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Journal articles on the topic "Police Order 2002"
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Nixon, Judy, and David Prior. "Disciplining Difference – Introduction." Social Policy and Society 9, no. 1 (2009): 71–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746409990200.
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Addressing anti-social behaviour (ASB) has been a major policy priority of New Labour since it came to power in 1997. This is reflected in a series of legislative powers enabling a range of agencies to take legal action to tackle ASB (e.g. Crime and Disorder Act 1998; Police Reform Act 2002; Anti-Social Behaviour Act 2003; Serious Organised Crime and Police Act 2005) and in a number of national policy initiatives (e.g. the Home Office ‘Together’ Campaign, 2003; the Respect Action Plan, 2006; the Youth Task Force Action Plan, 2007). These developments are the subject of a growing body of academic analysis and critique, much of which has focused on the use of the ASB powers in the regulation of particular neighbourhoods and communities, especially social housing areas of predominantly White working-class residents (Burney, 2005; Flint, 2006), and of young people, again mostly White and working class (Squires and Stephen, 2005). Specific service or practice developments arising out of ASB policy have also been analysed, for example, Family Intervention Projects (Nixon et al., 2006, 2008), Anti-Social Behaviour Teams (Prior et al., 2006), and the use of ASBOs (Squires, 2006; Matthews et al., 2007) and Dispersal Orders (Crawford and Lister, 2007).
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Ferdiansyah Putra, M. Fadli, T. Erwinsyahbana, and Rizkan Zulyadi. "Kebijakan Optimalisasi Tugas Dan Fungsi Intelijen Kepolisian Dalam Upaya Deteksi Dini Pencegahan Tindak Pidana Terorisme." Journal of Education, Humaniora and Social Sciences (JEHSS) 5, no. 2 (2022): 1437–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.34007/jehss.v5i2.1185.
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The State Police of the Republic of Indonesia, hereinafter referred to as a government institution, has the main task of being regulated in Law No. 2 of 2002 concerning the Indonesian National Police. In accordance with Article 13 of Law No. 2 of 2002, the Police have the main task of maintaining public security and order, enforcing the law, and providing protection, protection and services to the community. The problem in this research is to analyze the role of police security intelligence in conducting early detection of terrorism prevention efforts in the jurisdiction of the Central Aceh Police, and to analyze the factors that hinder Police security intelligence in carrying out early detection of efforts to prevent terrorism crimes in the jurisdiction of the Aceh Police. Central, as well as analyzing how to optimize the duties and functions of Police Intelligence in early detection of the prevention of criminal acts of terrorism in the jurisdiction of the Central Aceh Police. Based on the results of the study, it was determined that the role of police intelligence in preventing criminal acts of terrorism was to carry out early detection in order to know all changes in social life in society and its further development, identify the nature of threats that are being and will be faced.
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Maksum, Ali, and Surwandono Surwandono. "Analisis Tata Kelola Keamanan Indonesia Masa Kini: Studi Kasus UU NO. 34/2004, UU NO. 2/2002, UU NO. 7/2012." Jurnal Keamanan Nasional 6, no. 2 (2021): 131–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31599/jkn.v6i2.463.
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This article discusses the analysis of security governance in relation to three important laws, namely (1) Law no. 34/2004 on the Indonesian National Army (TNI), (2) Law no. 2/2002 on the Indonesian National Police (POLRI), and (3) Law. No. 7/2012 on Social Conflict Management. This discussion is imperative in order to understand the main duties, roles and functions of the TNI / POLRI as the front guard in maintaining national security. This article argues that there is a positive relationship between the ineffectiveness of regulations on Indonesia's national security and the approach that Indonesia has chosen in managing national security. In addition, the type of approach chosen in defining security issues will be directly proportional to the adopted security policy. Therefore, the discussion of this paper is divided into three sections, namely the analysis of Law no. 34/2004 on TNI, analysis of Law no. 2/2002 on POLRI, Law no. 7/2012 on handling social conflict, and conclusions.
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Goldsmith, Andrew, Flinders University, Dorothy Goulding, Lyn Hinds, and David Brown. "Reviews." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 36, no. 2 (2003): 231–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1375/acri.36.2.231.
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When Police Unionise: The Politics of Law and Order in Australia; By Mark Finnane (2002) Sydney: Hawkins Press, 258pp, ISBN 1864874643 Behind Bars: Surviving Prison; By J.I. Ross & S.C. Richards (2002) Indeanapolis, USA:Alpha Books, 240 pp, ISBN 0028643518 Convict Criminology; By J.I. Ross & S.C. Richards (2002) California, USA:Thomson Wadsworth, 387 pp, ISBN 0534574335 Repair or Revenge: Victims and Restorative Justice.; By H. Strang (2002) Oxford: Clarendon Press, 320 pp, ISBN 0199251649 Punishment and Civilization; By John Pratt (2002) London: Sage Publications, 213 pp, ISBN 0761947531
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Macías-Rojas, Patrisia. "Immigration and the War on Crime: Law and Order Politics and the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996." Journal on Migration and Human Security 6, no. 1 (2018): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241800600101.
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The 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) was a momentous law that recast undocumented immigration as a crime and fused immigration enforcement with crime control (García Hernández 2016; Lind 2016). Among its most controversial provisions, the law expanded the crimes, broadly defined, for which immigrants could be deported and legal permanent residency status revoked. The law instituted fast-track deportations and mandatory detention for immigrants with convictions. It restricted access to relief from deportation. It constrained the review of immigration court decisions and imposed barriers for filing class action lawsuits against the former US Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS). It provided for the development of biometric technologies to track “criminal aliens” and authorized the former INS to deputize state and local police and sheriff's departments to enforce immigration law (Guttentag 1997a; Migration News 1997a, 1997b, 1997c; Taylor 1997). In short, it put into law many of the punitive provisions associated with the criminalization of migration today. Legal scholars have documented the critical role that IIRIRA played in fundamentally transforming immigration enforcement, laying the groundwork for an emerging field of “crimmigration” (Morris 1997; Morawetz 1998, 2000; Kanstroom 2000; Miller 2003; Welch 2003; Stumpf 2006). These studies challenged the law's deportation and mandatory detention provisions, as well as its constraints on judicial review. And they exposed the law's widespread consequences, namely the deportations that ensued and the disproportionate impact of IIRIRA's enforcement measures on immigrants with longstanding ties to the United States (ABA 2004). Less is known about what drove IIRIRA's criminal provisions or how immigration came to be viewed through a lens of criminality in the first place. Scholars have mostly looked within the immigration policy arena for answers, focusing on immigration reform and the “new nativism” that peaked in the early nineties (Perea 1997; Jacobson 2008). Some studies have focused on interest group competition, particularly immigration restrictionists’ prohibitions on welfare benefits, while others have examined constructions of immigrants as a social threat (Chavez 2001; Nevins 2002, 2010; Newton 2008; Tichenor 2009; Bosworth and Kaufman 2011; Zatz and Rodriguez 2015). Surprisingly few studies have stepped outside the immigration policy arena to examine the role of crime politics and the policies of mass incarceration. Of these, scholars suggest that IIRIRA's most punitive provisions stem from a “new penology” in the criminal justice system, characterized by discourses and practices designed to predict dangerousness and to manage risk (Feeley and Simon 1992; Miller 2003; Stumpf 2006; Welch 2012). Yet historical connections between the punitive turn in the criminal justice and immigration systems have yet to be disentangled and laid bare. Certainly, nativist fears about unauthorized migration, national security, and demographic change were important factors shaping IIRIRA's criminal provisions, but this article argues that the crime politics advanced by the Republican Party (or the “Grand Old Party,” GOP) and the Democratic Party also played an undeniable and understudied role. The first part of the analysis examines policies of mass incarceration and the crime politics of the GOP under the Reagan administration. The second half focuses on the crime politics of the Democratic Party that recast undocumented migration as a crime and culminated in passage of IIRIRA under the Clinton administration. IIRIRA's criminal provisions continue to shape debates on the relationship between immigration and crime, the crimes that should provide grounds for expulsion from the United States, and the use of detention in deportation proceedings for those with criminal convictions. This essay considers the ways in which the War on Crime — specifically the failed mass incarceration policies — reshaped the immigration debate. It sheds light on the understudied role that crime politics of the GOP and the Democratic Party played in shaping IIRIRA — specifically its criminal provisions, which linked unauthorized migration with criminality, and fundamentally restructured immigration enforcement and infused it with the resources necessary to track, detain, and deport broad categories of immigrants, not just those with convictions.
