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1
Rock, Mary June. "The politics of famine in Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1994. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2141/.
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In attempting to explain the causes of famine, the literature on famine points to different factors. This list of causes includes: drought; neo-Malthusian population growth; environmental degradation; limited technology; capitalist development, or the lack of it; the nature of the state, blamed either for lack of intervention or, on the contrary, for too much intervention; and, war. However, to attempt to determine how causation of famine might be quantitatively apportioned between the different factors listed in the debates on causes of famine is of limited value, precisely because the different factors that promote famine - drought, environmental degradation, economic decline, war - are inextricably intertwined and interact with one another. Moreover, famine is not simply predetermined by the factors that the debate on causes itemizes. People's own actions and what people choose to do also shapes the outcome and future strategies for survival. The concern of this thesis is with famine in the case study areas, but our concern is not with debating the causes of famine as much as with identifying consequences. We examine the effects of the array of forces on people's strategies for survival in the research areas during and after the drought and famine of the mid-1980's. We describe the different strategies pursued by people in the study areas in the circumstances that existed during the drought and famine of the mid-1980's; and then discuss the consequences of those actions for people's ability to recover and for people's future survival strategies. The empirical data are based on two case studies carried out over a 6 month period from late October 1991 to end April 1992 in the Kallu area of southern Wollo. Wallo is the province that was hit hardest by famine during 1984/5 and in 1972/4. In documenting the resource base in which people in the study areas sought to survive, our findings challenge commonly held assumptions about the effects of the 1975 Land Reform, the nature of Peasant Associations, and the nature of gender relations. The findings on the consequences of people's responses during the drought and famine of the mid-1980's indicate that we need to reconsider the issue of what is meant by the notion of 'coping', so central to much of the literature on famine survival strategies.
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Gibb, Camilla C. T. "Religion, politics and gender in Harar, Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321548.
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Zarowsky, Christina. "Refugee lives and the politics of suffering in Somali Ethiopia." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37915.
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This thesis examines the lifeworlds of Somali returnees in Ethiopia. Their experience of flight and return is distinctive, shaped by the history and culture of the Somali people and the political and economic conditions of this part of Africa. In emphasizing this distinctiveness, this thesis is an implicit critique of recent efforts by academics and aid agencies to homogenize the experience of refugees in this region and elsewhere. In Ethiopia, "development" and humanitarian aid, in interaction with political contests at many levels, provide the context for interpreting refugee experience and action. Globally, the most powerful of the reductionist accounts is based on the "trauma model" of refugee experience. In this model, "refugee experience" has come to be virtually synonymous with "psychosocial" and, in turn, "mental health" and "post-traumatic stress disorder" (PTSD). Somali refugees and returnees in Ethiopia, however, do not address violence, death, and war-related distress in a framework of psychological medicine, with its goal of reducing psychological, emotional and physiological symptoms of individual distress. Rather, such distress is predominantly assimilated into the framework of politics, with its goals of survival and restitution. Emotion, and talking about emotion, evoke complex individual and collective memories that situate individual and local community experience within, or in juxtaposition to, other realities: competing powers such as the Ethiopian and other states, dispossession, and the precariousness of survival in a harsh natural and political environment. Historical narratives, collective memory, anger, and the rhetorics of development and humanitarian aid play important roles in these communities' efforts to rebuild social networks and what they refer to as a "decent human life."
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Workneh, Téwodros. "The Politics of Telecommunications and Development in Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18347.
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The purpose of this study was to explore salient issues in the Ethiopian telecommunications sector. In doing so, the research investigated the institutional history and origins of state-monopoly of telecommunications in Ethiopia from the first ministerial level communications-related institution, the Ministry of Posts, Telegraph and Telephone, to Ethio-Telecom presently. Using a theoretical framework informed by political economy of communications, development studies and political science, the study explored the foundations, rationales and implications of contesting ideologies in the Ethiopian telecommunications sector involving the Ethiopian state and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The study also explored the extent to which, and why, the Ethiopian public endorses/denounces state monopoly of the telecommunications sector. It also investigated the premises on which Sino-Ethiopian partnerships in the Ethiopian telecommunications sector are laid.
A triangulated, multi-method research approach involving document analysis, online survey and semi-structured interviewing was employed in this study. World Bank documents and other secondary resources were analyzed to chronicle the institutional history of telecommunications in Ethiopia. IMF reports and Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front economic programs and political manifestos were carefully examined to address contesting liberalization discourses pertinent to the Ethiopian telecommunications sector. An online survey was administered to collect public opinion about, among other things, state monopoly of telecommunications in Ethiopia. Ethiopian government officials, IMF country representatives, Ethio-Telecom consultants and other important figures were interviewed to explore the pros and cons of Sino-Ethiopian relations in the Ethiopian telecommunications sector as well.
The study revealed that a host of different factors, most notably the rise of China as an alternative global economic power, have shifted Ethiopia's preference of global development partnership from West to East including in telecommunications infrastructure development. Growing concerns over state monopoly of telecommunications were reported by users, particularly in relation to lack of quality of services and fear of surveillance.2015-03-29
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Martin, Richard James. "Policing human rights : law, politics and practice in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2744019b-8da0-4a60-8ee6-60ef9c7f2dfb.
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Human rights are a defining feature of how the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) has been 'imagined and made' in its post-conflict society. This thesis marks the first attempt to make sense of how human rights are articulated, interpreted and applied by those intimately involved in Northern Irish policing. Based on extensive access to the PSNI, I marshal qualitative data collected from interviews with over one hundred police officers from various departments. I tour four sites of local policing to expose and examine the vernaculars and practices of human rights that lurk within each. The story I tell over the course of eight chapters is one of a police service trying to sustain human rights as a central narrative to explain its daily work and build its organisational identity in a divided society, to varying degrees of success. I argue that human rights are, in fact, a malleable, contested and conditional concept to 'imagine and make' a police service and regulate the decision-making of its officers; perhaps much more so than police reformers in Northern Ireland had realised or the PSNI wish to acknowledge. In the first half of the thesis, I identify and deconstruct how the PSNI's chief officers and local political parties seek to express and mobilise competing visions, values and agendas through human rights narratives. I then pay close attention to how human rights are interpreted and translated by junior officers performing two forms of routine policing in N.Ireland: the 'dirty work' of the Tactical Support Group and the 'community work' of Neighbourhood Policing Teams. I ask to what extent officers have internalised human rights as way of making sense of their daily work. In the second half of the thesis, I explore police officers as an important, but poorly understood, class of human rights practitioner. To better grasp how officers interpret and apply human rights standards, I closely analyse two sites of policing where distinct schemes of human rights-based regulation exist: public order policing and police custody. This thesis contributes to understandings of the concept of human rights, its interactions with law and politics and the condition of policing in contemporary Northern Ireland.
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Araia, Ghelawdewos. "The politics of famine and strategies for development in Ethiopia /." Access Digital Full Text version, 1990. http://pocketknowledge.tc.columbia.edu/home.php/bybib/10992960.
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Thesis (Ed.D.) -- Teachers College, Columbia University, 1990.Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: William C. Sayres. Dissertation Committee: George C. Bond. Includes bibliographical references :(leaves 200-214).
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Alrahoomi, Juma. "The policing of money laundering : the role of Dubai police." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2011. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/4455/.
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This thesis examines trends and issues in the policing of money laundering in Dubai focusing on the role of Dubai Police in money laundering control. It acknowledges that money laundering is a global phenomenon and Dubai is not an exception. It explores the existing governmental initiatives aimed at addressing money laundering and the financing of terrorism. Whilst the unit of analysis in this thesis is the Emirate of Dubai, the thesis also considered the impact of regional (GCC) and international legislations and regulations (UN and FATF) on the policing of money laundering in Dubai. It is argued in this thesis that the major problem with policing of money laundering in Dubai is the lack of accountability of the AMLSCU that plays a leading role in the fight against money laundering. In addition, the information sharing amongst various government agencies and financial institutions is extremely poor. Where information pertaining to money laundering cases is shared, they are inconsistent and haphazard. Consequently, the government is facing problems to effectively combat money laundering in the Emirate. Other factors identified as major impediments are the lack of national database of money laundering cases which can be shared amongst the Police, the Customs Authority and the AMLSCU of Central Bank of UAE. The thesis also argues that poor training and lack of multi-agency/ interagency working is making the work of Dubai police difficult. Finally, it is argued that an a formal, integrated and intelligence-led information sharing model such as the UK National Intelligence Model (that draws on the importance of multi-agency working, information sharing and accountability) can serve as a more effective approach to the policing of money laundering in Dubai.
