Journal articles: 'Policing and politics in Ethiopia'

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Marcus, Harold G. "The Politics of Famine." Worldview 28, no. 3 (March 1985): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046842.

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In Addis Ababa's vast Revolution Square there are large pictures of Marx, Lenin, and Engels, and of Mengistu Haile Mariam, the head of the Provisional Military Government of Socialist Ethiopia and leader of the newly organized Workers Party of Ethiopia. In the decade since a military committee, the dirgue, dethroned Haile Selassie and abolished the monarchy, these four have been proclaimed the saviors of Ethiopia. Today, however, many Ethiopians believe the dirgue's policies are responsible for inciting the nationalities to insurrection, reducing agricultural yields in the south, helping to cause the famine in the northeast, tying Ethiopia to the capital-poor Soviet Union and its allies, and unnecessarily alienating the capital-rich West. In their opinion, the government has failed the. revolution by being repressive and rigid. Mengistu and the ideology he represent should give way to new and more flexible leaders and politics.

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Quinn, John James, and Seyma Akyol. "Ethiopian Foreign Policy: A Weak State or a Regional Hegemon?" Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 5 (August 2021): 1094–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211007649.

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When foreign policies of states are examined, pride of place often goes to what are called high politics: the politics of diplomacy and war. However, for most developing nations, especially those in the region of sub-Saharan Africa, economic foreign policy, or low politics, may be as, or even more, important. In fact, the foreign policies of African nations are often seen as an extension of strategies to consolidate domestic political power. African leaders routinely place themselves in charge of foreign policy as a means of controlling these resource flows as well as to create some autonomy from competing domestic political forces. This is not to say that external state forces do not impinge on the ability of leaders to stay in power; however, in sub-Saharan Africa, this has been less of a priority, perhaps with the significant exception of Ethiopia. This paper seeks to show that the general foreign policy perspectives of Ethiopia from 1991 to the present have been an extension of the leaders and ruling elites trying to obtain significant sources of financial resources by exploring the general trends of how Ethiopia has engaged in international flows of resources. Examining Ethiopian foreign policy on three levels—international, regional, and domestic—this paper explains how, despite being a potential regional hegemon, Ethiopia has significant problems stemming from domestic issues of poverty and legitimacy. Moreover, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam will be highlighted as a case to explore how it affects, and is impacted by, all three levels.

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Verhoeven, Harry. "The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam: Africa's Water Tower, Environmental Justice & Infrastructural Power." Daedalus 150, no. 4 (2021): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01878.

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Abstract Global environmental imaginaries such as “the climate crisis” and “water wars” dominate the discussion on African states and their predicament in the face of global warming and unmet demands for sustainable livelihoods. I argue that the intersecting challenges of water, energy, and food insecurity are providing impetus for the articulation of ambitious state-building projects, in the Nile Basin as elsewhere, that rework regional political geographies and expand “infrastructural power”–the ways in which the state can penetrate society, control its territory, and implement consequential policies. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam should be understood as intending to alter how the state operates, domestically and internationally; how it is seen by its citizens; and how they relate to each other and to their regional neighbors. To legitimize such material and ideational transformations and reposition itself in international politics, the Ethiopian party-state has embedded the dam in a discourse of “environmental justice”: a rectification of historical and geographical ills to which Ethiopia and its impoverished masses were subjected. However, critics have adopted their own environmental justice narratives to denounce the failure of Ethiopia's developmental model and its benefiting of specific ethnolinguistic constituencies at the expense of the broader population.

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Mains, Daniel, and Eshetayehu Kinfu. "Making the city of nations and nationalities: the politics of ethnicity and roads in Hawassa, Ethiopia." Journal of Modern African Studies 54, no. 4 (November 4, 2016): 645–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x16000562.

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AbstractThis article examines the relationship between the politics of ethnicity and road construction in Hawassa, Ethiopia. The Ethiopian state has recently invested unprecedented amounts of money in the construction of urban roads. These roads both undermine and reinforce longstanding ethnic hierarchies within Ethiopian cities. Contrary to the image promoted by the state of harmony among residents of different ethnic backgrounds, our research revealed a great deal of tension, particularly concerning the distribution of benefits from state-led infrastructural development. The experiences of residents in rapidly changing neighbourhoods, demonstrate that the benefits of recent road construction are not necessarily distributed according to the policies of the current regime. Instead, historical inequalities interact with contemporary urban development in ways that may actually disrupt the state's vision of unity through diversity. Stratification is built into the city and attempts to reshape the city necessarily interact with recent and long-standing inequalities.

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Di Nunzio, Marco. "THUGS, SPIES AND VIGILANTES: COMMUNITY POLICING AND STREET POLITICS IN INNER CITY ADDIS ABABA." Africa 84, no. 3 (July 23, 2014): 444–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972014000357.

