-grade equipment acquired by local police departments from the Pentagon has an effect on crime rates. We use temporal variations in US military expenditure and between-counties variation in the odds of receiving a positive amount of military aid to identify the causal effect of militarized policing on crime. We find that (i) military aid reduces street-level crime; (ii) the program is cost-effective; and (iii) there is evidence in favor of a deterrence mechanism. (JEL H56, H76, K42)

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Cyr, K., Rosemary Ricciardelli, and Dale Spencer. "Militarization of police: a comparison of police paramilitary units in Canadian and the United States." International Journal of Police Science & Management 22, no. 2 (January 21, 2020): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461355719898204.

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In comparison with Canada, the more pronounced ability to acquire special weapons and tactics (SWAT) equipment in the United States suggests the resulting proliferation of SWAT teams with adequate material resources is likely to continue. This proliferation has stimulated media and public discourses against the “militarization” of police. In Canada, however, the amalgamation of SWAT teams has led to increased standardization in SWAT training, member specialization and protocols of applied practice. We argue that, in comparison with the United States, the proliferation of paramilitary activity is limited in the Canadian policing landscape by public safety governance structures, acquisition processes, and judicial scrutiny. In consequence, Canadian police services are better positioned than their counterparts in the United States to withstand the public scrutiny tied to police tactical responses.

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Bolduc. "Global Insecurity: How Risk Theory Gave Rise to Global Police Militarization." Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies 23, no. 1 (2016): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/indjglolegstu.23.1.267.

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Meeks, Daryl. "Police Militarization in Urban Areas: The Obscure War Against the Underclass." Black Scholar 35, no. 4 (January 2006): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.2006.11413331.

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Muibu, Daisy. "Police Militarization and Public Perceptions: Exploring Residents’ Attitudes in Kismaayo, Somalia." Journal of the Middle East and Africa 12, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 255–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2021.1947669.

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Wozniak, Jesse. "Winning the Battle of Seattle: State Response to Perceived Crisis." Illness, Crisis & Loss 13, no. 2 (April 2005): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105413730501300204.

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This article examines the nature of police violence in the context of social discord. Using the anti-World Trade Organization protests as a backdrop, it delineates and applies Stark's (1968) theory of police riots to explain the progression of police aggression in Seattle. The article also extends Stark's model by integrating it with a Gramscian understanding of the dynamics of ideological consent in late capitalist societies. Finally, the article demonstrates the dangers that result from official perceptions of protesters as members of the “dangerous class,” and from police displays of excessive and provocative force. It also illustrates how the increased militarization of the police encourages provocative policing practices that undermine fundamental democratic rights, particularly the right to participate in peaceful protests.

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Radil, Steven M., Raymond J. Dezzani, and Lanny D. McAden. "Geographies of U.S. Police Militarization and the Role of the 1033 Program." Professional Geographer 69, no. 2 (September 2, 2016): 203–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00330124.2016.1212666.

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Fox, Bryanna, Richard K. Moule, and Megan M. Parry. "Categorically complex: A latent class analysis of public perceptions of police militarization." Journal of Criminal Justice 58 (September 2018): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jcrimjus.2018.07.002.

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36

Gazit, Nir. "The Convergence of Military Conduct and Policing in Israeli-Controlled Territories." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350202.

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The murder of George Floyd by a police officer in the United States in May 2020 and the subsequent turmoil, as well as the violence against migrants on the US-Mexican border, have drawn major public and media attention to the phenomenon of police brutality (see, e.g., Levin 2020; Misra 2018; Taub 2020), which is often labeled as ‘militarization of police’. At the same time, in recent years military forces have been increasingly involved in policing missions in civilian environments, both domestically (see, e.g., Kanno-Youngs 2020; Schrader 2020; Shinkman 2020) and abroad. The convergence of military conduct and policing raises intriguing questions regarding the impact of these tendencies on the military and the police, as well as on their legitimacy.

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Ortega, Rosalba. "Hidden Gender Violence in the War on Organized Crime in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, Mexico (2010-2011)." JOURNAL OF ADVANCES IN AGRICULTURE 4, no. 1 (July 20, 2015): 368–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jaa.v4i1.5138.

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Militarization[1] in this country Mexico is a fundamental factor of political definition due to the loss of life[2] that it has represented, and the impact on public life stemming from the constant violation of the human rights of men, but especially for women, who have both seen their everyday life modified. This fight against organized crime, some have defined it as a war against the people, which pretends to be a war on drug trafficking. In Ciudad Juarez, we already know that the presence of the army and police on the streets does not increase safety, and instead, gender violence is exposed in deaths that occur constantly, so that militarization and impunity are the key to reading the new events as part of a hegemonic project, in which the bodies and humanity are no longer relevant.