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Urbanowicz, Mark. "Forms of policing and the politics of law enforcement : a critical analysis of policing in a Merseyside working class community." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/67117/.
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This study examines the role and development of contemporary policing within the context of the social, political and economic conditions of late capitalism. The thesis is divided into three parts. Part 1 (FORMS OF POLICING THE WORKING CLASS) seeks to provide historical illustration and analysis of the development of the class role of the police under capitalism, its inherent para-militarism and some of the key events and processes which have determined its formal development. The analysis examines the development of preventive policing under early capitalism, and its transformation into reactive forms of policing under late capitalism. Part 2 (POLICING KNOWSLEY) centres on a study of the contemporary events and processes underlying the development and impact of reactive forms of policing on Merseyside working class communities. It examines the factors which have played key roles in shaping police organisation and law enforcement policies at Force, Divisional and Sub-Divisional levels. These factors, such as the development of corporate organisation, the centralisation and expansion of forces, the development of mobile patrols, deteriorating social conditions, greater use of coercion, specialisation in operations and administration, the introduction of new communication and computer systems, and the reactionary ideologies underlying the law enforcement policies of senior police command, are given particular consideration in relation to their development and impact on the Knowsley Borough area of Merseyside. Part 3 (THE POLITICS OF LATE ENFORCEMENT IN THE 1980's) examines the extent of the political autonomy of the police from central and local government. The analysis develops firstly a study on police power and privilege, centred on the inquest in Knowsley into the death of James Kelly at Huyton Police Station. This is then followed by analysis of the confrontations and conciliations between Merseyside Police Committee and the Chief Constable, arising out of 'K' Division incidents of 1979 and the anti-police riots of 1981. Central to the politics of law enforcement in the 1980's has been the development of new reactive forms of policing the daily lives of working class communities, and the formation of a nationally centralised and politically autonomous para-military third ford. Part 3 concludes by situating these developments within the wider social, political and economic conditions of late capitalism in Britain.
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Webber, Valerie. "Sexual health as self-determination:queer safer sex and the politics of policing." Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=119708.
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Montreal's radical queer scene espouses anti-state and anti-assimilation politics, offering a different approach than gay-rights movements seeking state recognition through legislative measures. Queer politics have a history of redefining and complicating norms, sexual and otherwise. As such, this thesis seeks to articulate how, in looking at safer-sex discourses in Montreal's queer community, we can imagine redefinitions of sexual 'health' and 'responsibility'. Situated in a critique of the ways in which public health operates as a tool of the state by surveying and controlling practices that violate normative sexuality, I argue this anti-assimilationist mode of sexual health challenges the 'norm' of health campaigning: that absence of infection is the epitome, entirety and ideal of sexual health. Rather, circulating discourses do not place 'safe' and 'unsafe' sex in opposition, and instead emphasize consent, accessibility, and the creation of safer spaces within which people can self-determine free from stigma, shame, and policing. Sensitive to the institutional roots of oppression, radical queers strive for solidarity to create environments conducive to autonomous choice, rather than declaring an individual need to assume the full burden of risk assessment and consequences. Using interviews, analysis of local artefacts such as zines and festival agendas, and fieldwork in queer spaces, this thesis seeks to explore some of the ways in which risk and safer sex are being (re)framed in contemporary queer communities in Montreal, Quebec. This research illuminates how any effective and respectful public health initiative requires a 'thick' description of a given community's discourses and practices around health. I offer related recommendations to sex-ed teachers in other communities, of particular importance in the wake of Quebec's 2003 sexual education reform.Les milieux queer radicaux de Montréal s'oppose à l'État et aux politiques d'assimilation, et propose une approche différente de celle des mouvements pour les droits des homosexuels, qui tentent d'obtenir l'approbation de l'État par le biais de mesures législatives. Les politiques queer ont toujours cherché à redéfinir et à complexifier les normes, en matière sexuelle ou autre. Ainsi, ce mémoire tentera d'expliquer de quelle façon les discours de la communauté queer montréalaise peuvent nous aider à redéfinir les notions de « santé sexuelle » et de « responsabilité ». En réponse aux méthodes du système de santé public, qui permet à l'État de recenser et de contrôler les pratiques sexuelles marginales, nous affirmons que le modèle anti-assimilationniste relativise l'idée de « norme » que défend le système public, c'est-à-dire que l'absence d'infection est le fondement, l'unique raison d'être et l'idéal du principe de santé sexuelle. Plutôt que d'opposer les pratiques « sans risque » et celles « à risque », les discours actuels insistent sur les notions de consentement et d'accessibilité, et proposent la création d'espaces sûrs, où il est possible de faire des choix personnels à l'abri du jugement, de la honte ou de la coercition. Conscients des racines institutionnelles de l'oppression, les queer radicaux comptent sur la solidarité pour créer des environnements favorables au libre choix, qui ne font pas peser sur un individu le fardeau de l'évaluation des risques et des conséquences. Au moyen d'entrevues, d'analyses de documents tels des zines et des programmes de festival et d'études sur le terrain dans les milieux queer, ce mémoire explorera certaines des façons dont les notions de risque et de pratiques sexuelles sûres sont actuellement (re)formulées au sein de la communauté queer à Montréal, au Québec. Cette recherche illustre comment une initiative de santé publique efficace et respectueuse nécessite une description « épaisse » des discours et des pratiques autour de la santé d'une collectivité donnée. J'offre des recommandations aux enseignants d'éducation sexuelle dans d'autres communautés, d'une importance particulière dans le sillage de la réforme de l'éducation sexuelle au Québec en 2003.
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Weis, Toni. "Vanguard capitalism : party, state, and market in the EPRDF's Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c4c9ae33-0b5d-4fd6-b3f5-d02d5d2c7e38.
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Since the fall of the Derg regime in 1991, Ethiopia has undergone a remarkable economic transformation. Shunning liberal policy advice yet avoiding the pathologies of patrimonialism, its experience is increasingly presented as an example for others to follow. However, there has been surprisingly little research, and even less consensus, on what actually constitutes this 'Ethiopian model.' The present thesis provides an answer to this question by focusing on the role of the EPRDF - the former insurgency movement which has governed Ethiopia since 1991 - and the fundamental reconstruction of state and market it has overseen. It argues that the resulting political economy is best characterised as a form of 'vanguard capitalism,' which combines the centralising political logic of a Leninist movement party with the expansive logic of capitalist markets. At its base lies the monopolisation of state-society relations by the EPRDF which, in turn, allows for the creation, centralisation and strategic use of economic rents by its administration. The two processes of illiberal state- and market-building are complementary, and their outcomes mutually reinforcing: a state that seeks to derive legitimacy from 'developmental' interventions in the economy, and an economy that advances a particular vision of the Ethiopian state. To bear out this argument, the thesis traces the evolving relationship between party, state, and market through four distinct periods in the EPRDF's Ethiopia. While the administrative and economic institutions built during the wartime years were all subsumed into the movement's thrust toward military victory, structural adjustment during the 1990s led to a gradual differentiation between party, state, and market. The propagation of an Ethiopian 'developmental state' in the early 2000s implied a re-centralisation of economic rents, yet without a corresponding degree of control over society the party was left vulnerable. After the electoral near-defeat of 2005 the EPRDF thus reclaimed its 'vanguard' role, again fusing party, state, and market into a campaign for economic transformation that it presents as a logical extension of the original struggle for liberation. The thesis draws on over one hundred stakeholder interviews conducted during ten months of field research in Addis Ababa, Mekelle, and among the Ethiopian diaspora, as well as on extensive archival research.