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Biantoro, Prasojo Soewondo, Zudan Arief Fakrulloh, and Riswadi Riswadi. "OPTIMIZING THE CULTURE OF DISCIPLINE OF POLRI MEMBERS BASED ON PP NO 2 OF 2003 TO REALIZE PROFESSIONALISM." Interdiciplinary Journal and Hummanity (INJURITY) 2, no. 1 (2023): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.58631/injurity.v2i1.16.
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According to Law no. 2 of 2002 concerning safeguarding security and providing community services, protection, protection, and services to the community. This will not be realized if it is not carried out with the discipline of the members of the Police. Deviations in the behavior of Polri members are a violation of the disciplinary regulations of the Polri as stipulated in PP No. 2 of 2003 concerning Disciplinary Regulations for Polri Members. The purpose of writing this journal is the implementation of the implementation of disciplinary law enforcement for members of the Police through disciplinary hearings of the Police, knowing the implementation in the Police disciplinary hearings in realizing a disciplined Police and analyzing optimizing the functions of Police law enforcement in the implementation of disciplinary hearings in order to create a disciplined National Police. It is known that the implementation of disciplinary law enforcement for Polri members through Polri disciplinary hearings is the responsibility of Polri members who violate the law within the corridors of Polri's disciplinary law or violations of the code of ethics, the violation is internally institutional, namely through the trial session and the session of the Professional Code of Ethics Commission. Obstacles in the implementation of the Police disciplinary hearings are changes to the internal legal rules within the National Police, such as the National Police Chief Regulation No. 14 of 2011 concerning the Professional Code of Ethics, previously there were two National Police Chief Regulations governing the same thing, namely the National Police Chief Decree No. Pol: KEP/32 / VII/2003 and Regulation of the Chief of Police, Regulation of the Chief of Police Number 7 of 2006. The new regulation on the Code of Ethics for the Police Profession does not provide sufficient explanation. As a result of regulations that have multiple interpretations, each party will have different controls, so that it can open up opportunities for law enforcement to occur which ultimately creates legal uncertainty
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Herdianto, Suhadi Rizki, Evita Isretno Israhadi, and Riswadi Riswadi. "Satreskrim Police Performance in Handling Land Crimes." Interdiciplinary Journal and Hummanity (INJURITY) 2, no. 1 (2023): 65–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.58631/injurity.v2i1.15.
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The main task of the State Police of the Republic of Indonesia is to maintain public security and order, to provide protection, protection, and services as well as to enforce the law as regulated in Chapter III Article 13 of Law Number 2 of 2002 concerning the main tasks of the Indonesian National Police. The law is the entire code of conduct that applies in common life, containing alluring rules that can be imposed with a sanction. The law implementation can take place formally and peacefully, but it can also occur because violations of the law must be enforced. Law enforcement by the police also includes criminal acts that occur in land dispute cases found in police jurisdictions throughout Indonesia.
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Albrecht, Peter. "The Chiefs of Community Policing in Rural Sierra Leone." Journal of Modern African Studies 53, no. 4 (2015): 611–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000774.
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ABSTRACTThis paper argues that when police reform in Sierra Leone was instituted to consolidate a state system after the country's civil war ended in 2002, it reproduced a hybrid order instead that is embodied by Sierra Leone's primary local leaders: paramount and lesser chiefs. In this sense, policing has a distinctly political quality to it because those who enforce order also define what order is and determine access to resources. The hybrid authority of Sierra Leone's chiefs emanates from multiple state-based and localised sources simultaneously and comes into play as policing takes place and police reform moves forward. This argument is substantiated by an ethnographic exploration of how and with what implications community policing has been introduced in Peyima, a small town in Kono District, and focuses on one of its primary institutional expressions, Local Policing Partnership Boards.
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Tampubolon, Wahyu Simon. "PERAN BHABINKAMTIBMAS SERTA MASYARAKAT DALAM UPAYA PENCEGAHAN GANGGUAN KEAMANAN DAN PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA DI KABUPATEN LABUHANBATU." JURNAL ILMIAH ADVOKASI 8, no. 2 (2020): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.36987/jiad.v8i2.1863.
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The Indonesian National Police is directly responsible under the President. The police carry out police duties throughout Indonesia. The police are one of the foremost persons of society, the role of the police at this time is as a guardian of security and order as well as law enforcement officers in society related to criminal law, the police are able to carry out their duties professionally, where their birth originates from the community, according to their needs and desires they. This is done in order to create a situation and conditions that are safe, orderly, serene, and peaceful in social life, which then develops in accordance with developments and changes in state conditions. The National Police, which started from the public side, is now on the side of the state, which has a role to face and control the community itself. Law Number 2 of 2002 concerning the State Police of the Republic of Indonesia, the duties, authorities and rights of the police, in which Article 2 the function of the National Police is to maintain security and public order (kamtibmas).In accordance with the philosophical foundation of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia is Pancasila which is the basis of our country, especially the fourth principle "Democracy led by Wisdom in Deliberation / Representation". The fourth precept of this Pancasila, requires that the resolution of disputes, conflicts or cases be carried out through deliberation to reach a consensus which is embraced by a family spirit. This means that any dispute, conflict or case that needs to be built through negotiation or peace procedures between the disputing parties to reach a mutual agreement. Initially court mediation tended to be facultative or voluntary (voluntary), but now it leads to imperative or future (mandatory).Keywords: Bhabinkamtibmas, Society, disturbance, dispute resolution
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Wang, Joanna JJ, and Don Weatherburn. "The effect of police searches and move-on directions on property and violent crime in New South Wales." Journal of Criminology 54, no. 3 (2021): 383–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00048658211003637.
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The New South Wales (NSW) Law Enforcement (Powers and Responsibilities) Act 2002 gave the NSW Police the power in certain circumstances the power to stop, search and detain a person without warrant. The same legislation gave the police the power to direct a person to move on from a place if they believe on reasonable grounds that the person in question is obstructing traffic or another person; engaging in behaviour that is considered harassment or intimidation to another person (or people); behaving in a way that is causing or likely to cause fear to a reasonable person or present in the place in order to unlawfully supply or cause another person to unlawfully supply drugs. The exercise of these powers has attracted considerable controversy, but little is known about their effectiveness in controlling crime. We investigate the relationship between police activity and crime using panel data of 17 Local Area Command for the period 2001 to 2013. We find a significant and strongly negative long-run relationship between both indices of police activity and each of break and enter, motor vehicle theft and robbery. No significant long-run relationship is found between assault and move-on directions. The person search activity is negatively related to assault, but the effect is weak; with a 10% increase in person search only resulting in a 0.5% fall in assaults. The implications for the exercise of police move-on and search powers are discussed.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Police Order 2002"
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Siddiqi, Huma. "The Failure of Police Reform in Pakistan: What Police Order 2002 reveals about the challenges confronting democratic consolidation." Thesis, Griffith University, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/395528.
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This thesis studies a 2002 attempt to fundamentally reform the Pakistan Police Service (PSP) through the promulgation of Police Order 2002. This reform was aimed at converting the PSP from an instrument of coercive government to a force responsive to and protective of the citizenry. It constituted, as its introduction explicitly stated, a significant move toward democratic consolidation in Pakistan.
PO 2002 was introduced nationwide on 14 August 2002 with wide support from Pakistani elites and under the direction of the autocratic but reform-oriented government of General Pervez Musharraf. Yet PO 2002 failed. It was amended in 2004 and annulled in 2010. Understanding why it failed is important for understanding the challenges confronting democratising developing states, like Pakistan. Existing accounts attribute PO 2002 failure either to ‘loss of political will’ or to ‘bureaucratic politics’. The present research inclined toward the latter explanation until evidence gathered in the field pointed in quite another direction.
The thesis employed a combination of process-tracing of the history of PO 2002 and the analytical framework of advocacy coalition developed by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith. The use of Advocacy Coalition framework (ACF) directed research toward the most important factors before the actors involved. Semi-structured interviews with these revealed their beliefs and various aims regarding the initiation, progress and fate of PO 2002. ACF also alerted the research to the impact on the policy domain of external perturbations, internal shocks and changes in socio-political conditions.
Interviews with key personnel of the Musharraf regime and relevant political and civil parties revealed considerable unanimity of opinion: the demand for police reform originated in the 1990s when simultaneous strategies of democratic transition and neoliberal transformation conflicted, aggravating chaos and distributional conflicts in multi-ethnic urban centres of Pakistan. Governments used police in an attempt to control the situation but brutal, highly politicised policing failed, prompting widespread acceptance of the need for police reform.