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ABSTRACTThe implementation of community policing schemes and development programmes targeting street youth in inner city Addis Ababa, intended to prevent crime and unrest, has resulted in an expansion of structures of political mobilization and surveillance of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the party that has ruled the country since 1991. Yet the fact that the government managed to implement its programmes does not imply that the ruling party was entirely successful in tackling ordinary crime as well as political dissent. As neighbourhoods continued to be insecure, especially at night, the efficacy of the ruling party's politicized narratives on community policing and crime prevention was questioned. An appreciation of the shortcomings of government action on the streets of the inner city raises questions about the extent of the reach of the EPRDF's state into the grass roots of urban society as well as about the ways in which dissent is voiced in a context where forms of political surveillance and control are expanding. This paper investigates these issues in order to contribute to the study of the Ethiopian state and to the broader debate on community policing and crime prevention on the African continent.

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Baker, Bruce. "Unchanging public order policing in changing times in East Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 53, no. 3 (August 10, 2015): 365–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000567.

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ABSTRACTThis article offers a political analysis of the practices and motives of public order policing in Ethiopia and Uganda. It offers an explanation of the continuation of forceful tactics against political protest in a context of changing methods of information gathering, organisation and mobilisation by urban activists resulting from their access to internet and communication technology. It finds the two regimes, as anocracies, are caught between legally allowing protest and yet, conscious of their fragility, determined to crush opposition. For the latter approach, their militarist leaderships rely heavily on continued police violence. The paper concludes that failure of the police to adapt their public order policing to the new protest environment leaves them increasingly ineffective and unpopular. It is likely to provoke an escalation of violence and may both undermine the legitimacy of their regimes and reverse their attempts to open political space that justified their rebellions against former autocracies.

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Keeley, James, and Ian Scoones. "Knowledge, power and politics: the environmental policy-making process in Ethiopia." Journal of Modern African Studies 38, no. 1 (March 2000): 89–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99003262.

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Policy discourses urging environmental rehabilitation, and rapid agricultural intensification for food self-sufficiency are firmly entrenched in Ethiopia. This paper examines the actor-networks and key policy spaces associated with the establishment of these discourses, taking natural resource management policies, and institutionalisation of the SG-2000 extension programme as case studies. An emergent, and potentially challenging, participatory natural resource management discourse is also identified. Contrasting the regions of Tigray and the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples' Region (SNNPR), the paper concludes by arguing that, with decentralisation, differences between regional administrative and political cultures are key to policy processes, affecting the degree to which central policies reflect local concerns.

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Hadis, Sebsib, Mulugeta Tesfaye, and Shimellis Hailu. "The Politics of Environment in Ethiopia: The Policies and Practices Appraisal Since 1991." Advances in Sciences and Humanities 5, no. 4 (2019): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.ash.20190504.11.

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Matfess, Hilary. "Rwanda and Ethiopia: Developmental Authoritarianism and the New Politics of African Strong Men." African Studies Review 58, no. 2 (September 2015): 181–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2015.43.

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Abstract:Current classification systems create typologies of authoritarian regimes that may overlook the importance of national policies. Rwanda and Ethiopia in particular are perplexing case studies of post-1990s governance. Both nations are characterized by high growth economies with significant state involvement and the formal institutions of democracy, but deeply troubling patterns of domestic governance. This article proposes a new category of authoritarianism called “developmental authoritarianism,” which refers to nominally democratic governments that provide significant public works and services while exerting control over nearly every facet of society. The article then reflects upon the durability and implications of this form of governance.

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Mehretu, Assefa. "Ethnic federalism and its potential to dismember the Ethiopian state." Progress in Development Studies 12, no. 2-3 (June 28, 2012): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146499341101200303.

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The Horn of Africa has become the most fragmented post-colonial region in Africa. The largest state in the region, Ethiopia, with its unequalled demographic and resource power lost one of its provinces to secession and the rest of the country became divided into ethnic enclosures called killiloch, which are federal states with tribal designation. The recitation of divisive counter-narratives on the history of the Ethiopian state by ethnically inspired governing and non-governing political elite has minimized the collective identity of Ethiopians leading to their decomposition into tribal groupings in killiloch with neo-tribal restrictive covenants that include the right of secession. The supporters of such divisions have touted the policies as emancipatory that are ostensibly designed to help in the self-determination of Ethiopia’s various nationalities and to govern their own local affairs under a form of dual federalism (exclusive states’ rights). The objective of this article is to reflect on the adverse consequences of dual federalism based on ethnic killils and to explore an alternative framework for cultural and functional integration of the Ethiopian state under the rubric of cooperative federalism.