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Dufief, Elise. "The politics of election monitoring : the case of Ethiopia and the European Union." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0103.
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Ce projet de recherche s'articule autour de la problématique suivante : comment peut-on expliquer les usages multiples et contradictoires du monitoring électoral ? A travers le prisme des relations entre acteurs internationaux et locaux, nous démontrons d'une part comment un régime dit « fort » tel que l'Ethiopie utilise le monitoring électoral pour maintenir une position de pouvoir dans le pays et vis à vis des acteurs internationaux. D'autre part, les dimensions politiques du monitoring électoral soulignent le rôle ambigu joué par les promoteurs européens de la démocratie, qui utilisent également cet instrument comme un outil de politique étrangère, leur permettant ainsi, sous couvert de neutralité, d'interférer dans la politique nationale éthiopienne et justifier ainsi leur intervention. Cependant, en ratifiant un processus électoral non compétitif, ces acteurs sont affaiblis au cours du processus et leur entreprise perd considérablement de sa crédibilité. Au final, le récepteur des observateurs joue alors avec les marges de manœuvre existantes, et manipule les intérêts et intentions plus ou moins cachées des acteurs externes. Il remet ainsi en cause l'ordre diplomatique préétabli et la hiérarchie que cet ordre politique sous-tend. En conséquence, le monitoring électoral devient une zone de conflit où les stratégies politiques s'affrontent. L'instrument censé ouvrir l'espace politique en Éthiopie contribue en fait à sa fermetureMy dissertation examines the construction of power relations in the international system, through the lens of international election monitoring and its politics. Focusing on the relationship between the European Union and Ethiopia, I argue that election monitoring reflects a complex hierarchy of power and serves contradicting purposes. In the hands of the monitors, it is an instrument of discipline, intended to monitor domestic behavior and enforce a standard of performance. The recipient of monitors, while accepting the general rule, finds interstices to manoeuvre within, playing with and against interests and agendas of external actors. Ultimately, the politics of election observing functions as an arena of struggle where power strategies are at stake. Power relations are eventually reversed when international actors are weakened, giving more space for the recipient country to pursue its own electoral strategies
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Woldegeorgis, Eden Fitsum. "Politics Gone Wired : Computer Mediated Discourse Analysis of Facebook, Political Discussions in Ethiopia." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-49451.
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Wilkin, Jeremy. "A marriage of convenience : Pax Americana, the African renaissance and the policing of Post-Cold War Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3682.
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Taki, Mesir. "The Green State of Ethiopia : Challenging the Western Perception of African States Environmental Politics." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-178126.
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Environmental sustainability has long been assumed to be a postmaterialist claim solely granted for affluent countries. This Western perception suggests that African and other developing countries are not capable of successfully dealing with environmental issues due to limited institutional and instrumental resources. Through semi-structured interviews with nine Ethiopian environment experts, and the supplementary method of field observations, this paper demonstrate empirical material from the green state of Ethiopia. Albeit being one of the poorest countries in the world, Ethiopia is displaying capacity to overcome environmental challenges and a willingness to undergo an environmentally sustainable transition process. Ultimately, environmental sustainability in Ethiopia is a possibility that contain challenges. The state have established environmental units, produced the comprehensive Climate Resilient Green Economy (CRGE) strategy and is actively transforming the rain-fed agriculture, investing in infrastructure and renewable energies, providing agricultural extension systems, rehabilitating degraded lands and creating environmental awareness. In addition, the national reforestation program, which includes restoration, creation and conservation of forests, boosts the forest industry and develops eco-system services, such as carbon sinks. However, weak implementation capacity disables the state from following through with ambitious environmental policies, and, in addition, the urge for economic development along an absence of strong regulative mechanisms stimulate the continuing conversion of forests and lands to agriculture.
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Penny, Joe. "The (post)-politics of austerity urbanism : policing and politicising local governance in London after the crisis." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2018. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10047219/.
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Ten years after the Global Financial Crisis, this thesis explores the unfolding consequences of this event for local government and politics in London. Far from signalling a ‘ruptural’ end of neoliberal modes of urban governance, the analysis presented here shows how local authorities in London are actively articulating with, mediating, and assembling central government’s radical programme of austerity. More than engendering a simple consolidation or intensification of ‘business as usual’ in a leaner register however, it is suggested that the current moment of austerity urbanism augurs a new operational matrix for local government with path changing consequences. Combining insights from post-foundational theory with in-depth qualitative empirical research, this thesis presents an in-depth ground-up analysis of how austerity urbanism has been ‘policed’ and ‘politicised’. It argues that a post-politicising ‘common sense’ over how austerity should be rolled-out is legible across London’s local authorities, based on logics of responsibilisation, contractualisation and entrepreneurialism. On the one hand, local authorities are managing demand for and divesting of services by responsibilising staff, community groups, and residents under the auspices of participatory governance whilst extending and deepening contractual arrangements with non-governmental and private providers. On the other hand, under pressure to generate new forms of revenue, local authorities are forming new real-estate special purpose vehicles to create and capture urban land and property value as rents. Whilst seeming to reproduce a condition of ‘post-political’ closure, as austerity deepens and contradictions sharpen these modes of local governance face mounting dissent from a growing part with no part. In this context, the political horizon of local government is an ambivalent one. At a moment of closure, austerity urbanism is producing opportunities for radical democratic openings even if they do not yet suggest a tipping point that could change how and for whom local government works.
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Davies, Steven J. "The political economy of land tenure in Ethiopia." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/580.
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In surveying the literature on land tenure reform in Africa, what can readily be observed is that much of that body of work has comprised a markedly econometric and technical focus, to the neglect of evidently contiguous political factors. As a result, fundamental structural impediments to reform efforts have largely been ignored - a fact that may be reflected in the failure of many titling interventions. In light of this omission, the nature of political economy in both Ethiopia and Africa more generally is delineated in this thesis, in order to construct a more rounded conceptual framework through which the issue of land tenure can be deciphered. In so doing, the model of the ‘neopatrimonial’/anti-developmental state is utilised as a benchmark against which twentieth century Ethiopian regimes, and in particular the incumbent EPRDF Government, are assessed. Considerable evidence is uncovered to support the view that, despite its unique historical experience of independence, contemporary Ethiopia nevertheless fits with many key aspects of the neopatrimonial model – most notably in the Government’s pursuit of political survival and revenue to the neglect of long-term sustainable development. It is therefore argued that political imperatives have undermined the establishment of a progressive economic agenda in the country, and the ways in which this has affected land tenure are delineated. Moreover, it is demonstrated that the contemporary debate on tenure reform in Ethiopia has taken a form that is somewhat myopic and circuitous, possibly in an attempt to circumvent discussion of controversial political issues. It is argued that this apolitical stance has undermined not only the debate itself, but also the practical intervention strategies that have emerged from it, such as the recent land titling and administration project in Ethiopia. It is therefore concluded that the only means of escape from this theoretical and practical impasse is to reintegrate politics into the analysis.
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Kramer, Jürgen. "Policing the Crisis: A Particular Mode of Analysis, Re-Constructed and Emulated." Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A32272.
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Wako, Adi Liban. "Ideology as commodity : industry of a theocracy and production of famines in Ethiopia /." View thesis, 2003. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20031007.091020/index.html.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2003.Thesis submitted as fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, University of Western Sydney, Hawkesbury, August, 2003. Bibliography : leaves [281]-310.
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Kissi, Edward. "Famine and the politics of food relief in the United States relations with Ethiopia, 1950-1991." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0002/NQ40301.pdf.
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Tronvoll, Kjetil. "Identities in conflict : an ethnography of war and the politics of identity in Ethiopia, 1998-2000." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.406340.