ACF analysis found that the policy design phase of the resulting PO 2002 was monopolised by a material coalition of PSP that identified the problem as control of police by central executive power. It recommended transfer of control to local communities. Absent an epistemic community capable of analysing this proposal’s merits, and in an atmosphere of general public distrust of elected politicians, it was approved by a military government pursuing community empowerment and by liberal elites who saw it as the pathway to democratic policing. But research revealed a contradiction in PO 2002’s stated objectives – first, to improve police performance and, second, to make police autonomous. Increased autonomy worked against performance by serving the motives of PSP officers more interested in removing bottlenecks from their careers than in effective policing. Moreover, the transfer of control to divided, often mutually hostile communities, in the times of market liberalisation merely fragmented politicisation and led to intercommunal violence.
Exacerbating the situation was the fact that, even before PO 2002 was implemented, the aftermath of 9/11 caused unprecedented anti-American sentiment in Pakistan. Given popular perceptions of the US as anti-Islam, President Musharraf’s assistance to George W. Bush in his ‘war on terror’ cost him public support. Meanwhile, thanks to PO 2002, his government could not employ police to fight terrorists hiding in local communities. Belated recognition of the need to align police with the policies of the central executive led to the 2004 amendment of PO 2002. Control of provincial heads of police was acquired by the state via the intermediary home secretary, while control of ancillary police agencies was left with local actors and communities. But problems once again re-emerged when the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) came to power after Musharraf’s resignation in 2008. Strong evidence against the lower ranks of police force victimising the accused of blasphemy came forward, creating a scandalous national crisis. PPP government and state institutions were blamed for neglecting their responsibility and not protecting the rights of the accused. Further inquiry identified both the internal and external structures of PO 2002 as problem parameters. The additional internal structures introduced by PO 2002 had introduced procedural delays which significantly increased the risks for the blasphemy accused. These procedural delays further increased the probability of exploitation of police force by the local political actors, business groups and the extremist factions in some communities. Lower level police constables inspired by the extremist ideology or overtaken by their own sentiments even killed the accused of blasphemy, especially in Punjab. One, such incident also led to the murder of the governor of Punjab in 2010. The strong evidence before the PPP government left little choice but to repeal PO 2002 in 2011, and revert back to PO 1861, but it was not without incremental changes.
PO 2002 failed because of its own internal weaknesses. Removing central executive control created serious security issues and singular focus of the PSP material coalitions on removing career bottle neck in their careers introduced procedural delays between reporting of the crime and initiation of its investigation. This delay increased the risk of victimisation of already vulnerable blasphemy accused. Devolving policing responsibility to local communities may seem democratic, but in a multi-ethnic country it is a recipe for conflict. The study concludes by exploring models aimed at reconciling control of police with democratic imperatives but argues that the lack of political trust in the executive, which began with Pakistan’s transformation to a neoliberal regime, remains the biggest challenge for democratic consolidation in Pakistan and perhaps in other developing countries.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Govt & Int Relations
Griffith Business School
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Walls, Simon. "An examination of the relationship between the Police Service of Northern Ireland and the Orange Order since 2001." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2015. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/an-examination-of-the-relationship-between-the-police-service-of-northern-ireland-and-the-orange-order-since-2001(f01bff4a-a2ee-45b8-ac60-8415f73cb41f).html.
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This thesis is an examination of the relationship between the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) and the Orange Order in Northern Ireland since 2001. A series of twenty one semi structured interviews took place with three distinct interview groups; the PSNI’s first three permanent Chief Constables, a number of its senior officers, and senior members of the Orange Order. The subsequent data was analysed using a qualitative paradigm. Despite the extensive amount of literature regarding policing, parading, and the loyal orders in Northern Ireland, this study is believed to be the first that asks the question, ‘What is the current relationship between policing and Orangeism since 2001?’ It is also believed to be the first study that captures the views of senior members of both the PSNI and the Orange Order in such detail and regarding a single issue. The literature review puts the current relationship between the PSNI and the Orange Order into the context of the Orange Order’s historic relationship with the Royal Irish Constabulary and the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC). It describes how policing changed from its early non-partisan form to become closely entwined with unionism and orangeism. Until political and policing changes gradually put distance between these groups. These changes culminated in, but were no means finished by, the formation of the PSNI. The thesis considers the relationship at both the local and organisational levels, the various factors that influence this, including the Parades Commission, the rural and urban “divide” in the Orange Order and the legacy of the RUC. It suggests that the local relationship is a pragmatic and broadly positive one driven by a need to manage large numbers of peaceful and lawful parades. The organisational relationship is more difficult to characterise but it is one more prone to the influence of events and faces a number of challenges, some of which are beyond the gift of either organisation. The thesis concludes with a number of recommendations.
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Fatianova, Julia. "Opritschnina : Orden des Schreckens oder Vorstufe eines russischen Polizeiwesens?" Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/2943/.
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Inhalt:
Zar Iwan Wasiljewitsch Grosnyj
- Iwan, der erste russische Zar
- Iwan Grosnyj und die Bojaren
Opritschnina
- Der Alltag der Opritschniki
Das Ende der Opritschnina und ihre Folgen
Opritschnina-Erbe: Bedeutung der Opritschnina für die Nachwelt
Schlusswort
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Lally, Paul Graham. "The determination of certainties within 14-19 educational reform policy in England during the period 2001-2005 in order to explore the possibility of reform in the future." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15700/.
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This research provokes a different set of perspectives on education policy. It observes that in England education is so connected to ideas of knowledge and identity that it operates at two levels. The first level is rational and concentrates upon institutional and organisational behaviour. The second level is linked to a system of beliefs which enable us to demonstrate knowing and understanding. The categorical mistake often made in educational policy analysis is to try to apply first level thinking to second level problems. This research applies a conceptual framework which looks at policy formulation of 14-19 education reform in the period 2001-2005 based around the Tomlinson report. It also subjects this analysis to questions derived from the thinking of Gramsci, Bourdieu and Wittgenstein on such second level thinking. Readings of educational purpose by governments as a tool for economic and social purposes are exposed as elements of Bourdieu’s misrecognition. Indeed the purpose of education that emerges is about raising standards and operating a system based on choice and institutional autonomy. The danger in such a system is that means have become ends and there is no connection between the actions taken by government and their stated aims. Government policy can be reduced to a series of self-evident statements which rely upon belief rather than rationality. The research concludes that although education reformers in England can envisage transformational reform they are impeded by doxastic beliefs from articulating the means to implement such reform. As a result education in England is likely to continue its cycle of misremembered reform through further attempts. The proposal made here is that fundamental reform can only be made by working through such beliefs on an individual basis. The specific solution advanced here is taken from the Tomlinson and involves introducing a transformed vocational education system for those aged 16 and over. This research offers four new understandings. It presents a new approach to the research of educational policy based upon philosophical assumptions about knowledge and identity. It services that approach through a new analysis based upon a conceptual framework drawn from Williams’ tensions around purpose, change and democracy. Secondly it deploys such assumptions and analysis in a specific historical period which demonstrates the conceptual limits upon change within 14-19 reform. In doing this it also draws out new understandings about the ability to identify change propositions and the profound difficulty in translating them into change processes. The final claim of this research is that it seeks to tackle how transformational change in education might occur within the limits that are identified here.
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Neves, João Augusto de Castro. "No limiar da ordem global: o Brasil depois da Guerra Fria (1989-2001)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-14092012-094119/.
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Este é um estudo que analisa o comportamento internacional do Brasil desde o fim da Guerra Fria até o início da primeira década deste século. Em particular, trata-se de uma investigação sobre as percepções dos formuladores da política externa brasileira sobre as mudanças na distribuição de poder no mundo e o reflexo dessas percepções na relação do Brasil com os Estados Unidos, com a região e com os principais regimes e instituições internacionais.This is a study of Brazils international behavior from the end of the Cold War to the beginning of the first decade of this century. The investigation focuses on Brazils foreign policy elite, with an emphasis on their perceptions about the changes on the international system and the impacts of these perceptions on Brazils relations with the United States, with its own region and with leading international regimes and institutions.
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Buijs, Lorena Maria Elisa. "September 11 : catalyst for structural-genealogical narrative of a new world (Dis)order." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006463.