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Záhořík, Jan. "Languages in Sub-Saharan Africa in a broader socio-political perspective." Acta Orientalia Vilnensia 11, no. 2 (January 1, 2010): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/aov.2010.3646.

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Charles University This study deals with language policies in Africa with a special focus on multi-ethnic and multi-lingual states including Sudan, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Cameroon, and Democratic Republic of Congo. The study will thus examine relations between state and minorities, the status of major and marginalized languages, the roles of European languages in politics as well as theoretical frameworks. Sub-Saharan Africa has undergone a remarkable process from linguistic imperialism to linguistic pluralism and revivalism. Until the 1960s the superior position of the European languages (English, French, and Portuguese) was evident, but after the Africanization of politics and society in many African countries, a strong accent on linguistic emancipation was initiated. Nowadays, many African countries follow the principle of linguistic pluralism where several languages enjoy the same rights and space in the media, administrative, education, etc. This study will discuss some important case studies and their specific language policies.

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Muluye, Ketemaw Tiruneh. "Multicultural Citizenship and the Status of ‘Others’ in the Post 1991 Ethiopia: A Study on Membership and Self-Governing Status of Amhara People in Benishangul-Gumuz Regional State." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 6, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 332–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2019-6-4-332-345.

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Following the regime change in 1991, the Ethiopian government sought to institutionalize inclusive multicultural citizenship in the country. Membership status and selfgoverning rights are crucial entitlements in the multiculturalists’ notion of citizenship. Though citizenship is considered to be part of domestic affairs of a state, it is also influenced by the policies of sub-state political units. Hence, this paper examines the membership and self-governing status of Amhara and analyzes how the citizenship status is affected at sub-state units, with a focus on Benishangul Gumuz Regional State. Concurrent embedded mixed approach was employed and data were collected through interviews and document analysis. Interview data were obtained from 29 respondents, chosen by means of an intensity sampling method. Quantitative data were also acquired from Ethiopian Central Statistical Agency. The data were analyzed qualitatively with some quantitative backup. Though Amhara People of BGRS have the legal status of Ethiopian citizenship, BGRS has failed to fully integrate these people to the mainstream political community. Particularly, the exclusionary politics of recognition (as only selected nationalities receive the so-called ownership of the region ) and the prohibition of Amhara from exercising selfgovernment rights (this right is exclusively given to the ‘owner’ nationalities by the regional constitution) demonstrate the hierarchy of citizenship, where Amhara people are treated as secondclass citizens in BGRS, which is contradictory to the notion of multicultural citizenship.

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Abbink, Jon. "The Ethiopian Second Republic and the Fragile “Social Contract”." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 2 (August 2009): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400201.

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Eighteen years after the change of power and the ushering in of the second Ethiopian republic in 1991, the political process in Ethiopia has, according to most observers, rigidified and largely closed the space for representative democracy. This paper will look at the main organizing political ideas or ideology of the current Ethiopian republic and to the nature of its governance techniques in the face of domestic and international challenges with reference to the debate on “failing” or “fragile” states. The new “social contract” defined after 1991 and codified in the 1994 Constitution is precarious. Dissent and ethno-regional resistance to federal policies are dealt with mainly by coercion and discursive isolation. Oppositional forces voice the need for a rethinking of the organizing ideas and institutions of the second republic in order to enhance political consensus and a shared political arena, but get little response. The paper will sketch an interpretation of governance in Ethiopia, focusing on the dilemma of reconciling local and modernist political practices, and will discuss the status of “republican” ideas, in name important in Ethiopia but mostly absent in practice. Explicit debate of these ideas is usually sidelined – also in academic commentaries – in favour of a focus on the ethno-federal ideology of the Ethiopian state.

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Croese, Sylvia, and M. Anne Pitcher. "Ordering power? The politics of state-led housing delivery under authoritarianism – the case of Luanda, Angola." Urban Studies 56, no. 2 (November 8, 2017): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098017732522.

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The urban studies literature has extensively analysed the modernist, developmental or neoliberal drivers of urban restructuring in the global South, but has largely overlooked the ways in which governments, particularly those with authoritarian characteristics, try to reinforce their legitimacy and assert their political authority through the creation of satellite cities and housing developments. From Ethiopia to Singapore, authoritarian regimes have recently provided housing to the middle class and the poor, not only to alleviate housing shortages, or bolster a burgeoning real estate market, but also to ‘order power’ and buy the loyalty of residents. To evaluate the extent to which authoritarian regimes realise their political objectives through housing provision, we survey nearly 300 poor and middle class respondents from three new housing projects in Luanda, Angola. Alongside increasing social and spatial differentiation brought about by state policies, we document unintended beneficiaries of state housing and uneven levels of citizen satisfaction. We explain that internal state contradictions, individual agency and market forces have acted together to re-shape the government’s efforts to order power.