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Ortega, Rosalba. "Hidden Gender Violence in the War on Organized Crime in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, Mexico (2010-2011)." JOURNAL OF ADVANCES IN HUMANITIES 4, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 368–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jah.v4i1.447.

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Militarization[1] in this country - Mexico - is a fundamental factor of political definition due to the loss of life[2] that it has represented, and the impact on public life stemming from the constant violation of the human rights of men, but especially for women, who have both seen their everyday life modified. This fight against organized crime, some have defined it as a war against the people, which pretends to be a war on drug trafficking. In Ciudad Juarez, we already know that the presence of the army and police on the streets does not increase safety, and instead, gender violence is exposed in deaths that occur constantly, so that militarization and impunity are the key to reading the new events as part of a hegemonic project, in which the bodies and humanity are no longer relevant.

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Schrader, Stuart. "Cops at War: How World War II Transformed U.S. Policing." Modern American History 4, no. 2 (June 28, 2021): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2021.12.

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World War II transformed policing in the United States. Many police enlisted in the military during the war, and in turn many veterans joined police forces following the victories of 1945. As wartime labor shortages depleted their ranks, police chiefs turned to new initiatives to strengthen and professionalize their forces, redoubling those efforts as growing fears of crime and internal security threats outlasted the global conflict. This article investigates the rapid growth of the military police, how African Americans responded to changes in policing due to the war, and these wartime experiences’ lingering impacts. Based on research in obscure and difficult-to-find police professional literature, and closely examining New York City, it argues that the war's effects on policing did not amount to “militarization” as currently understood, but did inspire more standardized and nationally coordinated approaches to recruitment as well as military-style approaches to discipline, training, and tactical operations.

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Kappeler. "Hailing the police, occupy politics and counter-militarization: a reply to Matthew Morgan." Global Discourse 4, no. 2 (July 3, 2014): 285–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2014.919792.

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Tanko, A. V. "Administrative and Legal Status of the National Police of Ukraine as a Subject of State Policy Implementation in Human Rights and Freedoms." Law and Safety 76, no. 1 (February 20, 2020): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2020.1.04.

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The article is focused on studying the phenomenon of the administrative and legal status of the National Police as a subject of Ukrainian state policy implementation in human rights and freedoms. The author outlines the essence and content of the administrative and legal status of the National Police of Ukraine through the leading categories of "law" and "freedom", which are important for the democratic processes developing in Ukrainian society. The administrative and legal status of the National Police of Ukraine is considered as a set of characteristics and powers entrusted in the state legislation, a set of the following components: target – determined by the mission of the police to promote the state policy implementation in the fight against crime and peacekeeping, enforcement of rights, public and state interests; organizational – characterizes the structure of the National Police, consisting of a central police control facility, which consists of organizationally integrated structural units that ensure the implementation of the police tasks in human rights protection; competent – related to the definition of tasks, functions, rights, and duties, as well as the degree of responsibility of the law enforcement and its units and employees, determining the focus of their activities on the protection of the individual and the guarantee of the legitimacy of counteracting the state on the part of the person to protect their rights and freedoms. In practice, the implementation of the new administrative and legal status enables law enforcement to approve the law, enhance the communication and legal culture of police officers, overcome the traditional politicization and militarization of law enforcement by updating the organizing strategies of human rights activities, strengthen the state and professional discipline, make the police activities transparent, improve the control system and responsibility of police structures and professionals for malpractice.

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Ibrahim, Farhana. "Policing in Practice." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 39, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 425–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-7885378.

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Abstract Studies on militarization and borders in South Asia often focus on zones of spectacular conflict, such as Kashmir, or partition violence in Punjab. This article examines the production of everyday policing in a zone of high surveillance that is not a conventional military “hot spot” in the region. The question of who or what constitutes the police force is as important as the question of what it does. The categories of police or law enforcer and those who are policed are malleable and contingent. Networks of secrecy, transparency, and trust are produced through a series of dialogic relationships between police, borderland residents, and other actors not conventionally taken to be a part of the security apparatus—for example, tourists, development agencies, and anthropologists. The article suggests that encounters between those on either side of the law are not only coercive, but shot through with shades of hospitality, reciprocity, and desire. It thus attempts to refigure wartime and peacetime as periods of continuum rather than opposition and repositions those who are inside and outside formal categories of law enforcement to suggest that the manner in which the border is policed may reflect the ways in which borderland populations are engaged quite actively with the question of security.

