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1
John, Peter. "The policy agendas project: a review." Journal of European Public Policy 13, no. 7 (2006): 975–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501760600923870.
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Dowding, Keith, Andrew Hindmoor, and Aaron Martin. "The Comparative Policy Agendas Project: theory, measurement and findings." Journal of Public Policy 36, no. 1 (2015): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x15000124.
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AbstractThe Policy Agendas Project (PAP) was developed in the United States in the early 1990s as a means of collecting data on the contents of the policy agenda. The PAP coding method has subsequently been employed in the United Kingdom, a number of European countries, Canada, Israel, New Zealand, as well as the state of Pennsylvania (http://www.comparativeagendas.org/). What does PAP measure? How does it measure it? What does it find? How does it explain what it finds? We use these questions to structure our review.
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Muller, Denis, and Bruce Headey. "Agenda-Setters and Policy Influentials: Results from the Victorian Agendas Project." Australian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 2 (1996): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361149651157.
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Bevan, Shaun, and Anna M. Palau. "O Comparative Agendas Project na América Latina: dados e codificação." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 6 (2020): 1526–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220190353.
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Abstract This paper introduces the Comparative Agendas Project system of coding as well as a wealth of gathered and in process data from Latin America using this established and reliable system for capturing policy attention comparatively and over time. While this is not the first introduction of the coding system, it is the first introduction aimed at Latin America and a new type of political system beyond North American and European democracies. First, we present an overview of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) and the Master Codebook used to create comparative policy attention data across countries, over time, and between agendas. These details of CAP are discussed for Latin America in general and for Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador, countries that recently started to gather data using these coding.
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Belchior, Ana Maria. "Media, public opinion and parliamentary agendas’ effect in political parties’ agenda-setting." Mass Media Effects and the Political Agenda 4, no. 1 (2020): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/asj.19008.bel.
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Abstract Why do parties pay more attention to some policy issues than to others? To what extent does policy attention conveyed by the media, public opinion, and parliament explain party agenda-setting? And, more specifically, to what extent does the media agenda influence other agenda effects? This paper addresses these questions in an original manner by analyzing the influence of these three agendas – media, public opinion, and parliament – in party manifesto elaboration. The analysis relies on an extensive database of the Portuguese Policy Agendas Project that includes media attention, voter preferences, parliamentary questions and pledges in manifestos, between 1995 and 2015. Our findings show that the media agenda is the most influential in party manifesto elaboration, and that the other agendas have a stronger effect when the media also give attention to the issue. This depends, however, on the political party being in cabinet or in opposition, as well as on the economic context. These findings have important implications for party competition literature.
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Visconti, Francesco. "The legislative representation of public opinion policy priorities in Italy." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 3 (2018): 307–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2018.4.
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Normative democratic theory requires political actors in parliament and government to represent not only the citizens’ policy preferences, but also their issue priorities. This article investigates Italian dynamic agenda representation – the transmission of public priorities into the policy priorities of the Italian political system. To assess the public’s policy priorities, data on the Most Important Problem from the Eurobarometer polls are used, while the legislative agendas of the members of parliament (MPs) and government are built following the rules of the Comparative Agendas Project. The results of longitudinal analyses across 10 policy areas and 20 semesters (2003–13) suggest a persistent link between the public’s agenda and the prioritization of legislation by the Italian parliament, majority MPs, and government. Contrary to expectations, the opposition does not seem to be responsive to public opinion policy problems when introducing bills.
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Fagan, E. J. "Marching Orders? U.S. Party Platforms and Legislative Agenda Setting 1948–2014." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 4 (2018): 949–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918772681.
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What is the relationship between the priorities expressed in party platforms before an election and the subsequent legislative agenda? The agenda setting literature often deemphasizes the role of political parties in agenda setting, instead focusing on the importance of problems bubbling up to the surface and demanding attention from policymakers. However, parties will often express different issue priorities during elections, and compete based on those priorities. If those promises are credible, voters should be able to choose between different sets of priorities during elections. The paper utilizes new data from the U.S. Policy Agendas Project and Wolbrecht on policy attention in U.S. party platforms to study the relationship between U.S. parties and legislative activities in Congress. A time-series cross-sectional analysis finds strong evidence to support the proposition that legislative agendas are influenced by the platform of the President’s party in the short term, although the relationship differs for different types of agendas and by issue, and fades over time.