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Melaku, Misganaw Tadesse. "Social and political history of Wollo Province in Ethiopia: 1769-1916." University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7290.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDWollo, formerly referred to as ―Bete Amhara,‖ refers to a region of Amharic-speaking Christians. It was one of the oldest provinces of Ethiopia; located in the north-eastern part of Ethiopia at the cross- roads of the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, Sudan, and central and Southern Ethiopia. Its geostrategic central position has made it a historical focal point of historical dynamics in Ethiopia. Due to its geostrategic position, many writers of the medieval period referred to Wollo as the ―center and the heartland of the Abyssinian Empire. On account of these, major historical battles among political, social, and religious forces occurred in this region leaving their own mark on it and the nature of the Ethiopian state. Before the sixteenth century, Wollo had been a center of history, political administration, religion, and religious education. As a result, numerous historical events have taken place in this province. Due to such factors, it was part of the historically dominant regions in Ethiopia. However, after the sixteenth century we see a decline in the position of Wollo. A province which was part of the center, afterwards the sixteenth century, had been downgraded to the periphery following its domination by Islam and Oromo, which were two subjects of marginalization in Ethiopian historiography. Thereafter, the province was relegated from the country‘s political ground and historical narration due to ethnic, religious, and political backgrounds. In the earliest recordings of the historically dominant groups of Ethiopia, Wollo was not properly represented as it was regarded as a Muslim and Oromo province. In much of the recently recorded literature on the subaltern groups in the post-1991 period, the internal events of Wollo have been ignored. Therefore, both in the past and recently, the socio-political history of Wollo province has never been given due regard. Despite the fact that Wollo bears elements of both the historically dominant and historical subaltern of Ethiopia, it has not been provided proper representation by the narrative of the historically dominant groups, as it is not given proper place in the emergent history of the subaltern in Post-1991 Ethiopia. This paradox of Wollo belonging to both but not given due attention and representation is the corridor leading to explore the dark sides of Ethiopian historiography. Thus, this study attempts to examine why, how and in what way Wollo has been neglected from the country‘s political ground and historical narration. It will also try to reconstruct the social and political history of the province in the period under study.
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Pritchard, Démian. "Policing the border : politics and place in the work of Miguel Méndez, Marisela Norte, and Leslie Marmon Silko /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3091318.
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Mihret, Lina. "“To Bring All Ethiopians Together”: Apolitical Sport, Diaspora Politics, And Mythico-Histories." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1193.
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In this thesis, I discuss the constraints and mediations on political discourse in the Ethiopian Diaspora in North America. I use the amateur sports federation, the Ethiopian Sports Federation in North America (ESFNA) as a site for this analysis, looking both at the online media campaign carried out when a split occurred in the institution and its 2017 tournament. The sport’s federation is a space for the diaspora to unite and pass down the cultural forms that distinguish it to the next generation. I argue that the political discourse of the diaspora is constrained by how the diaspora continues to (re)define its self in relations to the memories and imaginations of its homeland and its desire to remain a united and distinct community. Chapter 1 provides an analysis of the migratory history of the Ethiopian diaspora in North America. This history pinpoints the diaspora’s reproduction of a unifying hegemonic Amhara national identity that is not supported by the current ruling party in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). This is the history fuels the memory and imagination of the homeland that informs the mythico-histories that it produces to define the types of politics are supported or tolerated in the diaspora. Chapter 2 discuss the use of mythico-histories by anti-government groups in their campaign to boycott against the All Ethiopian Sports Association One (AESAONE)’s tournament. These narratives reveal the formation of an alliance between the apolitical sports’ federation ESFNA and aggressively anti-government groups in the diaspora. Finally, in Chapter 3 I analyze the symbiotic relationship between these anti-government groups and ESFNA and some of the way it shapes the political discourse at the 2017 ESFNA tournament. The tournament is a mediated space in which ESFNA’s apolitical unifying mission and the anti-government group's message are able to exist together.
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Gyves, Clifford M. "Policing toward a de-clawed jihad antiterrorism intelligence techniques for law enforcement." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FGyves.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Thomas Bruneau, María Rasmussen. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 129-158). Also available in print.
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Chappell, Neil. "Doing community safety by locality working : regime theory and micro-climates of crime and disorder co-governance." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/5280.
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The co-governance of crime and disorder and the involvement of the public within quasi-deliberative consultations of participatory forums to this end has been the subject of significant bodies of research (Clarke et al, 2007, Barnes, Newman and Sullivan: 2007). Such forums were applied to the micro-level of the neighbourhood during New Labour’s tenure in office in an attempt to reduce crime and disorder and to improve the responsiveness of service delivery. This has created situations whereby the governance of communities has been shifted to the micro-level of the neighbourhood (Stoker: 2004). Hughes and Edwards (2005) have proposed examining these micro-climates of crime and disorder co-governance in attempts to understand the importance of contextual factors in structuring of forms of community safety. My research utilises grounded theory to examine the impact of differing aspects of economic redevelopment within the context of the inner City, to both foster particular crime problems, and the typical solution-sets (Jones: 1998) utilised by practitioners in addressing them. In addition, I examine the structural role and impact of economic and cultural forces of urban redevelopment in creating and managing the ‘majorities’ (Stoker: 1998) amongst the public, and their perceptions of crime and disorder patterns. My research is conducted across three separate neighbourhood ‘localities’ within Plymouth City Centre with the intention being to understand how the individual particularisms of these areas contribute to the formation of different forms of community safety, and allied with it, subtly different forms of policing.
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Haidinger, Brendan. "THE NAPOLEONIC EMPIRE AND THE MAKING OF A MODERN PUBLIC: POLICING, POLITICS, AND PARADES IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY HAMBURG, 1806-1830." VCU Scholars Compass, 2013. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/3111.
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Despite the attention historians have given to the Revolutionary and Napoleonic eras in Central Europe, few works have sought to understand these events' reverberations throughout the nineteenth century in a local or regional context. Taking the northern German city of Hamburg as its focal point, this study investigates the change in the urban political culture affected by eight years of Napoleonic occupation. In the process of replacing Hamburg's sprawling and archaic government with one characterized by Gallic centralization and rigor, the French introduced a new style of politics that relied on consistent, public, and martial presentations of its authority. This public presence was heightened not only by the implementation of modern policing techniques, but also by a series of choreographed, ideologically-charged public spectacles whose effectiveness relied on a clever manipulation and politicization of urban space.
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Bello, Ghaji Ismaila. "The international politics of famine relief operations in Ethiopia : a case study of the 1984-86 famine relief operations." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1990. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2427/.
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This thesis is a study of the international relief assistance to Ethiopia during the 1984-86 famine. It begins by examining the country's glorious past vis-a-vis its present international status. In Part One, the underlying causes of the famine are discussed to provide a background to the subsequent analysis of the international relief effort. Also discussed, is the role of the international media in alerting public opinion and successfully transforming the famine into an issue of international concern. In Part Two, the responses of the various actors are analysed: in particular the bilateral response of Ethiopia's political allies and her opponents; of the Western non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the role of the United Nations in coordinating the international relief effort at the multilateral level. Part Three (Chapter Eight), tests the theoretical assumptions outlined at the beginning of the thesis. With regard to the first, namely the relative importance of opponents and allies, the study concludes Ethiopia's political opponents were more responsive to her appeal for emergency relief than her allies. With regard to the second, namely the role of the NGOs the conclusion is that these organizations played the most important role in shaping the international response to the emergency. Chapter Nine summarizes our general conclusions.
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Ango, Tola Gemechu. "Ecosystem Services and Disservices in an Agriculture–Forest Mosaic : A Study of Forest and Tree Management and Landscape Transformation in Southwestern Ethiopia." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Kulturgeografiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-128537.