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Blaisdell, Drake, Miguel Antonio Delgado Helleseter, and Richard Smith. "Militarization and Police Violence: A Re-Examination of the Case of the 1033 Program." International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social and Community Studies 14, no. 2 (2019): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2324-7576/cgp/v14i02/1-11.

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Shernock, Stanley. "Changing Uniforms." Criminal Justice Policy Review 28, no. 1 (July 27, 2016): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0887403414565173.

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Most academic attention regarding military influence on policing has focused on critiques of the military model of policing and police militarization and has neglected to examine the relationship between the two institutions and the transferability of attributes and skills from the military to police. Military service itself, when examined, has been treated as an undifferentiated concept that has not distinguished the effects of organizational structure, leadership, and myriad roles and experiences on policing. This study, using data from a survey of law enforcement officers throughout a New England state, compares and analyzes how law enforcement officers and supervisors with and without military background and with and without deployment experience differ in their perspectives regarding both the positive as well as negative aspects of combat deployment on policing. As such, it has significant implications for both the reintegration and recruitment of combat-deployed veterans into police organizations.

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Stumpf, Benjamin. "The Whiteness of Watching." Radical Philosophy Review 23, no. 1 (2020): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrev2020225105.

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This article seeks to develop a concept I term surveillant citizenship, referring to a historically-emergent civic national and moral discourse that prescribes citizen participation in surveillance, policing, and law enforcement. Drawing on philosophy of race, surveillance studies, critical prison studies, and cultural theory, I argue that the ideological projects attached to the ‘War on Crime’ and the ‘War on Drugs’ sought to choreograph white social life around surveillant citizenship—manufacturing consent to police militarization, prison expansion, and mass incarceration, with consequences relevant to the future of antiracist strategy.

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Fox, Bryanna, Richard K. Moule, Chae M. Jaynes, and Megan M. Parry. "Are the Effects of Legitimacy and Its Components Invariant? Operationalization and the Generality of Sunshine and Tyler’s Empowerment Hypothesis." Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 58, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 3–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022427820926228.

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Objectives: To assess whether the relationship between legitimacy and police empowerment is sensitive to the operationalization of legitimacy, and whether the effects of legitimacy and its components on empowerment are invariant. Empowerment is examined in the context of police militarization—public support for the discretionary use of surplus military equipment by law enforcement. Method: Using a national sample of 702 American adults and a series of ordinary least squares regressions, the direct and interactive effects of legitimacy and its components on empowerment are examined. Results: The composite measure of legitimacy, as well as its individual components, each exert direct effects on police empowerment. Instrumental factors have persisting, albeit weaker, effects relative to normative factors. Interaction terms between the composite legitimacy measure or its components and sociodemographic characteristics were not statistically significant. In short, the effects of legitimacy and its components on empowerment appear invariant. Conclusions: Findings provide additional evidence of the generality of Tyler’s process–based model and extend these considerations to the burgeoning literature on public empowerment of police.

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Buchanan, Blu, and Amara Miller. "#DisarmUC." Critical Times 3, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 551–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-8662432.

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Abstract As scholar-activists, the authors explore efforts of police disarmament within the context of an emerging social movement sweeping the University of California system. The Disarm UC coalition challenges the myth of policing as necessary for the production of a “safe” society, especially in an era in which fear-mongering has helped to naturalize far-right and authoritarian systems of control. Instead, this article asks how policing is always already a violent system within the American academy and how these historical precursors normalize the current militarization and mobilization of lethal force within universities. Such normalized violence reproduces historical inequities within academia and has material consequences for students and workers. Finally, the authors explore how social movements like Disarm UC disrupt police violence within the university, producing new social and material conditions for change.

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Herzog, Sergio. "Militarization and demilitarization processes in the Israeli and American police forces: Organizational and social aspects." Policing and Society 11, no. 2 (May 2001): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2001.9964861.

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Howell, Alison. "Forget “militarization”: race, disability and the “martial politics” of the police and of the university." International Feminist Journal of Politics 20, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616742.2018.1447310.

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Lockwood, Brian, Matthew D. Doyle, and John G. Comiskey. "Armed, but too dangerous? Factors associated with citizen support for the militarization of the police." Criminal Justice Studies 31, no. 2 (January 5, 2018): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1478601x.2017.1420652.

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