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Portner, Brigitte. "Frames in the Ethiopian Debate on Biofuels." Africa Spectrum 48, no. 3 (December 2013): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971304800302.

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Biofuel production, while highly contested, is supported by a number of policies worldwide. Ethiopia was among the first sub-Saharan countries to devise a biofuel policy strategy to guide the associated demand toward sustainable development. In this paper, I discuss Ethiopia's biofuel policy from an interpretative research position using a frames approach and argue that useful insights can be obtained by paying more attention to national contexts and values represented in the debates on whether biofuel production can or will contribute to sustainable development. To this end, I was able to distinguish three major frames used in the Ethiopian debate on biofuels: an environmental rehabilitation frame, a green revolution frame and a legitimacy frame. The article concludes that actors advocating for frames related to social and human issues have difficulties entering the debate and forming alliances, and that those voices need to be included in order for Ethiopia to develop a sustainable biofuel sector.

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Bonnicksen, Andrea L. "Book Reviews: Alemneh - Environment, Famine, and Politics in Ethiopia: A View from the VillageAlemneh Dejene Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1990, 150 pp. US$25.95 cloth. ISBN 1-55587-240-9. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 1800 30th St., Suite 314, Boulder, CO 80301, USA." Politics and the Life Sciences 11, no. 2 (August 1992): 269–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073093840001529x.

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PrécisAlthough the author is now with the World Bank, he was a research fellow at the Energy and Environmental Policy Center, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, when conducting research for this book. He focuses on the Wollo region of Ethiopia, where, as he describes it, “to Wollo peasants, famine is as familiar as their villages” (p. 69). The book is based on surveys given to peasants in the Wollo region in 1987-88, participant observation, and examination of governmental policies. Appendices contain the texts of two questionnaires. One questionnaire was designed to understand the types of environmental degradation, the peasants' reaction to it, and the peasants' strategies in times of famine. The other was given to peasants affected by the government's resettlement scheme and was designed to determine the conditions under which they lived.Alemneh (the Ethiopian family name) presents a case study documenting the ineffectiveness of governmental policies imposed from above with little consultation with the individuals most affected by the policies. He develops the theme that environmental degradation—and subsequently famine—is shaped by local and national social and political forces. He recommends alternatives throughout the book that, to be effective, must be developed with grassroots peasant participation. The government's role in a long-term solution is “central,” but the peasants must be a part of that decision making. The original survey research is a major strength of the book. Information about the observations and activities of peasants support Alemneh's message that peasant based policies are workable.

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Stremlau, Nicole. "Media, Participation and Constitution-Making in Ethiopia." Journal of African Law 58, no. 2 (September 23, 2014): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855314000138.

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AbstractThe role of communications in facilitating public participation in constitution-making is often neglected and misunderstood, particularly in post-war state-building when mass media may be weak. In the early 1990s, Ethiopia's ruling party, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), drafted one of Africa's most ambitious constitutions, allowing for ethnic federalism, decentralization and democratic reforms. The constitution has been highly controversial and many of its aspirations remain unrealized. This article explores how the EPRDF sought to use the media to explain and encourage acceptance of the constitution. It offers a framework for analysis that is relevant for countries beyond Ethiopia by examining: the role of media policies in providing domestic and international legitimacy for constitutions; the ways in which media can provide a space for non-violent political conflict or negotiation, where elites can navigate political struggles and debate ideology; and the use of media to implement the constitution's most ambitious goals.

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Feyera Senbeta. "The Paradox of Ethiopia’s Underdevelopment: Endogenous Factors in Retrospect." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2907.

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Ethiopia is a country of diverse historical, cultural, geographical, archeological, and ecological resources and is well known as the cradle of humanity. It is also the tenth-largest country in Africa and endowed with vast land and water resources. This country was unable to translate these potential resources into positive development outcomes. This paper examines the historical perspective of Ethiopia’s underdevelopment mystery under the last three regimes (i.e., Haile Selassie (Imperial), Derg, and the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)). Qualitative approaches mainly interview, discussion, document analysis, and personal experiences were employed in generating relevant data that were analyzed and presented thematically. The results show that Ethiopia ranked the least in many global human development indexes such as Human Development Index, Corruption Index, and Global Hunger Index in the last decade. The underlying historical development challenges include political instability, despotic leadership, corruption, dependence on foreign aid and assistance, controlled freedom of expression, lack of diversity within unity, and inconsistent development policies. Over the last three successive regimes, the state-society relationship has been characterized by conflict, disagreement, and supremacy of state which messed up available national development opportunities. If Ethiopia has to come out of poverty and underdevelopment, it needs to improve its political stability and governance. It must be governed by ‘popularly elected’ not by ‘self-elected leader’ and put in place a system of accountability for a better future and wellbeing of its population. Consistent and pro-poor policy, good working culture, and unity in diversity must be other areas of concern for future development.