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The intertwined challenges of food insecurity, deforestation, and biodiversity loss remain perennial challenges in Ethiopia, despite increasing policy interventions. This thesis investigates smallholding farmers’ tree- and forest-based livelihoods and management practices, in the context of national development and conservation policies, and examines how these local management practices and policies transform the agriculture–forest mosaic landscapes of southwestern Ethiopia. The thesis is guided by a political ecology perspective, and focuses on an analytical framework of ecosystem services (ESs) and disservices (EDs). It uses a mixed research design with data from participatory field mapping, a tree ‘inventory’, interviews, focus group discussions, population censuses, and analysis of satellite images and aerial photos. The thesis presents four papers. Paper I investigates how smallholding farmers in an agriculture–forest mosaic landscape manage trees and forests in relation to a few selected ESs and EDs that they consider particularly beneficial or problematic. The farmers’ management practices were geared towards mitigating tree- and forest-related EDs such as wild mammal crop raiders, while at the same time augmenting ESs such as shaded coffee production, resulting in a restructuring of the agriculture–forest mosaic. Paper II builds further on the EDs introduced in paper I, to assess the effects of crop raids by forest-dwelling wild mammals on farmers’ livelihoods. The EDs of wild mammals and human–wildlife conflict are shown to constitute a problem that goes well beyond a narrow focus on yield loss. The paper illustrates the broader impacts of crop-raiding wild mammals on local agricultural and livelihood development (e.g. the effects on food security and children’s schooling), and how state forest and wildlife control and related conservation policy undermined farmers’ coping strategies. Paper III examines local forest-based livelihood sources and how smallholders’ access to forests is reduced by state transfer of forestland to private companies for coffee investment. This paper highlights how relatively small land areas appropriated for investment in relatively densely inhabited areas can harm the livelihoods of many farmers, and also negatively affect forest conservation. Paper IV investigates the patterns and drivers of forest cover change from 1958 to 2010. Between 1973 and 2010, 25% of the total forest was lost, and forest cover changes varied both spatially and temporally. State development and conservation policies spanning various political economies (feudal, socialist, and ‘free market-oriented’) directly or indirectly affected local ecosystem use, ecosystem management practices, and migration processes. These factors (policies, local practices, and migration) have thus together shaped the spatial patterns of forest cover change in the last 50 years. The thesis concludes that national development and conservation policies and the associated power relations and inequality have often undermined local livelihood security and forest conservation efforts. It also highlights how a conceptualization of a local ecosystem as a provider of both ESs and EDs can generate an understanding of local practices and decisions that shape development and conservation trajectories in mosaic landscapes. The thesis draws attention to the need to make development and conservation policies relevant and adaptable to local conditions as a means to promote local livelihood and food security, forest and biodiversity conservation, and ESs generated by agricultural mosaic landscapes.At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: In press. Paper 3: Submitted. Paper 4: Manuscript.
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Di, Nunzio Marco. "'The Arada have been eaten' : living through marginality in Addis Ababa's inner city." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:087b3057-1484-496f-b5cd-f24adcdebc21.
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This thesis examines marginality as a regime of interconnectedness. Drawing on the ethnographic material from a 16-month-fieldwork between October 2009 and December 2010 on the street economy and streetlife in Arada, the old city centre of Addis Ababa’s inner city, I argue that marginalized subjects are not to be seen as social actors that inhabit and create alternative and parallel social, political and economic realities away from the mainstream society. Rather, the way the urban poor are connected and integrated in the broader political economy of the Ethiopian urban society frames and defines modalities, forms and experiences of marginality. From this perspective, this thesis focuses on the on-going reconfiguration of the street economy in Addis Ababa’s inner city. Since the early 2000s, the increasing concern with poverty reduction and good governance in the development agenda has concurred with the attempts of the ruling party to expand its machinery of political control and mobilization at the grassroots of urban society. In this context, under the impact of development programs promoting the establishment of small-scale enterprises, the street economy has undergone a pervasive process of formalization and politicization that has come to advance the realization of an authoritarian form of developmental state, while imposing a regime of unskilled and badly paid labour on the street. This thesis examines this process by looking at the history of streetlife in Arada, as a terrain of social, economic and political practice, and it recounts the everyday life and life trajectories of those involved in the street economy. In particular, I look at how the political reconfiguration of the street economy has come to intertwine with the way living through marginality and dealing with forms of social inequality on the street have been historically conceptualized and experienced in Addis Ababa’s inner city.
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Woldegebrael, Edegilign Hailu. "The politics and materiality of a developmental state in the EPRDF's Ethiopia : a view from the Gibe III hydropower development project." Thesis, Paris 10, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA100107.
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Depuis le début du millénaire, le régime dirigé par le Front démocratique révolutionnaire du peuple éthiopien -FDRPE- (The Etiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front -EPRDF-) a mené une série d’opérations visant à atteindre un objectif clé du gouvernement : l’État de développement démocratique autoproclamé du régime. Cette thèse, inspirée par des idéologies politiques particulières, tente de comprendre la notion et la matérialisation du développementalisme démocratique dans le contexte d’un modèle de gouvernance ethno-fédéral, en utilisant le projet hydroélectrique Gibe III comme cas d’étude illustratif.À cette fin, il m’a semblé pertinent d’opter pour une approche de recherche empirique axée sur la matérialité et les pratiques quotidiennes de l’État, dans une perspective multi-scalaire. A cela s’ajoute un travail de terrain de 18 mois, mené à la fois à l’échelle nationale mais aussi à des échelles plus locales, s’appuyant sur une approche qualitative. L’analyse met en évidence la complexité des processus relatifs à la matérialisation d’un État de développement dans la vallée de l’Omo : d’une part, le gouvernement central accroît sa capacité de contrôle et d’extraction des ressources dans cette périphérie, au sein d’une république fédérale, en tant qu’ « effets d’État de développement », et renforce la légitimité des performances grâce à la construction d’un barrage, du moins à l’échelle nationale; d’autre part, la matérialisation d’un État de développement prend de plus en plus une forme autoritaire dans ce processus et le déni des revendications des populations affectées et de leurs résistances grandissantes semble compromettre sa légitimité politiqueThe EPRDF-led regime, since the turn of the new millennium, has been conducting a series of operations that seek toachieve a key government objective: the regime’s self-declared democratic developmental state. However, literature on thisissue has been dominated by technocratic and macro-intuitionalist analyses. There has been, surprisingly, little in-depth qualitative research on its materiality and concrete practices, and multiscaled effects. This thesis, inspired by political explanations, tries to understand the notion and materialization of the democratic developmentalism in the context of ethno-federal model of governance by using the Gibe III hydropower project as a case study. To this end, it opted for a grounded empirical research approach that focuses on materiality and everyday practices of the state from multi-scalar perspective. A qualitative case study design was employed, which was a product of 18 months of fieldwork conducted both at the national and sub-national scales. The analysis points at complexity of the processes regarding the materialization of a developmental state in the Omo Valley: on the one hand the central government increases its capacity of resource control and extraction in this periphery, within a federal republic, as “developmental state effects” and garners performance legitimacy through delivering the dam [“development”]-at least at the national scale; on the other hand increasingly an authoritarian form it takes in this process and lack of recognition of the affected peoples’ claims and their growing dispersed resistances seemingly jeopardizes its political legitimacy
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Svensson, Mattias. "Ethnic Federalism and Political Transition : A study of private media opinions on ethnic politics, human rights and democracy in a changing Ethiopia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384802.
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Eide, Øyvind M. "Revolution and religion in Ethiopia : a study of Church and politics with special reference to the Ethiopian evangelical Church Mekane Yesus 1974-1985 /." Stavanger : Uppsala : Misjonshøgskolens forlag ; Uppsala universitet, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35858349k.
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Miženková, Lucia. "Konflikty v Somálsku, Etiópii a Eritrei po 2. svetovej vojne." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-114277.
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The work is concerned with political problems in the Horn of Africa region (Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea). It is focused on the course of politics, analysis and future development of both regional and mutual conflicts. First part provides general characteristics of the region as the whole. Next parts deals in detail with each state separetely. There is also given special space to the Ethiopia-Eritrea and Somalia-Ethiopia conflicts.
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Lofca, Izzet. "Respect for human rights and the rise of democratic policing in Turkey: Adoption and diffusion of the European Union acquis in the Turkish National Police." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3945/.