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The attacks of September 11, 2001, have changed America forever. In a horrific manner the vulnerability of the highly developed states was demonstrated and exposed in world politics. The event is ushering a new political era where far reaching shifts in international relations are under way. In the post Cold-War international world it appears that the ideological conflict between capitalism and socialism has been replaced by a new world order. One that has retained the binary conflict structure of the Cold War, except that this binary is now presented by political Islam and consumerist's capitalism (Martin, 2000:155). Indeed, in the previous bipolar world order, the acute distinction between capitalism and communism served to attenuate the discord in and between religions. This complex blurring of distinctions has been systematically heightened since the end of the Cold War, as it has allowed Western governments to maintain controlling interests outside of their dominions (Gupta, 2002:6) . This struggle has since been conceived in a variety of different, but related ways: A 'Clash of Civilizations' (Huntington 1996), or as an inescapable dialectic typical of the process of globalization itself (Barber, 1996:245). In the case of Huntington's (1996:19-20) genealogical narrative, he refers to global politics and the way in which the future will be reconfigured according to cultural identities. The division along these cultural lines, will furthermore "shape" the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the Post-Cold War world" (Huntington, 1996:20). Huntington's thesis is rather overriding in explaining the clash between the supposedly 'West' vs. 'Rest', whose interaction is historically determined. Yet, the genealogical narrative is not sufficient in taking into account the dynamics of globalization. Benjamin Barber's structural narrative, on the other hand, goes to great lengths to illustrate the paradoxical relationship between Jihad and McWorld, and how both forces tend to survive in a world that they inevitably create. By' acknowledging the relevance of both binaries (East/West), it is hoped to transcend them by presenting a structural-genealogical grand narrative, which will essentially allow one to understand Jihad as being a structural moment of the genealogical narrative. Given this general strategy, it will become perceptible that Jihad is one form of anti-globalization as the structural narratives become part of the genealogical and the genealogical part of the structural. In essence, then, this thesis is attempting to come to grips with the phenomenon of September 11, from a political-philosophical perspective. More specifically, this study will firstly be looking at two different, but related narratives that have emerged post-September 11, to make sense of the event. Given the structural-genealogical approach, the central concern in this study is consequently to look at two separate but related interests. The one pertains to history and the other to historiography.
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Morton, Anne-luce. "Les politiques sécuritaires envers les populations d’origine antillaise et africaine de Brixton et Woolwich et leurs incidences sociales à Londres, (2005-2008)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040064.
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Ce travail de recherche analyse comment les autorités locales adaptent les outils mis à leur disposition pour apporter une réponse de proximité à la délinquance dans deux quartiers de Londres, Brixton et Woolwich (Common et Riverside). Il se concentre dans un premier temps sur la composition ethnique et sociale de ces deux quartiers peuplés de ‘communautés noires’ selon la terminologie anglaise (Partie I). Il examine aussi précisément que possible les différentes formes de délinquance et de criminalité qui sévissent à Brixton et Woolwich et l'implication possible des populations ‘noires’ (Partie II). Il se penche ensuite sur les outils dont disposent les pouvoirs publics (Partie II) afin de cerner comment les politiques nationales ou régionales sont appliquées au niveau local. Cette recherche traite principalement des années 2005-08, mais les troubles de l’été 2011, tout comme les premiers résultats du dernier recensement mené en Angleterre (2011), sont évoqués. Il apparaît que Brixton fait preuve d’un esprit d’initiative qui manque à Woolwich et qui s’explique en partie par l’histoire récente du quartierThis research focuses on the safety policies regarding the black communities in Brixton and Woolwich (Woolwich Riverside and Woolwich Common wards) during the years 2005-08. It explores how the local authorities managed to adjust and adapt the national policies and laws to their own priorities and goals. First, the ethnicity and social background of the population in those two areas are studied (Part I). Then, it focuses on the different kinds of anti-social behaviour and criminality and determines how the black communities are involved, either as victims or perpetrators (Part II). What tools the local authorities have at their disposal, what kind of partnerships they establish to fight against anti-social behaviours, crime and violence are analysed in the last part of this work (Part III). This research is mainly focused on the years 2005-2008, but the riots in August 2011 as well as the last census results (2011) will be discussed. The local safety policies in Brixton prove to be more originals than in Woolwich, which can be partly explained by the recent history of the area
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Hagström, Jessica. "Partiers förändrade policyställning – kan de förklaras? : En tidsöverskridande teoriprövning av Downs baserat på Kristdemokraterna och Sverigedemokraternas valmanifest från 2002–2018." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100019.
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The purpose of this essay is to analyse the Christian democrats and the Sweden democrats’ ideological changes regarding their law and order and migration policies based on their election manifests from 2002-2018. The aim is then to explain these changes with the help of Downs (1957) based on cooperation, ideological superiority, and internal party changes. The question is whether the political parties have become ideologically and politically similar and if Downs (1957) theory will be able to explain this. The chosen method for the study is a theory testing case-study with an ideological analysis compared over time. The political parties’ ideological changes are shown in a descriptive analysis upon which Downs (1957) theory is applied. The study’s conclusion is that the theory can be used to explain the political parties ideological and political convergence. However, it cannot conclude which aspect that has been the most significant to explain the ideological changes that have occurred.
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La, Torres Pazos Julio César Federico. "El orden público: un estudio de caso del mantenimiento, control y recuperación en la Gran Unidad Histórica de Policía Montada de la PNP durante el 2012 al 2013." Master's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/6577.
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El artículo 166 de la Constitución Política del Perú establece las
funciones que debe desarrollar la Policía Nacional del Perú (PNP) como institución del Estado, siendo una de ellas garantizar, mantener y restablecer el orden interno y el orden público, incluso apelando al uso de la fuerza coercitiva cuando lo demande. Sin embargo, se mostraría un fracaso en esta función, evidenciado en los daños a la propiedad pública y privada, la pérdida del principio de autoridad del Estado y un clima de inseguridad en la ciudadanía.
Asimismo, este fracaso se puede relacionar con la falta de capacidad
preventivo-operativo de las Unidades de Control de Multitudes de la PNP, hechos que permiten que en la ciudadanía se tenga una imagen negativa del Estado y de la PNP.Tesis
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Zongo, Windata Miki. "La sécurité comme enjeu de politique étrangère en Afrique : analyse par les médiations du Burkina Faso dans les crises politiques en Afrique de l'Ouest : 1991-2012." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCB198.
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Concept des Relations Internationales justifiant l'action extérieure des États, l'intérêt national est une notion toujours omniprésente dans les discours des gouvernants, mais dont la nature et la finalité s'avèrent à la fois subtiles et diversifiées. L'avènement du Multilatéralisme et son objectif de la sécurité internationale, en constitue une parfaite mise à l'épreuve. En effet, malgré l'émergence des structures légitimes, l'État, par un discours et une implication opérationnelle dans ses actions extérieures, s'affirme en tant qu'acteur de la sécurité internationale. Cet investissement, loin du discours sur des objectifs relevant du symbolique, participe dans la réalité, à une stratégie minutieusement orchestrée au nom de l'intérêt national. Sur le continent africain, on assiste ainsi à une émergence de politiques étrangères et d'actions diplomatiques étatiques apparemment vouées à la sécurité internationale mais relevant de l'intérêt national. La présente analyse, par une approche constructiviste, entend ainsi démontrer que la pratique des médiations entreprise par le Burkina Faso dans la sous-région de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, loin des discours sur la sécurité de la zone véhiculés, est une illustration de cette tendanceAs concept of International Relations justifying foreign action of States, the national interest is a notion always present in the governement leaders speeches about foreign affairs. But its meaning and its purpose are subtle and diversified as the introduction of Multilateralism and its objective of international security show. Despite the emergence of legitimate structures, the State gets involved for international security in foreign actions through discourse and implication. This implication, far from a discourse of symbolic objectives, takes part in an accurately orchestrated strategy in the name of national interest. Thus, on the African continent, we attend the emergence of foreign policies and national diplomatic actions dedicated to international security. This analysis demonstrates by the constructivist approach that the practices of mediation by Burkina Faso in West Africa participates in this trend - in contrast to the disseminated discourse of security in this subregion
Books on the topic "Police Order 2002"
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Pakistan. Police Order, 2002: Chief Executive's Order no. 22 of 2002 dated 14th August 2002. Hammad Law Book House, 2002.
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Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. Fourth Standing Committee on Delegated Legislation. Draft Criminal Justice and Police Act 2001 (Amendment) and Police Reform Act 2002 (Modification) Order 2004, Tuesday 14 September 2004. Stationery Office, 2004.
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Pakistan. The Police Rules 1934: With Police Order, 2002, Police Act, 1861, The Police Service of Pakistan (Composition, cadre & seniority) Rules 1985, Sindh Repeal of the Police Order, 2002 & Revival of the Police Act, 1861 Act, 2011. Khyber Publishers, 2013.
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Pakistan. Trade policy 2005-2006, import policy order 2005-2006, export policy order 2005-2006, Imports and Exports Control Act, 1950. Stockist, Pioneer Book House, 2005.
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America for sale: Fighting the new world order, surviving a global depression, and preserving U.S.A. sovereignty. Threshold Editions, 2009.
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Corsi, Jerome R. America for sale: Fighting the new world order, surviving a global depression, and preserving USA sovereignty. Threshold Editions, 2009.