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Hackenesch, Christine. "Aid Donor Meets Strategic Partner? The European Union's and China's Relations with Ethiopia." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 42, no. 1 (March 2013): 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261304200102.

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The motives, instruments and effects of China's Africa policy have spurred a lively debate in European development policy circles. This paper assesses the “competitive pressure” that China's growing presence in Africa exerts on the European development policy regime. Drawing on interviews conducted in China, Ethiopia and Europe between 2008 and 2011, the paper analyses Ethiopia as a case study. Ethiopia has emerged as one of the most important countries in Chinese as well as European cooperation with Africa. Yet, Chinese and European policies toward Ethiopia differ greatly. The EU mainly engages Ethiopia as an aid recipient, whereas China has developed a comprehensive political and economic partnership with the East African state. China has thereby become an alternative partner to the Ethiopian government, a development that both sheds light on the gap between European rhetoric and policy practice and puts pressure on the EU to make more efforts to reform its development policy system.

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Gelaye, Getie. "Contemporary Amharic Oral Poetry from Gojjam: Classification and a sample Analysis." Aethiopica 2 (August 6, 2013): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.2.1.537.

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In the preceding discussion, an attempt was made to provide a classification of Amharic oral poems and songs into several themes and genres. Accordingly, such major genres as work songs, children’s poems, war chants and boasting recitals were identified and a description and analysis of selected poems and their role, particularly in local politics and administration, were provided. In their poems and songs, the peasants of East Gojjam critically express their views, attitudes and feelings either in the form of support or protest, towards the various state policies and local directives.Indeed, the Amharic oral poems and songs from the two peasant communities illustrate topics associated with the change of government, land redistribution, local authorities and their administration, as well as a variety of other contemporary issues affecting the rural society. The poems also throw some light on the understanding of the peasants’ consciousness and observations comparing past and present regimes of Ethiopia, besides their power of aesthetics and creative capabilities of the peasants’ poetic tradition.In fact, this can be seen from a wider perspective, considering the function and role of oral literature in an agrarian and traditional society such as the two peasant communities mentioned in this paper. The peasants’ response in poetry to the diverse contemporary politics and local administration need to be studied carefully and considered appropriately in the state’s future rural policies and development projects if it is intended to bring about a democratic system that leads towards a peaceful coexistence among the rural peasantry.

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Semela, Tesfaye, Hirut Bekele, and Rahel Abraham. "Women and Development in Ethiopia: A Sociohistorical Analysis." Journal of Developing Societies 35, no. 2 (June 2019): 230–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x19844438.

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This article analyzes the role of women as both contributors to and beneficiaries of the socio-economic development of Ethiopia over the past century during three divergent political regimes. Employing the social constructivist and feminist notions of doing and undoing gender, and Bourdieu’s concept of “Habitus” as its theoretical lenses, this study examines how women were able to deal with the external pressures exerted by social and institutional structures and navigated through a predominantly masculine world to negotiate their changing roles in the Ethiopian society. Based on a review of the relevant literature, analysis of government policies and strategies, and official statistics, this study traces the historical trajectories of Ethiopian women since the early modern imperial era to the present. The study also identifies policy options that have helped to overcome the deep-sited inequalities between men and women in the Ethiopian context.

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Abate, Abebe Gizachew. "The effects of land grabs on peasant households: The case of the floriculture sector in Oromia, Ethiopia." African Affairs 119, no. 474 (May 29, 2019): 90–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adz008.

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Abstract This article investigates how appropriation of land for flower farm developments in Walmara district and Holeta town in Ethiopia’s Oromia region affected smallholders’ livelihoods. Between 1996 and 2018, the state expropriated 1487 hectares from Oromo farming communities for the flower industry with little or no compensation through the ‘eminent domain’ principle. This article demonstrates the effects of these actions on the rural poor in Oromia including threats to common property resources and farming plots, which constitute their basic livelihood units and intergenerational assets. By focusing on cases of land expropriation in the central highlands of Ethiopia, it challenges a common misconception that land grabs are occurring only on the periphery of the state. In this case, the entanglements of the export-oriented flower industry in global capitalism and the centralized state administration have led to destitution for most smallholders within 100 kilometres of the capital city. The study shows how policies associated with the Ethiopian developmental state accord priority to investors and state interests over local concerns, reinforcing wider concerns with dominant models of development.

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Lazin, Fred. "The Israeli Case." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 18, no. 3 (September 4, 2018): 447–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.18.3.6.