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This study is an exploration of the European Union acquis adoption in the Turkish National Police. The research employed the Diffusion of Innovations, Democratic Policing, and historical background check theoretical frameworks to study the decision-making of the TNP regarding reforms after 2003 as a qualitative case study which triangulated the methodology with less-dominant survey and several other analyzing methods. The data were collected from several sources including semi-structured interviews, archival records, documentary evidences and the European Commission Regular Reports on Turkey. The research interest was about the decision mechanisms of the TNP towards reforms and the rise of democratic policing in Turkey. During the study, internationally recognized human rights standards were given attention. As the data suggested, the police forces are shaped according to their ruling governments and societies. It is impossible to find a totally democratic police in a violent society and a totally violent police in a democratic society. The study findings suggested that reforming police agencies should not be a significant problem for determined governments. Human rights violations should not be directly related with the police in any country. The data suggested that democratic policing applications find common application when the democracy gets powerful and police brutality increases when authoritarian governments stays in power. Democratic policing on the other hand is an excellent tool to improve notion of democracy and to provide legitimacy to governments. However, democratic policing is not a tool to bring the democracy, but a support mechanism for it.
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Mays, Nicholas S. "`WHAT WE GOT TO SAY:’ RAP AND HIP HOP’S SOCIAL MOVEMENT AGAINST THE CARCERAL STATE & CRIME POLITICS IN THE AGE OF RONALD REAGAN’S WAR ON DRUGS." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1627656723125548.
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Pettersson, Heidi Elisabeth. "Intractability of conflict : causes, drivers and dynamics of the war in Somalia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6568.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia has experienced constant instability and conflict for nearly two decades. With a collapsed state, widespread violence and criminal activity, as well as continued disagreement between warring factions, the prospect of peace seems bleak. The purpose and rationale of this research has been to critically examine root causes and perpetuating factors of the protracted war in Somalia in order to arrive at a comprehensive analysis of the reasons for the intractability of this conflict. This study aims to fill a gap in the literature by pointing to some elements which have previously been overlooked in existing research on the topic, especially the impact of the war economy on the fuelling of the conflict. While the thesis first and foremost set out to identify factors which contribute to the intractability of conflict in Somalia, a thorough conceptualisation of relevant theory and a historical overview of the case study were provided as a point of departure. An analysis then followed which tied theory to empirical data. According to my analysis, the most significant internal factors contributing to intractability of conflict in Somalia were the long absence of a central governing authority, the low level of economic development, the role of Islam, as well as particular choices made by the parties to the conflict. Relational factors which are crucial are the similar military strength of the opposing sides, their lack of cooperation, and their different views regarding the country’s law and governance. Finally, external factors were deemed to have had a particularly strong effect on the long war. Ethiopia’s constant meddling; Eritrea’s support of al-Shabaab; the UN’s and the AU’s various missions; as well as the presence of a plethora of humanitarian aid agencies have shaped the conflict throughout its course. The conclusion was drawn that the war economy had the greatest impact on conflict in the first rounds of the civil war, but with the transformation, re-escalation and re-intensification of the conflict that has occurred over the last couple of years, the opportunities for benefiting from war and instability may again have increased. Piracy stands out as a new, prominent pillar of the contemporary war economy. The war economy of today continues to have an influence on the Somali conflict; it adds to its intractability, makes it increasingly difficult to establish a legitimate and stable non-corrupt government, and generally sustains violence in the country. I suggest that further research be undertaken on the topic of state collapse in Somalia, as it is clear that the long absence of a central government is a factor which has had a significant impact on the prolongation of conflict. In addition, as accurate data on the current war economy is rare, I recommend that field research should be conducted in Somalia to gain a more precise understanding of shadowy economic activities and their linkages to conflict.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië beleef vir byna twee dekades konstante onstabiliteit en konflik. Met wydverspreide geweld, kriminele aktiwiteite, voortgesette verskille tussen strydende faksies en die verbrokkeling van die Somaliese staat, lyk die vooruitsig vir vrede in die land onwaarskynlik. Die doel en rasionaal van hierdie navorsing is om krities te ondersoek wat die grondoorsake en verewigings faktore is, van die uitgerekte oorlog in Somalië. Die navoring meen dus, om 'n omvattende ontleding te gee van die redes vir die hardnekkigheid van konflik in die land. Die studie poog ook om 'n gaping in die literatuur te vul deur te wysig op kritiese elemente wat nalatig was in bestaande navorsing en meer fokus te gee aan die impak van die oorlogsekonomie wat konflik in Somalië aanspoor. Alhoewel die proefskrif hoofsaaklik poog om die faktore wat bydra tot die hardnekkigheid van konflik in Somalië te bestudeer, word 'n deeglike begrip van die toepaslike teorie en 'n historiese oorsig van die studie voorsien as die vertrekpunt van die navorsing. Dit word dan opgevolg deur ‘n analise, wat die teorie bind aan empiriese data. Volgens my analise is die belangrikste interne faktore wat bydra tot die hardnekkigheid van konflik in Somalië; die lang afwesigheid van 'n sentrale beherende gesag, die lae vlak van ekonomiese ontwikkeling, die invloed van Islam, sowel as unieke keuse van partye tot die konflik. Relevante faktore wat noodsaaklik is, is die soortgelyke militêre krag van die opponerende kante, die gebrek aan samewerking, en hul teenstrydige standpunte oor die land se wet en bestuur. Laastens is daar gevind dat eksterne faktore 'n besonder sterk invloed gehad het op die langdurigheid van die oorlog. Ethiopië se konstante inmenging, Eritrea se ondersteuning van al-Shabaab, die VN en AU se verskeie misies, asook die teenwoordigheid van 'n oorvloed van humanitêre hulpagentskappe het deel gehad in die formulering van konflik oor tyd. Die gevolgtrekking was dat die oorlogsekonomie die grootste impak gehad het op die konflik in die eerste rondtes van die burgeroorlog, maar met die transformasie-, her-eskalasie en reintensivering van die konflik oor die afgelope paar jaar, is daar weereens ‘n styging in die geleenthede vir individue om te baat uit die onstabiliteit en oorlog. Seerowery staan uit as 'n nuwe, prominente pilaar van die huidige oorlogsekonomie. Die huidige oorlogsekonomie het nog steeds 'n invloed op die Somaliese konflik, dit dra by tot sy hardnekkigheid, maak dit toenemend moeilik om ‘n wettige en stabiele onkorrupte regering te stig en dit fasiliteer die voortduur van geweld in die land. Ek stel voor dat verdere navorsing onderneem word oor die onderwerp van die ineenstorting van die staat in Somalië. Dit is duidelik dat die lang afwesigheid van 'n sentrale regering 'n beduidende faktor is, wat ‘n impak op die verlenging van konflik het. Verder, omdat akkurate data oor die huidige oorlogsekonomie so skaars is, beveel ek aan dat verdere navorsing gedoen moet word om ‘n meer akkurate begrip van donker ekonomiese aktiwiteite in Somalië te kry en hul impak op konflik.
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Nwasike, Ugochukwu N. "The Intended and Unintended Effects of Civil Gang Injunctions in California." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/942.
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The state of California has one of the largest and most violent gang populations in the United States. Although there have been a variety of anti-gang measures and policies enacted by local and state governments, none have been more effective than the Civil Gang Injunction (CGI). This civil action prohibits certain street gangs, and their members, from participating in activities that would otherwise be considered lawful. In order to obtain an injunction a prosecutor must demonstrate to the court that the gang is engaged in ongoing criminal conduct and represents a public nuisance to a geographically defined area. When a neighborhood is under an injunction, not only is police presence in the area increased but officers are also given more freedom to investigate and apprehend gang members who are suspected to be in violation of the terms. As this thesis will argue, injunctions, when used correctly, have proven to be an effective weapon in diminishing the influence of territorial street gangs on community well-being. When used incorrectly, however, they often only provide a temporary fix to a long-lasting problem. They also have been known to contribute to an increase in crime in neighboring areas, an increased number of wrongful arrests, and in some cases they have promoted criminality amongst young people. To explore the efficacy of injunctions, this thesis will focus on three empirical studies that cover a period from 1993 to 2003, when the rates of gang-related violence were at an all-time high and injunctions became the primary tool for City and District Attorneys to combat the nuisance. Two of these studies argue that injunctions have a positive impact on violent crime statistics, whereas the third concludes that they do not. By comparing these conflicting pieces of quantitative evidence, this thesis aims to gauge the actual effect of injunctions on crime rates and weigh the perceived benefits of this measure against its unintended negative effects.