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Menon, Siddhartha. "Policy Agendas for South Korea's Broadband Convergence Network Infrastructure Project." Review of Policy Research 28, no. 4 (2011): 347–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-1338.2011.00501.x.
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Menon, Siddhartha. "Policy agendas for South Korea's broadband convergence network infrastructure project." info 13, no. 2 (2011): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/14636691111121610.
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Bevan, Shaun, and Anna M. Palau. "The comparative agendas project in Latin America: data and coding." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 6 (2020): 1526–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220190353x.
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Abstract This paper introduces the Comparative Agendas Project system of coding as well as a wealth of gathered and in process data from Latin America using this established and reliable system for capturing policy attention comparatively and over time. While this is not the first introduction of the coding system, it is the first introduction aimed at Latin America and a new type of political system beyond North American and European democracies. First, we present an overview of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) and the Master Codebook used to create comparative policy attention data across countries, over time, and between agendas. These details of CAP are discussed for Latin America in general and for Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador, countries that recently started to gather data using these coding.
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Hepburn, Paul Anthony. "A New Governance Model for Delivering Digital Policy Agendas." International Journal of E-Planning Research 7, no. 3 (2018): 36–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijepr.2018070103.
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The UK has, in common with many developed countries, a growing elderly population, and within this demographic, digital exclusion is now seen as social care issue. This has become a policy challenge for local government that has an equivocal track record, from e-government to smart cities, of implementing digital policy agendas. This failure has been attributed to a policy implementation approach rooted in a model of governance that is no longer fit for purpose. This has been acknowledged by some local policymakers who are now experimenting with new, more cost-effective ways of addressing this challenge. This article examines how one local authority developed a project to co-create digital applications for elderly people. It presents a case study of a new, more collaborative, and innovative approach with urban actors who have not traditionally been involved in delivering this policy agenda.
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McCallum, Kerry, Lisa Waller, and Michael Meadows. "Raising the Volume: Indigenous Voices in News Media and Policy." Media International Australia 142, no. 1 (2012): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214200112.
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This article explores Indigenous contributions to shaping public and policy agendas through their use of the news media. It reports on research conducted for the Australian News Media and Indigenous Policy-making 1988–2008 project that is investigating relationships between the representation of Indigenous peoples in public media and the development of Indigenous affairs policies. Interviews with Indigenous policy advocates, journalists and public servants identified the strategies that have been used by individuals and Indigenous organisations to penetrate policy debates and influence public policy. The article concludes that in the face of a neo-liberal policy agenda amplified through mainstream media, particular Indigenous voices nevertheless have had a significant impact, keeping alive debate about issues such as the importance of bilingual education programs and community involvement in the delivery of primary health care.
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Hazaparu, Marius-Adrian. "Setting the agenda in advertising: understanding ethical dilemmas from a communicative perspective." Comunicação e Sociedade 25 (June 30, 2014): 328–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17231/comsoc.25(2014).1878.
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This article discusses the concept of advertising ethics in the particular case of a controversial advertorial campaign for a major mining project in Roşia Montană, a historical region of Romania. Based on the on the agenda-setting theory (Shaw & McCombs, 1977) and on the tripolar model of agendas (Watson, 2008), the analysis replaces the oversimplifying approaches to the ethics of advertising with a communicative perspective that highlights the need for a contextual examination of the ethical dilemmas arisen by advertorial practices. The study reveals that ethics is not only about solid and undisputable norms to be respected by professionals in the field or about ‘black and white’ moral verdicts given by ethicists or philosophers, but also about the study of contextual determinations that lead to ethical choices made by advertisers, based on the interactions between three interested agendas – corporate, policy, and media – in an attempt to rule over the public agenda.