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The paper presents an account of the Israeli government’s efforts to absorb and integrate an influx of Jewish immigrants from the Soviet Union and Ethiopia. With fewer than five million persons, Israel accepted 400,000 Jewish refugees between 1989–1992. At the time, the Israeli government discouraged granting of political asylum to tens of thousands of mostly Muslim refugees from East Africa. Furthermore, an Israeli law prevented family reunification of Israeli Arab citizens who married Palestinians living outside of Israel (including the occupied territories). The paper looks at policies designed to provide housing and education to the Russian and Ethiopian immigrants. Israeli absorption policies were not coordinated. Prime Minister Shamir later told the author “Who needed policy? Let them come and we will make policy.” Policies gave preferential treatment to Russian immigrants who had more clout than the Ethiopians. They also had greater social capital. While the national government and the Jewish Agency, an NGO representing world Jewry, set immigration policy, mayors had some input in implementation. One mayor discussed here used absorption of immigrants as a means to foster local economic growth and development. The major finding here is the importance of “political will”. Israeli government officials and much of the Israeli population favoured mass immigration of Jews regardless of where they were from. Israeli leaders want to preserve a Jewish majority among its citizens. With respect to lessons for the EU, the findings here suggest that the successful absorption and acceptance of refugees lies in the attitude of the host country toward immigration. Policies and issues of coordination and implementation are secondary concerns. In the Israeli case despite the lack of adequate resources and lack of coordination absorption of immigrants succeeded.

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Watson, Elizabeth E. "Making a Living in the Postsocialist Periphery: Struggles between Farmers and Traders in Konso, Ethiopia." Africa 76, no. 1 (February 2006): 70–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.0006.

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AbstractThis article explores the experience of one village in Ethiopia since the overthrow of the Marxist‐Leninist Derg regime in 1991. The new government introduced policies that have much in common with those dominating the international geopolitical scene in the 1990s and 2000s. These include an emphasis on democracy, grassroots participation and, to some extent, market liberalization. I report here on the manifestations of these policy shifts in Gamole village, in the district of Konso, once remote from the political centre in Addis Ababa but now expressing its identity through new federal political structures. Traditional power relations between traders and farmers in Gamole have been transformed since 1991 as the traders have exploited opportunities to extend trade links, obtain land and build regional alliances through participation in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. They have appropriated the discourse of democracy to challenge their traditional position of subordination to the farmers – and this, in turn, has led to conflict. While these changes reflect the postsocialist transition, they can also be seen as part of a continuing process of change brought about by policies of reform in land tenure, the church and the state, introduced during the Derg period. These observations at a local level in Ethiopia provide insights into the experiences of other states in postsocialist transition.

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O'Malley, Pat. "Policing, Politics and Postmodernity." Social & Legal Studies 6, no. 3 (September 1997): 363–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096466399700600303.

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Mohamed, Abduselam Abdulahi. "Pastoralism and Development Policy in Ethiopia: A Review Study." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal) : Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (November 6, 2019): 01–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v2i4.562.

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Pastoralism is a culture, livelihoods system, extensive use of rangelands. It is the key production system practiced in the arid and semi-arid dryland areas. Recent estimates indicate that about 120 million pastoralists and agro-pastoralists life worldwide, of which 41.7% reside only in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Pastoralists live in areas often described as marginal, remote, conflict prone, food insecure and associated with high levels of vulnerability. Pastoral communities of Ethiopia occupy 61% of the total land mass and 97% of Ethiopian pastoralists found in low land areas of Afar, Somali, Oromiya, and SNNPR. In spite pastoral areas have significance role in national economy, yet very little consideration was given to pastoral development and policy makers often neglect them, focusing on the interests of agriculture and urban people. The constitution of Ethiopia gives pastoral communities the right to free land grazing, fair use of natural resources, have market access and receive fair price, and not displaced from their own lands. However, pastoralists have faced new problems in recent years, including competition for water and pasture; unrepresented in socio-economic and political activities, ethnic based conflicts, poverty, and uneven drought and climate changes. The government of Ethiopia began large scale efforts to develop the pastoral areas and initiated different projects, but pastoral development policies and strategies seem to be state centrally-driven. In Ethiopia the current nature of pastoralism and pastoral communities’ life style is changing. Therefore, government needs to develop policies and strategies which are based on local customs and practical knowledge.

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Antigegn, Getahun Kumie. "An Assessment of Religion, Peace and Conflict in the Post 1991 of Ethiopia." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 607–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-4-607-614.