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Fernandez, Delia M. "From Spanish-Speaking to Latino: Mexicans and Puerto Ricans in West Michigan, 1924-1978." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1437439370.
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Woldekidan, Workneh Gebeyehu. "An analysis of the influence of politics on policing in Ethiopia." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20106.
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Text in EnglishThe study was designed to determine the influence of politics in policing in Ethiopia generally pre-1991 and post-1991 as this is the period that characterise the Ethiopian political system, which underwent tremendous changes taking along various initiatives in its move towards democratisation. It is important to note how policing was figured and reconfigured during this period in view of its critical role in the social and political system of the country. In fact, during turbulent and peaceful political changes in the country it was often used as an arm to safeguard or brutalise people. The study also indicates the extent to which the Ethiopian police as an institution has been mandated to maintain law and order while at the same time has undergone various structural and organisational changes in an attempt to move it away from undue political influence. Furthermore, the study indicates the extent to which policing is embedded into politics which by itself is a challenge because the police are expected to be professionally independent in order to uphold the rule of law while at the same time guaranteeing the safety and security of all the inhabitants of the country. This indicates the interconnectedness of policing and politics as the police are required to enforce the laws that are enacted by the government and influenced by the ruling party. Government policies are politically driven and formulated by the party in power, thus making politics to create and direct police institutions in the fulfilment of peace and security in the country. Despite the fact that the police should operate within certain degree of independence, they still have to take orders and direction from the politically established government. That is why the determination of the degree of influence is essential as it indicates whether there is undue influence or not. In view of the above inter-related issues, this thesis aims to analyse the influence of politics in policing in Ethiopia indicating how this has influenced policing in various eras.
Police Practice
D. Litt. et Phil. (Police Science)
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Tessema, Amha Dagnew. "The impact of state policies and strategies in Ethiopia's development challenge." Diss., 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/5841.
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Tessema, Amha Dagnew. "The impact of state policies and strategies in Ethiopia's development challenges." Diss., 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/5841.
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Abkadir, Hassen Shuffa. "A critical analysis of indigenous and modern policing in Ethiopia." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18968.
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The purpose of this study was to determine whether indigenous and modern policing can coexist in Ethiopia. The two case studies dealt with in this research indicate that customary administration which is based on indigenous customary law governs the lives of most
communities in Ethiopia. Most of the civil and criminal cases are resolved through these mechanisms, although there are always operational tensions due to some contradictions between the modern and indigenous policing systems when crime is committed in indigenous areas. This is mainly because the modern police system wants to impose its way of resolving crime while the indigenous police system want crime to be solved in the
traditional/indigenous manner that have been practiced for centuries. These fundamental differences have created two parallel institutions which are both rooted in providing safety and security to the community.
The research also reveals that modern policing in Ethiopia can benefit tremendously from well researched experiences and practices of indigenous policing. This does not imply that indigenous policing system is democratic and all the experiences could be relevant to modern policing, but it simply means that the identification and the sharing of best practices from both sides could lead to mutual benefits of these systems.
In its conclusion the research shows that Ethiopia has the potential to develop a unique policing system that reflects its distinctive cultural heritage and that meets the needs of its people. This potential is more likely to be actualized if the country preserves and incorporate the best practices of both these systems and use them as integral part of the Ethiopian modern policing.Police Practice
D .Litt. et Phil. (Police Science)
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Atte, Taye Kejia. "Assessing factors that affect the implementation of community policing in Awassa, Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia." Diss., 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/4039.
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This research project was conducted under the title ―Assessing factors that affect the implementation of community policing in Awassa, Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia‖. More than ten years ago there was an attempt to implement community policing in Awassa. However, its success was limited. What is the reason for this limited success regarding the implementation of community policing?
The researcher formulated research questions of what community policing entails and what factors on the part of both the police and the community affect the implementation of community policing. To come up with the desired result, the researcher used different methodologies and identified the target groups and data collection techniques, for the research project. Then the collected data was analysed and interpreted. The researcher also tried to present the best discussions available on relevant issues, even if the discussions are sometimes technical and practical applications require one to think deeply about the issues at hand.
Finally, factors in the police as well as in the community were identified. Here, according to the data gathered, conclusions were drawn and the researcher recommended how police organizations can facilitate the successful implementation of community policing.Police Practice
M. Tech. (Policing)
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KIFLE, HENOCK. "THE DETERMINANTS OF THE ECONOMIC POLICIES OF STATES IN THE THIRD WORLD: THE AGRARIAN POLICIES OF THE ETHIOPIAN STATE, 1941-1974." 1987. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI8710469.
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Recent developments in the Third World have been marked by the increased interventions of states in their respective economies. These developments raise the problem of explaining the causes for, and the dynamics of, such interventions. In the dissertation, I seek to develop a theoretical framework for explaining the economic policies of Third World States (TWS). I first argue that the TWS is a variant of the modern state, but with its structure defined by its own unique constitutive social relations. As a modern state, the TWS seeks to maintain, what I have called, its position of relative sovereignty in society, viz, its claim to being the supreme-rule making institution in society, and its claim to the monopoly of the legitimate use of force in society. But as these claims of the state are dependent on the size of, and the state's access to, the social surplus, the economic policies of states are best explained, I argue, by the TWS's need to ensure that these conditions are met. The Third World economy is constituted by different systems of production, and its dynamics is determined by their interaction. I show that this results in specific crises of production that limit the size of the social surplus. Another important determinant of state intervention is thus the political and economic conflicts generated by the unique structure of the Third World economy. I show the validity of the theoretical approach that I develop by using it to analyze and explain the agrarian policies of the Ethiopian state during the 1941-74 period. I explain the measures that the emergent modern state took during this period--measures that dissolved the pre-war tributary system of social production, and advanced both simple commodity and capitalist systems of production--not in terms of the voluntary modernizing projects of state leaders, but in terms of the imperatives that the state faced in establishing its position of relative sovereignty in society.
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Huey, Laura. "Negotiating demands : the politics of skid row policing in Edinburgh, San Francisco and Vancouver." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/17176.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes the influence of local political and moral economies on police
practices within marginalized communities. Field research of policing in the skid row
districts of Edinburgh, San Francisco and Vancouver provides comparative data on
policing demands, strategies, styles and practices in three distinct civic contexts. While
there is a combination of exclusionary, coercive-inclusionary and inclusionary policing in
all three jurisdictions, there is a different emphasis in each jurisdiction deriving from
structural features of their respective civic political regimes. Operating within a regime of
ordoliberalism, the police in Edinburgh primarily function as knowledge workers who
network with a range of other community agencies to accomplish order and provide
inclusionary services on skid row. In contrast, the police in San Francisco operate within
a neo-liberal regime that mandates a coercive approach to skid row problems with
exclusionary consequences for inhabitants. Vancouver blends both forms of liberalism in
a more conflicted political environment, resulting in a 'middle-way' regime of
peacekeeping that utilizes an unique mix of inclusionary and exclusionary programs and
practises on skid row. In all three cities the police are shown to be 'demand negotiators',
addressing conflicting sets of demands that reflect the structural conditions in which they
operate. How police meet demands - through incident and context-specific uses of law
enforcement, peacekeeping, social work and knowledge work - is shown to be a
consequence of the political and moral economies in which they operate. In offering a
new conceptualization of police as demand negotiators, the thesis not only advances
knowledge of police organization and decision making-processes, but also refines our
understanding of how processes of inclusion and exclusion occur in different liberal
regimes.Arts, Faculty of
Sociology, Department of
Graduate
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Yitay, Binyam Agegn. "The critical analysis of the judicial enforceability of socio economic rights in Ethiopia." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/726.