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Britain, Great. Police Reform Act 2002 (Commencement) (Wales) Order 2003. Stationery Office, The, 2003.
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Britain, Great. Police Reform Act 2002 (Commencement No. 8) Order 2004. Stationery Office, The, 2004.
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Britain, Great. Police Reform Act 2002 (Commencement No. 7) Order 2004. Stationery Office, The, 2004.
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Britain, Great. Police Reform Act 2002 (Commencement No. 9) Order 2004. Stationery Office, The, 2004.
Book chapters on the topic "Police Order 2002"
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Hublet, François, David Basin, and Srđan Krstić. "Real-Time Policy Enforcement with Metric First-Order Temporal Logic." In Computer Security – ESORICS 2022. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-17146-8_11.
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Bauer, Andreas, Rajeev Goré, and Alwen Tiu. "A First-Order Policy Language for History-Based Transaction Monitoring." In Theoretical Aspects of Computing - ICTAC 2009. Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-03466-4_6.
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Hublet, François, David Basin, and Srđan Krstić. "Correction to: Real-Time Policy Enforcement with Metric First-Order Temporal Logic." In Computer Security – ESORICS 2022. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-17146-8_36.
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Cataldo, Rosanna, Laura Antonucci, Corrado Crocetta, Maria Gabriella Grassia, and Marina Marino. "A bibliometric study of global research activity in relation to the use of partial least squares for policy evaluation." In Proceedings e report. Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-304-8.11.
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Structural equation modeling (SEM), especially partial least squares path modeling (PLS-PM) has become a mainstream method in many fields of research. In the last years it has been increasingly disseminated in a variety of disciplines. The researchers have been promoting this new statistical methods for the evaluation of policies. Generally, policy evaluation applies evaluation principles and methods to examine the content, implementation or impact of a policy. To better understand and characterize this trend, a bibliometric study of international papers on this subject has been developed in order to describe the use of SEM and PLS-PM approaches in the policy evaluation in the almost last 20 years. A total of 450 articles from 2000 to 2020 have been selected and analyzed in order to discover the research trends in this field and the main dimensions and words related to the terms “decision making” and “SEM-PLS” approach, that are most commonly employed in the scientific literature. The research has been conducted in theWeb of Science from ISI Web of Knowledge database and Scopus database, with the aim of identifying the major themes, authors, areas, types of the sources, titles, years of publication and countries of these publications, as well as the main themes related to the two topic analyzed
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Lee, Charity. "#KitaJagaKita: (De)legitimising the Government During the 2020 Movement Control Order." In Discursive Approaches to Politics in Malaysia. Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-5334-7_12.
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AbstractOn 18th March 2020, the Malaysian government enforced a movement control order (MCO) that required everyone to stay in their homes until 4th May 2020 to slow the spread of the COVID-19 virus. During this time, social media became not only a source of information for citizens but also the main space for their mediated social and public lives. Besides the hashtags #stayhome and #dudukrumah, the hashtag #KitaJagaKita started trending as netizens and civil society took the initiative to champion the proper enforcement of the MCO and safe distancing, as well as to find solutions for the shortage of medical safety equipment. This chapter presents findings from a discourse analysis on the discourses surrounding the hashtag #KitaJagaKita on Twitter and its use to (de)legitimise the Perikatan Nasional government and its leader, Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin. Pro-government netizens use the hashtag to represent the government as protecting citizens through its policies and guidelines, and fellow citizens, who adhere to the MCO, as partnering in this effort. Netizens who are less supportive of the government, however, argue that the government is not doing enough to protect citizens and healthcare workers. They use the hashtag to criticise government policies and a lack of decisiveness and speed in properly implementing the MCO. They also use the hashtag to rally citizens to take care of each other by fundraising and finding “better” solutions for healthcare workers.
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Nica, Remus, and Gabriela Jitaru. "Competitive Funding for Institutional Development. The Romanian Experience Between 2016–2020." In Higher Education in Romania: Overcoming Challenges and Embracing Opportunities. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94496-4_13.
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AbstractThe Institutional Development Fund (FDI) is a newly introduced component of Romanian institutional funding with the purpose of supporting public higher education institutions (HEIs) in their pursuit of the national strategic objectives for higher education. This policy aims to encourage universities to formulate their own answers (through institutional projects) to current higher education challenges such as equity and access for students, internationalisation, regional development, improving the quality of teaching, supporting the entrepreneurial and practical activities developed for the benefit of students, etc. Given its current form as a simple combination between objective-based funding and competitive funding, and its recent implementation at a national level, we propose an in-depth exploration of the policys results focusing on institutional activities and targeted objectives. To this aim, the paper presents the relevant results obtained by universities in the last five years of FDI implementation, the trends of HEIs institutional development (measured at the university level), as well as the direct and indirect influence these might have over the overall quality of the Romanian higher education system. At the same time, we look to identify new institutional measures in response to the actual needs of universities (in accordance with university autonomy) in order to underline new implementation directions in accordance with national policies and strategies, both in relation to funding and in relation to national goals, as well as to explore the potential of FDI funding for quality enhancement in higher education.
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Moroni, Sheyla, and Maria Stella Rognoni. "Politica e politiche dell’Italia in Africa, 2008-2018." In Migrazioni in Italia: oltre la sfida. Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-965-2.05.
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The contribution looks at the Italian policies towards Africa in order to attest if and how migration issues influenced the political agenda and the decision-making process both of the government and the parliament, respectively, between 2008 and 2018. This period witnessed the development of an alleged new course for Italian policies vis-à-vis Africa and some African countries in particular. Here we focus on Nigeria and Senegal. An outline of the official visits made by Italian politicians to Africa and the scrutiny of parliamentary debates on African issues allows to assess the divide between the rhetoric of a supposed ‘new course’, with Italy at the forefront of a new Euro-Africa partnership, and the continuity of ‘old’ concerns on matters such as the control of flows and mobility.
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Baschiera, Stefano. "Transnational Productions and Regional Funding: Border-crossing, European Locations and the Case of Contemporary Horror." In Journeys on Screen. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474421836.003.0014.
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This chapter investigates transnational co-productions, regional funding, film commissions and European locations in the new wave of European horror cinema of the new millennium. Since the international success of Hostel (2005) European locations have once again become appealing settings for Horror films, contributing to a new flourishing of the genre in Europe. In particular, we have witnessed a new development of the so-called 'road horror movie', a sub-genre traditionally characterized by border crossing, touristic activities and exotic locations. Film such as Frontier(s)(2006), Calvaire (The Ordeal, 2004), Manhunt (Rovdyr 2008), Ils (Them 2006) and The Pack (Le Meute, 2007) show traveling as a crucial theme. This chapter will engage, first of all, with the production features of these films, focusing on the involvement of regional film commissions and European co-production agreements, in order to investigate the local/global dimension of these productions, generally aimed at an international audience. Secondly, it will analyse the use of locations and how it mirrors European film policies as well as the idea of "Europe" and a “post-industrial” identity.
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Chakrabarti, Rajesh, and Kaushiki Sanyal. "Ensuring Food Security." In Shaping Policy in India. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199475537.003.0009.
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This chapter narrates the saga of the Right to Food Security. Briefly pointing out various prior food movements, the chapter dates the movement to 2001 in Rajasthan with a writ petition at the Supreme Court. The SC took up the issue with surprising enthusiasm issuing order after order to force the government to comply with reports and action. The government, while not antagonistic, was apathetic. Encouraged by the court orders the activists gathered under a single banner of Right to Food Campaign in 2004 and built on the campaign in court as well as on the ground. Political support finally came when the issue entered UPA’s election manifesto in 2009. Post UPA victory, the NAC submitted its draft bill in 2010 but a substantially altered bill finally got enacted in 2013. The movement reflects a combination of Punctuated Equilibrium Framework and Advocacy Coalition Framework.
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Ott, Andrea. "Enlargement Policy." In Specialized Administrative Law of the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198787433.003.0002.
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The EU enlargement policy was labelled in 2003—shortly before the ‘big bang’ enlargement of 2004—the most successful EU external relations policy. Due to that success, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has, since 2003, copied certain characteristics of the policy and instruments. However, after the 2004 accession of twelve new Member States and the subsequent accession of Romania and Bulgaria in 2007 and finally of Croatia in 2013, a general enlargement fatigue can be diagnosed among the existing EU Member States. EU Member States have become wary of further accession in times of recurring crises of the European Union project and in light of the challenge of post-accession integration of new Member States, especially of Bulgaria and Romania, as an ongoing project. At the same time they are not willing to abandon such an effective tool for influencing and aligning third countries’ policies to EU law and for stimulating reforms in national administrative and legal orders of neighbouring countries in anticipation of accession. Montenegro, Serbia, and Turkey have started accession negotiations, Albania and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia secured a recognized candidate status, while Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo are being viewed as potential candidates. While the enlargement policy is still in
Conference papers on the topic "Police Order 2002"
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Grigalashvili, Vephkhvia, and Khatuna Abiashvili. "CONCEPTUAL REVIEW OF THE EUROPEAN UNION CRITICAL INFRASTRUCTURE ARCHITECTURE: POLICY, LAW AND ADMINISTRATION." In Proceedings of the XXIX International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25052021/7562.