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Ferlie, Ewan, and Lorna McKee. "Planning for Alternative Futures in the NHS." Health Services Management Research 1, no. 1 (1988): 4–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095148488800100102.
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‘The NHS needs the ability to move much more quickly’ (The Griffiths Report, 1983, p13) This paper grew out of preliminary research undertaken for the research project on which we both work, entitled the Management of Change in the NHS. The project is based in the Centre for Corporate Strategy and Change at the University of Warwick, and is directed by Professor Andrew Pettigrew, who has previously undertaken a longitudinal study of strategic change in ICI (Pettigrew, 1985), and also a pilot study within the NHS which identified the implementation of strategic intent as the jugular problem confronting NHS managers. But a central research problem is why it is that some Health Districts manage to achieve a faster rate of change than others. Hence there was a need to trace the evolution of local systems through time, with the result that the historical analysis of changing is a key aspect of this research. The project is financed jointly by the NHSTA and a consortium of eight of the English Regions and ten case study districts are included. The research design focusses on strategic service changes in both the acute and priority group sectors and incorporates developments and contractions. The choice of strategic changes was informed by a detailed review of the most recent regional strategic plans and the review itself prompted this paper. It led us to a number of observations about the content of the change agenda. First, there is a high rate of change projected in the current strategic round and earlier studies of incrementalist approaches to change may have to be revised (Hunter, 1980; Ham, 1981). Secondly, these regional change agendas to a great extent reflect national/central policy and the pattern is one of uniformity. These standard agendas include RAWP; the construction of a DGH network; the run-down of long-stay mental illness/handicap hospitals; cost improvements and an increase in health promotion activity. Thirdly, alongside the top-down mechanisms to secure implementation of national objectives, another mode of planning emerges which more closely approaches the concept of ‘local learning’ (Glennester et al, 1983) where organisations seek to explore possible forces for change and how they might respond. Planning here is seen as a means of ‘problem-sensing’ and awareness building (Quinn, 1980) and getting new issues onto the agenda (Pettigrew, 1985). The paper will explore the content of the change agenda in detail and the nature of the planning process. It will discuss an alternative methodology, scenario-building and sketches some themes which could form the basis of future health care scenarios. It argues that the standard national agenda is reaching exhaustion and that there is inadequate succession planning for ‘sunrise issues’.
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Brouard, Sylvain, Emiliano Grossman, Isabelle Guinaudeau, Simon Persico, and Caterina Froio. "Do Party Manifestos Matter in Policy-Making? Capacities, Incentives and Outcomes of Electoral Programmes in France." Political Studies 66, no. 4 (2018): 903–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717745433.
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A key factor in modern democracies’ legitimisation is the extent to which policies submitted for public approval before an election translate into material outcomes once a political party has won power. Current research finds no clear empirical evidence for partisanship in policy-making nor has any unified theory been offered or tested systematically. This article addresses that gap by offering a conditional approach to policy-making undertaken by parties in government. It suggests that partisan influence on policy depends on both office-holders’ capacity for implementing policies evoked during their electoral campaigns and on governing parties’ incentives to implement electoral promises. Data from French Agendas Project datasets is used to compare the contents of governing parties’ pre-election manifestos with legislation passed in France between 1981 and 2012. Panel negative binomial regressions on electoral and legislative agendas support the expected outcome, namely that issues featuring in governing parties’ electoral manifesto have had an impact on their subsequent legislative agendas, with the effect depending on both partisan capacities and incentives. Party programmes do matter in policy-making, albeit only under certain conditions.
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Bonafont, Laura Chaqués, and Anna M. Palau Roqué. "Comparing Law-Making Activities in a Quasi-Federal System of Government." Comparative Political Studies 44, no. 8 (2011): 1089–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011405171.