Full text
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Kissi, Edward. "Famine and the politics of food relief in United States relations with Ethiopia : 1950-1991." Thesis, 1997. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/634/1/NQ40301.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The dissertation examines famine in Ethiopia as an issue in U.S.-Ethiopian relations from 1950 to 1991. It argues that to avoid restructuring Ethiopia's semi-feudal society, and to make military security the primary goal of its foreign relations, the Imperial Ethiopian Government opposed U.S. efforts to place land reform and agricultural development at the centre of its priorities in Ethiopia from 1950 to 1974. Although the Revolutionary Government, which deposed the Imperial Government and ruled Ethiopia from 1975 to 1991, promoted land reform, its agricultural policies and domestic politics violated human rights in a period when democratization and human rights had become the prerequisites for American agricultural aid. The dissertation challenges the argument that the Revolutionary Government deliberately created famine to embark on a well-defined program of genocide against its ethnic and political foes. It provides an alternative view that in the war to settle their competing visions of post-Imperial Ethiopia, the Revolutionary Government and its opponents used famine, starvation and terror to create domestic allegiance and external sympathy. U.S.-Ethiopian relations deteriorated over the human rights atrocities, anti-American attitude and communist orientation of the Revolutionary Government, but Washington and Addis Ababa cooperated to save lives threatened by war and famine.
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Ewnetu, Anteneh Aweke. "The Representation of Ethiopian politics in selected Amharic novels, 1930 - 2010." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/13857.
Full textAbstract:
Amharic literature has always occupied an important place in the history of the literary traditions of Ethiopia. Although this literature is believed to be strongly related to the politics of the country, there has
been no study that proves this claim across the different political periods in the country. It would be ambitious to deal with all the literary genres in this respect. Therefore, delimiting the investigation of the problem is considered to be useful to filling the knowledge gap. Accordingly, this comparative research which investigates a representation of Ethiopian politics in selected Amharic novels across three political periods: 1930 – 2010 was designed.
The objective of the research is to investigate the representation of Ethiopian politics in selected Amharic novels. The basic research question focuses on how these representations can be explained. An eclectic theoretical approach (the New Historicism, Bourdieu’s System Theory and the Critical Discourse Analysis) is employed to understand the representations. The main method of data collection focuses on a close reading of non-literary and literary texts. A purposive sampling technique is used to select the sample novels as the technique allows to select those that yield the most relevant data using some criteria.
Based on the criteria set, sixteen novels are selected. The manners in which the political events represented in the novels are examined using different parameters. The parameters also look into the
methods used in representing the political events and the time in which the events were represented, i.e. whether they are represented contemporarily, post-contemporarily or before the actual happening of the event. Having read the novels critically, the political events that took place in the three respective states are identified, analyzed and interpreted. The analysis mainly shows that different novels represented the political events in different manners: lightly or deeply, overtly or covertly, positively or negatively, contemporaneously or post-contemporaneously. Regarding the ‘how’ of the representations, it is observed that the critical novels, for instance, Alïwälädïm and Adäfrïs are covert and use symbols, direct and indirect allusions and other figures of speeches, and other techniques including turn taking, and size of dialogues to achieve their goals. Some political events are found to be either under-represented or totally un-represented in the novels. In some cases, same political events are represented differently in different novels at different times. Some novels that criticized the political events of the governments contemporaneously have been removed from market, republished in the political period that followed and exploited by the emerging government for its political end.
There are some patterns observed in the analyses and interpretations of the politics in the novels. One of the patterns is that sharp criticisms on the events of an earlier political period are usually reflected in novels published in a new period. The critique novels of the Haileselassie government, for instance, Maïbäl Yabïyot Wazema, were published during the Darg period, and those that were critical of the Darg government, for instance, Anguz, were published in the EPRDF period. Another pattern observed is that there is no novel that praises a past regime, even despite being critical of a contemporary government. No novel written during the Darg period admired the Haileselassie period; and no novel written during the EPRDF period appreciated the Darg period.
There are cases in which novelists who were critical of the contemporary Haileselassie and Darg periods, for instance, Abe and Bealu, respectively, ended up in detention or just disappeared and their novels, Alïwälädïm and Oromay, respecitely were banned from being circulated. Unlike the two previous political periods, the critique novels of the EPRDF period, for instance Dertogada, Ramatohara, and Yäburqa Zïmïta, have been published, or even republished, several times. Novels written during the Haileselassie period, such as Alïwälädïm, which were critical of the respective contemporary period, made their criticism covertly, using probes and imaginary settings and characters, while the critique novels of the EPRDF period, criticize overtly, and boldly. Generally, it could be concluded that the novels had the power to reflect history, and show human and class relationships implicitly, through the interactions of characters, story developments, and plot constructions, and the impact that politics has on the literature, and the influence of literature on politics.Classics and World Languages
D. Phil. (Theory of Literature)
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Tulu, Alemayehu Shiferaw. "Evaluating the application of human rights principles in crime investigation in Ethiopia : a case study of the Addis Ababba city police." Diss., 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/4046.
Full textAbstract:
In any society the police are organized with the responsibility of keeping peace and order, ensuring the rule of law, justice, prevention of crime as well as protection of human rights. Regardless of the circumstances in which the police find them, they should act towards every human being with a sense of duty and care for human rights; it is the responsibility of the police to conduct the process of arrest, search and seizure according to the law with no neglect of duties. The police are expected to comply with the arrest, search and seizure procedures designed to ensure the protection of human rights. Nevertheless, usually, the task of investigation is vulnerable to human right violation. This is particularly true in the case of the developing countries where the process of democratization is so infant that most of them not only lack the required level of awareness/understanding pertaining to the human right principles but also the necessary institutional mechanisms that contribute to the proper application of human right principles are missing. The report of the Ethiopian Federal Police Inspection Service conducted in the year 2003 indicated that there were some suspects arrested without court warrant and with the existence of reasonable doubt for their guiltiness. Moreover, findings of a research conducted in the same year on certain Addis Ababa sub-city police stations also clearly indicate this fact. The objective of the this research is to evaluate the extent to which crime investigator, who are duty bearers in the Addis Ababa city police, adhere to the human right principles pertaining to the rights of suspected, accused and arrested person that are recognized in pertinent international instruments and enshrined in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) constitution and other related laws of the country while fulfilling their duties and responsibilities throughout the crime investigation process. Specifically the study is also aimed at exploring the form and type of commonly violated human right, if any and the determinant factors behind the respective types of human right violation by crime investigation belong to the Addis Ababa police .Methodologically the study followed and is mainly relied on the qualitative empirical approach to social science research.Police Practice
M. Tech. (Policing (Investigation))
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Morobane, Farai. "Policing gender dissidence: a study on the increase of institutionalized gender repression- the 2014 anti-homosexuality bills of Uganda and Nigeria." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/18307.
Full textAbstract:
In the first two months of 2014, LGBTI rights were dealt heavy blows in two African countries. On 7 January, Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan signed into law a bill that criminalises same-sex unions, with prison sentences of up to fourteen years. This same law sentences any person or organisation that funds in any way the registration and operation of gay organisations, clubs, or societies to a prison sentence of ten years. A month later, the president of Uganda, Yoweri Museveni, officially assented to a more draconian bill which imposes penalties as high as life imprisonment for people engaging in consensual same-sex sexual activity. There has been a stark increase in the passing of repressive gender laws on the continent in the last decade. This is a qualitative inductive study that sets out to research the factors causing the increase of gender repressive law making in African states between 2009 and 2014. The study sets out to dissect the 2014 Anti-homosexuality bills of 2014 in Uganda and Nigeria as case studies.
Using a multi-layered analysis approach the study tests out the influences leading to the increase of LGBTI intolerant laws categorised into national, regional and international impacts. I argue that strategic national interests are central in explaining the frequency, urgency and intensity of anti-homosexuality vitriol in some African states.