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Critical infrastructure protection represents an essential part of the European Union security concept whose dynamic development has been actively taking place since 2004. Based on a systematic review approach (methodology), this paper aims to provide an assessment of the evolution and contribution since mentioned period of the European Union infrastructure protection policies. The first part discusses the EU's critical infrastructure policy for 2004-2008 that laid the groundwork for the adoption of the Council Directive 2008/114/EC of 8 December 2008. The second section explains the main political and legal features of the Council Directive 2008/114/EC of 8 December 2008 as well as requirements to be implemented by EU member states in order to comply their national systems with the standards of the Directive 2008/114/EC. The third section presents the results of a study on EU policy developed in 2008-2020 parallel with Directive 2008/114/EC. Final sector introduces recent Past and present cooperation activities within the European Union for further development of the critical infrastructure protection system at the EU and Member States national levels.
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Nishiguchi, Isoharu, Masaaki Fujita, and Seiichi Hamada. "Outline of the JSME Rules on Design and Construction for Thermal Power Generation Facilities." In ASME/JSME 2004 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2004-2691.
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In order to develop and maintain the codes pertaining to mechanical equipment in the thermal facilities for power generation, the Subcommittee on Thermal Power was set up under the JSME Main Committee on Power Generation Facilities on October 1, 1997. The first edition of the JSME code for thermal power generation facilities was issued in January 2000, and its addenda was issued in April 2002. The latest 2003 edition was issued in January 2004. This paper presents an outline of the JSME Code including fundamental policy, the organization of the code, the relation with requirements of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry Ministerial Ordinance in Japan and comparison with ASME Boiler & Pressure Vessel Codes.
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Gambini, Marco, and Michela Vellini. "The Kyoto Protocol: Some Considerations About Its Applications in Italy." In ASME 2007 Power Conference. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/power2007-22026.
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Climate change is a very important environmental, social and economic global problem. During the last century, the Earth’s average surface temperature rose by around 0.6°C. Evidence is getting stronger that most of the global warming that has occurred over the last 50 years is attributable to human activities. Human activities that contribute to climate change include the burning of fossil fuels because it causes emissions of carbon dioxide (CO2), which is the main gas responsible for climate change. In order to bring climate change to a halt, global greenhouse gas emissions would have to be reduced significantly. The European Union (EU) is engaged in international efforts to combat climate change. The EU is also taking serious steps to address its own greenhouse gas emissions. In March 2000 the Commission launched the European Climate Change Programme (ECCP). The ECCP led to the adoption of a range of new policies and measures, among which the EU’s emissions trading scheme, which started its operation on 1 January 2005, will play a key role. In this paper, we want to shortly explain the mechanisms of the Kyoto Protocol, paying particular attention to the Emission Trading. We want to illustrate the European directive and the consequent Italian one: we will explain the Italian implementing norms that have been emitted for the period 2005–2007 and 2008–2012. Limiting then the analysis to the sector of electricity production, we want to show some examples of Italian power plants: we will illustrate them and we will estimate their CO2 emissions (according to a typical annual operation). The emission levels will be compared with CO2 quotas assigned in the period 2008–2012: these results will be commented in terms of the unavoidable economic implications that such allocation will involve. The CO2 quotas, assigned to Italy already for the period 2005–2007, involve a large control of these emissions: such situation will be reflected unavoidably on the increase of the kWh cost (it is already particularly high in comparison with the European average because of the particular energetic mix on which our electricity production is based): these effects could be particularly heavy for the competitiveness of our production system and for the modernization and the widening of our power plant park.
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Geambazu, Serin. ""Yeni Instanbul": the expansion of a global city." In 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/mwhr1573.
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The spread of neo-liberal political and economic ideology and the proliferation of global capital have created new opportunities and challenges for cities everywhere (Sassen 2012). Within the urban planning discourse, it is generally assumed that globalization leads to the same type of transformations and urban development trends everywhere in the world. However, it cannot create a certain prototype for spatial development or a new spatial order for cities. Rather, it gives a variety of spatial patterns, also called "global urban forms". Recently, these forms have identified themselves spatially within a series of "mega-projects", their intensity being felt in today's global cities, North-American and West-European, but with a domino effect, especially in the cities situated at the periphery of these capitalist economies. Total global megaproject spending is assessed at USD 6-9 trillion annually, or 8 percent of total global GDP, which denotes the biggest investment boom in human history. Never has systematic and valid knowledge about mega projects therefore been more important to inform policy, practice, and public debate in this highly costly area of business and government. It is argued that the conventional way of managing mega projects has reached a "tension point," where tradition is challenged and reform is emerging (Flyvbjerg, 2011). These kind of projects often take place within fragmented and entrepreneurial forms of governance (Harvey 1989; Healey 1997; Gordon 1997a, 1997b; Feldman 1999; Feinstein 2001; Granath 2005; Butler 2007) represented by public-private partnerships, in a societal environment of increased capital mobility and inter-urban competition (Malone 1996). Hence, it is argued, that mega projects have been examples of new governance styles and policy targets, but also object of intensive local planning debates and conflicts based on different actors (authorities, planners, residents, environmental groups, developers, etc.) holding an equal number of views (Hoyle, 2002) which are often difficult to reconcile. Strongly linked to the 2023 Vision of Turkey, the 3rd airport, Istanbul Airport is one of the mega projects that will bring Turkey among top 10 economically powerful countries. Istanbul Airport distinguishes itself from a myriad of other build-operate-transfer projects by its governance dynamics and planning process. The study employs discourse analysis through which extracts lesson from the decision-making process that will inform planners in Istanbul and beyond.
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Brown Doris, Elizabeth, Sarah Busche, Stephen Hockett, and Joyce McLaren Loring. "The Role of State Policy in Renewable Energy Development." In ASME 2009 3rd International Conference on Energy Sustainability collocated with the Heat Transfer and InterPACK09 Conferences. ASMEDC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/es2009-90089.
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State policies can support renewable energy development by driving markets, providing certainty in the investment market, and incorporating the external benefits of the technologies into cost/benefit calculations. Using statistical analyses and policy design best practices, this paper quantifies the impact of state-level policies on renewable energy development in order to better understand the role of policy on development and inform policy makers on the policy mechanisms that provide maximum benefit. The results include the identification of connections between state policies and renewable energy development, as well as a discussion placing state policy efforts in context with other factors that influence the development of renewable energy (e.g. federal policy, resource availability, technology cost, public acceptance).
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GOMBITOVÁ, Dagmar. "Integrating Delphi and AHP methods in long-term policy decisions." In Current Trends in Public Sector Research. Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9646-2020-2.
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This paper presents the application of expert decision methods for the formulation and prioritisation of the long-term economic, social and environmental policies in the Slovak Republic. The Partnership Agreement for the Slovak Republic is an underlying strategy for investments from the European Structural and Investment Funds in the period 2021-2027. Policies implemented under the Partnership Agreement will allocate €13.4b on four policy objectives. This paper concentrates on the policy objective 4 ‘Social development’. The authors co-operated with the Deputy Prime Minister Office and assembled panels of top Slovak experts on social and economic issues. The Delphi and Analytical hierarchy process methods were combined for analysing major development challenges and eliciting policy priorities. The methods combined the bottom-up and top-down approaches to policy making. Consecutive rounds of the ‘classical Delphi’ generated consensus by experts on major development challenges of the Slovak Republic in period 2021-2027. The ‘policy Delphi’ encouraged structured public dialogue in order to generate policy alternatives for solving development challenges. The Analytical Hierarchy Process enabled the structuring of complex policy decision problems. A hierarchy of decision goals, decision alternatives and decision criteria was constructed. Some nine policy measures were drafted and prioritised.
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Joham, Carmen. "Comprendiendo Nuestras Politicas: The Need of an Effective C&IT Policy for a Nation’s Development, The Venezuelan Case." In 2002 Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2507.