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Religious violence has become increasingly relevant in political and academic discourses. Because of the revival of religions, the contemporary world cannot be understood without accounting for the role of religion and religious organizations in peace and conflict, including the case of Ethiopia. The purpose of this article is to examine the role of religion in peace and conflict in the post 1991 of Ethiopia. Methodologically, the paper employed qualitative research approach by relying on secondary sources of data. The findings of the research revealed that Ethiopia has many positive assets that have to be exploited fully and critically including the role of the Inter-Religious Council. The religious policies of the present Ethiopian government are remarkably different from any of the previous ones with regard to the measure of religious freedom they provide. Paradoxically, one may wonder why is it at this time, where religious freedom and equality of religion are guaranteed, we are witnessing increased tensions and violent religious conflicts in contemporary Ethiopia. Inter-religious relations in Ethiopia have been peaceful and tolerant for long period. However, the rise of inter-religious conflicts in recent decades is taking place. Generally, in contemporary Ethiopia religion is used both as an instrument for producing conflict in certain circumstances and as a powerful resource for peace and transformation of conflict in the society. On the whole, identifying the role of religion in conflict is a very complex task to accomplish, as there are multiple variables to be well-thought-out.

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Pellerin, Camille Louise. "The aspiring developmental state and business associations in Ethiopia – (dis-)embedded autonomy?" Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 4 (December 2019): 589–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1900051x.

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AbstractThis article investigates how the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front's (EPRDF) attempt to build a developmental state influenced and shaped its relationships with the Ethiopian private sector. Through a case study of the chambers of commerce system in Ethiopia, the research reveals that the EPRDF's relationship to the private sector was characterised by the twin objectives of (1) curbing the private sector's power to prevent challenges to the EPRDF rule and (2) mobilising the private sector as part of the ruling coalition's developmental state programme. However, these twin objectives, were, in several cases, perceived as mutually exclusive by the EPRDF which, at times, led to a focus on control at the expense of developmental objectives. The ensuing lack of embeddedness posed problems for the operationalisation of the developmental state policies, reducing the EPRDF's ability to institutionalise collaborative relationships with the private sector.

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Lavers, Tom. "Food security and social protection in highland Ethiopia: linking the Productive Safety Net to the land question." Journal of Modern African Studies 51, no. 3 (August 8, 2013): 459–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x13000402.

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ABSTRACTWhile much recent research has focused on the Productive Safety Net Programme (PSNP), this is by no means the only social protection policy in rural Ethiopia. Drawing on a very different rationale to the PSNP, the Ethiopian government also justifies state land ownership as a form of social protection for smallholders. This paper examines the links between these policies through a case study of an extremely food-insecure site. The paper concludes that while the PSNP and land policy together provide minimal security for landholders, land shortages and the problematic nature of agricultural production are such that there is little chance that the PSNP and its complementary programmes can achieve food security. As a result, the PSNP is used to support failing agricultural policies, limiting urban migration in the interests of political stability. These findings highlight the importance of situating safety net programmes within the socioeconomic context which generates insecurity.

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30

Marcus, Harold G. "Translating the Emperor's Words: Volume II of Haile Sellassie's My Life and Ethiopia's Progress." History in Africa 20 (1993): 413–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171988.

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The second volume of Haile Sellassie's autobiography had scarcely been out a few months when it fell into oblivion with the emperor's deposition in September 1974. For Ethiopia Haile Sellassie's removal was a defining event, and the accompanying tattoo sought to characterize the emperor's reign, indeed all prior history, as a failure. As Haile Sellassie became an unperson in the Ethiopia of the 1970s and 1980s, his policies remained unstudied as the background to the unfolding political events. There was much that confused me: it was obvious that life had been more satisfactory in Ethiopia during his regime than later, and that educated Ethiopians during the last fifteen years of the emperor's reign had talked optimistically about the future, a quality lost in the mayhem of the period from 1974 to 1978. As Mengistu Haile Mariam lurched from crisis to crisis without solving the country's many problems, I concluded that thoughtful people would want to know why and how Haile Sellassie had been able to keep the country relatively peaceful, while providing a statesmanlike leadership that had been creative and reassuring. This certainty led me to undertake a biography of the emperor.

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Baker, Bruce. "Hybridity in policing: the case of Ethiopia." Journal of Legal Pluralism and Unofficial Law 45, no. 3 (November 2013): 296–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07329113.2013.842438.

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32

McCormick, Barrett. "Policing Chinese Politics: A History." Perspectives on Politics 5, no. 03 (August 16, 2007): 656. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592707071976.

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Xu, Feng. "Policing Chinese Politics: A History." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (June 2006): 454–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906389986.

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Policing Chinese Politics: A History, Michael Dutton, Durham: Duke University Press, pp. xiii, 411.This book is an empirically rich illumination of Carl Schmitt's notion that “the political” rests ultimately on a friend/enemy distinction. It depicts “the birth, life and death cycle” of this ever-shifting dynamic in modern Chinese history (303–4), through the lens of the coupling of the political with policing. The result is a tale that must enhance the reputation of this already-respected political scientist.