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This research explores the argument that developing countries (DC) need effective and good quality C&IT policies as a strategy for socio-economic growth. It focuses on Venezuela and attempts to gain an understanding of the current and potential impact of national C&IT policies and strategies in the C&IT diffusion process and globalisation arena. It is suggested that a shift is needed towards a wider concept of policy design. The traditional design reflects a rather ‘prescriptive’ approach, while I propose that a ‘participatory’ approach, which encompasses social, political, technical, ethical and other issues, is both necessary and desirable for effective policies to exist. A multiple perspective interpretative methodology is used in order to understand the complexities of effective C&IT policies in Venezuela to attract C&IT investment and achieve socio-economic growth. Consequently, the study of C&IT policy is based on an approach that emphasises a multiple level of analysis encompassing the levels of the individual, society, organisation, and technology.
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Saruç, Naci Tolga, and Candan Yılmaz. "Austerity Policies in Debt Crisis: The Limits of Success." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01680.
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Global financial crisis, emerged in 2008 and deepening thoroughly in 2008, revealed deep cracks in European Union countries –especially peripheral countries. The member of peripheral countries implemented European Union monetary policy have adopted low-cost borrowing as a public income. On the one hand, the global crisis has decreased the amount of funds in the international arena and led to an increase in borrowing costs. On the other hand, those peripheral countries with austerity policies imposed by the Troika faced with the problem of debt.
The global crisis, appeared in the US and in a short time affected many countries gave rise to the debt crisis in the EU. The aim of this study is to demonstrate theoretically effects of the global crisis on peripheral countries of the EU. Furthermore, it is to analyze how the EU debt crisis considered the second phase of global crisis developed in member states and what kind of measures was taken for crisis. Eurostat database from 2006 to 2015 are used.
EU members met the global financial crisis with high debt have increased in public expenditure in order to mitigate the effects of crisis. In addition to this, member states are deprived from tax income because of using strict austerity policies. In conclusion, it is shown that the austerity policies imposed by EU caused to increased further public debt stock in the member states and it left peripheral members the debt impasse.
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Gerni, Cevat, Selahattin Sarı, Haktan Sevinç, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Role of Investment Incentives in Removal of Regional Imbalances and Convergence Analysis as Success Criteria: The Turkish Case." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01234.
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Together with starting to observe the situations like the development differences seen between the countries after industrial revolution between the cities and regions of the countries. This situation leads some of the cities to emigrate and some other cities to become more crowded. The negative externalities emerging in migration-receiving cities make the life in those cities intolerable, whilst the decreasing population of emigrant cities triggers the decrease in both of demand and supply that is a production factor. The reflection of this situation shows itself as the cycle of “migration-revenue decrease-migration”. Through the investment incentives given to underdeveloped regions in order to prevent the migration that is a reflection of regional imbalances, it is aimed to decrease the imbalances by increasing the employment and revenue. The incentives applied in the year after statistical region classification in Turkey consist of incentives in periods of 2004-2008 and 2009-2012. In this study, it has been examined if there is any convergence between the income per capita in city and region axes, and if the incentives have any influence on this convergence. The investment incentives prepared in accordance with the realities of the cities eliminate the development differences by creating more efficient results. As a policy argument, it can be asserted that the incentive implementations considering the comparative superiorities of the cities will play more important roles in both of ensuring the efficient use of the resources and closing the development differences.
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Burgoyne, Bryan, Nicolas Godbout, and Suzanne Lacroix. "Propagating Pulses in Optical Fibers using Second Order Moments." In Bragg Gratings, Photosensitivity, and Poling in Glass Waveguides. OSA, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1364/bgpp.2007.jwa4.
Full textReports on the topic "Police Order 2002"
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Terzyan, Aram. Belarus in the Wake of a Revolution: Domestic and International Factors. Eurasia Institutes, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/eea-3-2020.
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This paper explores the political landscape of Belarus in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential elections, with a focus on both domestic and international factors behind the ongoing crisis. Lukashenko’s regime has a long record of sustaining its power by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Therefore, massive fraud characterizing the 2020 presidential elections and brutal suppression of peaceful protests in its aftermath came as no surprise. Against this backdrop, the anti-government protests following the presidential elections raised a series of unanswered questions regarding both their domestic and foreign policy implications. The biggest question is whether the Belarusian civil society and opposition will prove powerful enough to overcome state repression and change the status quo in Europe’s “last dictatorship”. Worries remain about the Belarusian opposition’s emphasis on foreign policy continuity, meaning that Belarus is bound to remain in the orbit of the Russian authoritarian influence. The total fiasco of post-Velvet Revolution Armenian government both in terms of domestic and foreign policies, among others, further reveals the excruciating difficulties of a democratic state-building within the Russia-led socio-political order.
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Lundgren, Anna, Alex Cuadrado, Mari Wøien Meijer, et al. Skills Policies - Building Capacities for Innovative and Resilient Nordic Regions. Nordregio, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.6027/r2020:17.1403-2503.
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Long-term trends in Nordic societies (such as ageing populations), along with rapid social transformations (like those brought about by automation and digitalisation), have resulted in increased attention being paid to skills and skills enhancement – not least from policymakers looking to cope with those challenges. However, skills are complex and many actors are involved in their promotion and provision. In this study, we focus on the regional level, which is the point of scale at which the demand for, and supply of, various skills is often articulated. In order to respond to the research question concerning How regions work with skills, six case studies were conducted in 2019 and 2020. That meant one case study in each of the Nordic countries. Those selected were Pohjois-Karjala (North Karelia, Finland), Värmland (Sweden), Hovedstaden (Denmark), Hedmark and Oppland (Norway), Norðurland eystra (Northeastern Region, Iceland), and one in Greenland. This report on skills for resilient and innovative regions is part of a series of reports conducted on behalf of the Nordic Thematic Group for Innovative and Resilient Regions 2017–2020, within the Nordics Cooperation Program for Regional Development and Planning, and under the aegis of the Nordics Council of Ministers.
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Varisco, Andrea Edoardo, Pieter D. Wezeman, and Alexandra Kuimova. Illicit Small Arms and Light Weapons in Sub-Saharan Africa: Using UN Reports on Arms Embargoes to Identify Sources, Challenges and Policy Measures. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/szja6535.
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This report synthetizes the data on small arms and light weapons (SALW) diversion in the United Nations Panel of Experts reports on the five UN arms embargoes in place in sub-Saharan Africa in 2022—on the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Somalia, South Sudan and Sudan (Darfur region). The paper provides a typology on the sources of illicit SALW in the states and regions under embargo and discusses the challenges of enforcing arms embargoes and possible policy solutions to address the various sources of illicit SALW in order to inform and support efforts to combat the proliferation of illicit arms.
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Carrasquilla-Barrera, Alberto, Arturo José Galindo-Andrade, Gerardo Hernández-Correa, et al. Report of the Board of Directors to the Congress of Colombia - July 2020. Banco de la República de Colombia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/inf-jun-dir-con-rep-eng.07-2020.
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In Colombia, as well as in the rest of the world, the Covid-19 pandemic has seriously damaged the health and well-being of the people. In order to limit the damage, local and national authorities have had to order large sectors of the population to be confined at their homes for long periods of time. An inevitable consequence of isolation has been the collapse of economic activity, expenditure, and employment, a phenomenon that has hit many countries of the world affected by the disease. It is an unprecedented crisis in modern times, not so much for its intensity (which is undoubtedly immense), but because its origin is not economic. That is what makes it so unpredictable and difficult to manage. Naturally, its economic consequences are enormous. Governments and central banks from all over the world are struggling to mitigate them, but the final solution is not in the hands of the economic authorities. Only science can provide a way out. In the meantime, the economic indicators in Colombia and in the rest of the world cause concern. The output falls, the massive loss of jobs, and the closure of businesses of all sizes have become daily news. Added to this, there is the deterioration in global financial conditions and the increase in the risk indicators. Financial volatility has increased and stock indexes have fallen. In the face of the lower global demand, export prices of raw materials have fallen, affecting the terms of trade for producing countries. Workers’ remittances have declined due to the increase of unemployment in developed countries. This crisis has also generated a strong reduction of global trade of goods and services, and effects on the global value chains. Central banks around the world have reacted decisively and quickly with strong liquidity injections and significant cuts to their interest rates. By mid-July, such determined response had succeeded to revert much of the initial deterioration in global financial conditions. The stock exchanges stopped their fall, and showed significant recovery in several countries. Risk premia, which at the beginning of the crisis took an unusual leap, recorded substantial corrections. Something similar happened with the volatility indexes of global financial markets, which exhibited significant improvement. Flexibilization of confinement measures in some economies, broad global liquidity, and fiscal policy measures have also contributed to improve global external financial conditions, albeit with indicators that still do not return to their pre-Covid levels.
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Morris, Julia, Julia Bobiak, Fatima Asad, and Fozia Nur. Report: Accessibility of Health Data in Rural Canada. Spatial Determinants Lab at Carleton University, Department of Health Sciences, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/sdhlab/2020.4.
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To inform the development of an interactive web-based rural health atlas, the Rural Atlas team within the Spatial Determinants Lab at Carleton University, Department of Health Sciences carried out two sets of informal interviews (User Needs Assessment and Tool Development). These interviews were conducted in order to obtain insight from key stakeholders that have been involved in rural health settings, rural health policy or advocacy, or the development of health mapping tools. Interviews took place via video-conferencing software with participants in the spring of 2020.The following report provides a brief summary of the findings of both sets of interviews.
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Mahdavian, Farnaz. Germany Country Report. University of Stavanger, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.180.
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Germany is a parliamentary democracy (The Federal Government, 2021) with two politically independent levels of 1) Federal (Bund) and 2) State (Länder or Bundesländer), and has a highly differentiated decentralized system of Government and administration (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit, 2021). The 16 states in Germany have their own government and legislations which means the federal authority has the responsibility of formulating policy, and the states are responsible for implementation (Franzke, 2020). The Federal Government supports the states in dealing with extraordinary danger and the Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI) supports the states' operations with technology, expertise and other services (Federal Ministry of Interior, Building and Community, 2020). Due to the decentralized system of government, the Federal Government does not have the power to impose pandemic emergency measures. In the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, in order to slowdown the spread of coronavirus, on 16 March 2020 the federal and state governments attempted to harmonize joint guidelines, however one month later State governments started to act more independently (Franzke & Kuhlmann, 2021). In Germany, health insurance is compulsory and more than 11% of Germany’s GDP goes into healthcare spending (Federal Statistical Office, 2021). Health related policy at the federal level is the primary responsibility of the Federal Ministry of Health. This ministry supervises institutions dealing with higher level of public health including the Federal Institute for Drugs and Medical Devices (BfArM), the Paul-Ehrlich-Institute (PEI), the Robert Koch Institute (RKI) and the Federal Centre for Health Education (Federal Ministry of Health, 2020). The first German National Pandemic Plan (NPP), published in 2005, comprises two parts. Part one, updated in 2017, provides a framework for the pandemic plans of the states and the implementation plans of the municipalities, and part two, updated in 2016, is the scientific part of the National Pandemic Plan (Robert Koch Institut, 2017). The joint Federal-State working group on pandemic planning was established in 2005. A pandemic plan for German citizens abroad was published by the German Foreign Office on its website in 2005 (Robert Koch Institut, 2017). In 2007, the federal and state Governments, under the joint leadership of the Federal Ministry of the Interior and the Federal Ministry of Health, simulated influenza pandemic exercise called LÜKEX 07, and trained cross-states and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007b). In 2017, within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with representatives from WHO and the World Bank to prepare for future pandemic events (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). By the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, on 27 February 2020, a joint crisis team of the Federal Ministry of the Interior (BMI) and the Federal Ministry of Health (BMG) was established (Die Bundesregierung, 2020a). On 4 March 2020 RKI published a Supplement to the National Pandemic Plan for COVID-19 (Robert Koch Institut, 2020d), and on 28 March 2020, a law for the protection of the population in an epidemic situation of national scope (Infektionsschutzgesetz) came into force (Bundesgesundheitsministerium, 2020b). In the first early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, Germany managed to slow down the speed of the outbreak but was less successful in dealing with the second phase. Coronavirus-related information and measures were communicated through various platforms including TV, radio, press conferences, federal and state government official homepages, social media and applications. In mid-March 2020, the federal and state governments implemented extensive measures nationwide for pandemic containment. Step by step, social distancing and shutdowns were enforced by all Federal States, involving closing schools, day-cares and kindergartens, pubs, restaurants, shops, prayer services, borders, and imposing a curfew. To support those affected financially by the pandemic, the German Government provided large economic packages (Bundesministerium der Finanzen, 2020). These measures have adopted to the COVID-19 situation and changed over the pandemic. On 22 April 2020, the clinical trial of the corona vaccine was approved by Paul Ehrlich Institute, and in late December 2020, the distribution of vaccination in Germany and all other EU countries
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Raulet, Gérard. What Happens is Unimaginable! About the „Yellow Vests“. Association Inter-University Centre Dubrovnik, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.53099/ntkd4303.
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The French ‘yellow vests’ movement is anything but an episodic protest movement. It questions both the liberal and the republican conception of political representation. The reason for this radicalism is that it shakes the foundations of a neo-capitalist order, for which shortterm financial sales have become more important than the long-term maintenance of the system itself. From the financial crisis of 2008, neoliberalism only seems to have learned that,despite everything, the model on which it is based holds up. This creates a profound crisis of legitimacy that reveals a break in political culture that no policy of consensus or even recognition can remedy. This essay examines the theoretical approaches that can take this phenomenon into account.
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Castillo Parrilla, José Antonio. The Legal Regulation of Digital Wealth: Commerce, Ownership and Inheritance of Data. Universitätsbibliothek J. C. Senckenberg, Frankfurt am Main, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.64581.
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Digital wealth and its necessary regulation have gained prominence in recent years. The European Commission has published several documents and policy proposals relating, directly or indirectly, to the data economy. A data economy can be defined as an ecosystem of different types of market players collaborating to ensure that data is accessible and usable in order to extract value from data through, for example, creating a variety of applications with great potential to improve daily life. The value of data can increase from EUR 257 billion (1.85 of EU Gross Domestic Product (GDP)) to EUR 643 billion by 2020 (3.17% of EU GDP), according to the EU Commission. The legal implications of the increasing value of the data economy are clear; hence the need to address the challenges presented by its legal regulation.
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Howard, Jo. Understanding Intersecting Vulnerabilities Experienced by Religious Minorities Living in Poverty in the Shadows of Covid-19. Institute of Development Studies, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.012.
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The purpose of this study, conducted during the Covid-19 pandemic between November 2020 and March 2021 in India and Nigeria, is to explore the direct and indirect effects of Covid-19 on religiously marginalised groups experiencing intersecting vulnerabilities. The findings provide recognition of the impact of Covid-19 on targeting and encroachments faced by these groups in order to inform policy so that it includes their perspectives in building back better and promoting inclusive development. Policymakers need to understand both the direct and indirect impacts of Covid-19 in order to coordinate effective support and avert deepening marginalisation. This research demonstrates how religious inequalities intersect with other inequalities of power – historical, structural, and socially determined characteristics (class, ethnicity, caste, gender, age) – to shape how people experience the Covid-19 pandemic. Both India and Nigeria manifest high levels of authoritarianism, an absence of press freedom, targeting of religiously marginalised groups, and unequal access to public services and the protection of the state by religiously marginalised groups, according to geographic location. The findings of this report reveal the appalling everyday realities as well as the great courage of religious minorities living in poverty during the pandemic. Greater sensitivity to the critical intersection of vulnerabilities is essential for the longer-term recovery of these groups, who otherwise face slipping deeper into intergenerational poverty. Deepening poverty and proliferating ethno-religious injustices are fuelling tensions and conflict, and the risks of neglecting these issues are immense.
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Bassi, Andrea. From “Social Impact” to “Social Value”. CIRIEC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25518/ciriec.wp202206.
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After the financial-economic crisis of 2008 there has been an increasing diffusion of discourses by international institutions stressing the necessity towards the adoption of impact evaluation methods both by for profit and SSE organizations. This craze for impact measurement is generally led by the need of the stock exchange to find new financial markets (demand) for an increasing offer of socially or environmentally oriented financial products (such as the Social Impact Bond). This pressure had the effect to spread terms and concept typically of the financial world to other domains, such as the welfare policy (Social Investment State) and the traditional philanthropic sector (Social Return on Investment). Even the SSE has not been immune from this “epidemic” of measurement, standardization, quantification of its activities’ effects (Salathé-Beaulieu, G. in collaboration with M. J. Bouchard and M. Mendell, 2019). The paper’s main aim is to argue in favour of the adoption of a broader conceptualization of the SSE contribution to the local community (and to the society as a whole) that the one implied by the term “impact”. It proposes a conceptual framework based on the “social value” notion, which requires to consider the worth (Bouchard, M. J. ed., 2009) linked to the presence of the organization itself and not only of its activities/ programs/services. The paper will illustrate and comment the main results from an empirical research on the Social Added Value Evaluation of an umbrella recreation association in the Emilia-Romagna Region. The inquire adopts an experimental design based on qualitative methods such as: focus groups, face to face interviews and on site observations, in order to build a consensual system of social value/impact evaluation to be adopted by the local branches of the regional association.