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34

JOHNSTON, LES. "THE POLITICS OF PRIVATE POLICING." Political Quarterly 63, no. 3 (July 1992): 341–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1992.tb00905.x.

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35

Sharp, Elaine B. "Politics, Economics, and Urban Policing." Urban Affairs Review 50, no. 3 (June 12, 2013): 340–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087413490397.

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36

Frantsouzoff, Serge A. "The Acts of Lalibäla: a Collection of Fables or an Underestimated Historical Source?" Scrinium 15, no. 1 (July 16, 2019): 335–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00151p22.

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Abstract The deeds and exploits of St. Lalibäla who was the most famous king of the Ethiopian Zagwe dynasty are still awaiting to be published in full. To the modern researchers this important medieval text is available only in excerpts published by J. Perruchon in the 19th century. The author argues that Lalibäla’s Deeds is far from being an Ethiopian folklore. They comprise valuable authentic data, e.g. the persecution of Lalibäla at the royal court, his escape into the desert, his marriage, his subsequent becoming a king, the organization of his army, taxation policies and history of construction of the famous monolithic churches in the centre of Lasta. The author also argues that the title wäldä nägaśi, which is mentioned in his Deeds as well as its parallel wld/ngšy-n found in Middle Sabaean inscriptions is a sufficient evidence in favour of the military and political continuity between the Aksumite and Zagwe epochs. The Lalibäla’s Deeds comprise many minute details about the everyday life, which suggests that the Christians of Ethiopia had a centuries long oral tradition of preserving and transmitting historical information.

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37

Conning, D. M. "Politics and policing of food irradiation." Nutrition Bulletin 11, no. 3 (September 1986): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-3010.1986.tb01242.x.

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38

Tie, Warwick. "Radical politics, utopia, and political policing." Journal of Political Ideologies 14, no. 3 (October 2009): 253–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569310903231602.

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Webster, Andrea. "Play politics: policing theatre in Indonesia." Index on Censorship 20, no. 7 (July 1991): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229108535134.

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Ibrahima, Aissetu Barry. "Exploring Maternal Health in Ethiopia Using Indigenous Approaches: Policy and Practice Implications." Research on Social Work Practice 31, no. 4 (January 18, 2021): 343–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1049731520984829.

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The World Health Organization reports reveal that the average risk of dying from pregnancy-related causes in sub-Saharan Africa is about 1 in 45 compared to 1 in 5,400 in high-income countries. In Ethiopia, maternal mortality remains a tremendous problem. Several studies associate the high maternal mortality ratio to the widespread practice of home birth, household income, and lack of transportation. Absent from the findings of these studies is any discussion of the sociocultural contexts that might influence maternal health service utilization. Birthing bears cultural significance accompanied by rituals. Thus, any solution to maternal health problems must consider the sociocultural and grassroots context. It is important to learn the needs and priorities of the mothers who are targets of maternal health policies. Using Indigenous approaches, this study examines the gaps in Ethiopian maternal health policies and programs. The study also identifies culturally relevant solutions that address the needs of communities.

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Ross, Jack, and Fassil R. Kiros. "Implementing Educational Policies in Ethiopia." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 26, no. 2 (1992): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485889.

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Brown, M. Craig, and Barbara D. Warner. "Immigrants, Urban Politics, and Policing in 1900." American Sociological Review 57, no. 3 (June 1992): 293. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2096236.

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BERTELSEN, BJØRN ENGE. "Policing and the politics of order-making." African Affairs 116, no. 462 (December 15, 2016): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adw076.

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Saitta, Pietro. "Policing and the politics of order-making." Policing and Society 26, no. 6 (July 4, 2016): 725–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2016.1203575.

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Pickles, James. "Queer histories and the politics of policing." Policing and Society 30, no. 6 (July 2, 2020): 738–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439463.2020.1803317.

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46

Mühlhahn, Klaus. "Policing Chinese Politics: A History. Michael Dutton." China Journal 57 (January 2007): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/tcj.57.20066245.

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Ellis, Justin R. "Queer histories and the politics of policing." Current Issues in Criminal Justice 32, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 252–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10345329.2020.1744298.

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48

Scarpello, Fabio. "Thepartialturn to politics in plural policing studies." Contemporary Politics 22, no. 1 (November 26, 2015): 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2015.1112957.

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49

Isaac, Jeffrey C. "The American Politics of Policing and Incarceration." Perspectives on Politics 13, no. 3 (September 2015): 609–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592715001206.

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50

Dirlik, Arif. "Book Review: Policing Chinese Politics: A History." China Information 20, no. 2 (July 2006): 324–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x06068386.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Policing and politics in Ethiopia'

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