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In this article the authors develop a new approach to the study of policy dynamics in a quasi-federal system of government. The goal is to contribute to previous research on comparative federalism by analyzing the variations of issue attention between levels of government and across four regional governments—Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia, and the Basque Country. To do so the authors follow the policy dynamics approach, developing a comparative and empirical analysis about issue attention across time, territories, and policy subsystems. The analysis relies on an extensive database, created following the methodology of the Comparative Agendas Project, which includes all laws passed from the early 1980s to present. The results indicate that legislative agendas have become increasingly diverse since the 1990s, and this is partly explained by party preferences and the type of government.
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BRUNBECH, PETER YDING. "The Poor of Noakhali: Danish Development Assistance Policy and Rural Development in Bangladesh." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (2011): 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000051.
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AbstractThe Danish integrated rural development project in the Bangladeshi district of Noakhali (1978–92) was in many ways the largest aid project in the history of the Danish aid agency, DANIDA, and was intended to break new ground by reaching the poorest and weakest directly. Despite elaborate planning and a small army of Danish experts, however, the project failed to reach the targeted groups and would ultimately be viewed as a partial fiasco. By analysing the historical context of the project, this article will show how both the project and the problems it encountered were a by-product of the basic principles of the Danish aid policy developed in the 1960s and 1970s: the same factors that produced the high level of Danish aid spending and the will to embrace new agendas in development assistance such as the ‘basic-needs’ approach also created a number of problems with regard to the implementation of Danish policy on the ground.
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Carammia, Marcello, Enrico Borghetto, and Shaun Bevan. "Changing the transmission belt: the programme-to-policy link in Italy between the First and Second Republic." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 48, no. 3 (2018): 275–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2018.13.
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AbstractThis article analyses the transmission of policy priorities from electoral campaigns to legislative outputs under different institutional configurations. Taking an agenda-setting approach, the article tests whether a mandate effect exists, if incumbents also uptake the priorities of their competitors, and whether and how the introduction of alternation in government impacts on these dynamics. The analysis relies on data sets of the Italian Agendas Project recording the issue content of party manifestos and laws and covering the period 1983–2012. The results of time series cross-sectional models lend support to the presence of a mandate effect in Italy, a mechanism which was strengthened after the introduction of alternation in government. Opposition priorities may have an impact on the legislative agenda, but mostly when considering the legislation initiated in Parliament. Our findings have important implications for the understanding of the impact of government alternation, an institutional feature underlying – with varying intensity – most democracies, on the functioning of democratic representation.
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Bevan, Shaun, Peter John, and Will Jennings. "Keeping party programmes on track: the transmission of the policy agendas of executive speeches to legislative outputs in the United Kingdom." European Political Science Review 3, no. 3 (2011): 395–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773910000433.
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In the United Kingdom, the transmission between policy promises and statutes is assumed to be both rapid and efficient because of the tradition of party discipline, relative stability of government, absence of coalitions, and the limited powers of legislative revision in the second chamber. Even in the United Kingdom, the transmission is not perfect since legislative priorities and outputs are susceptible to changes in public opinion or media coverage, unanticipated events in the external world, backbench rebellions, changes in the political parties, and the practical constraints of administering policies or programmes. This paper investigates the strength of the connection between executive priorities and legislative outputs measured by the Speech from the Throne and Acts of Parliament from 1911 to 2008. These are categorized according to the policy content coding system of the UK Policy Agendas Project (www.policyagendas.org.uk). Time series cross-sectional analyses show that there is transmission of the policy agenda from the speech to acts. However, the relationship differs by party, strengthening over time for Conservative governments and declining over time for Labour and other governments.
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Shpaizman, Ilana. "Identifying Relevant Cases of Conversion and Drift Using the Comparative Agendas Project." Policy Studies Journal 45, no. 3 (2016): 490–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/psj.12150.
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Silva, Juan Guillermo Vieira, and Jeraldine Alicia del Cid Castro. "O Projeto de Agendas Políticas da Colômbia: análise da atenção presidencial durante as administrações de Uribe e Santos (2002-2018)." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 6 (2020): 1565–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220190447.
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Abstract This article has two interrelated objectives: to introduce the Colombian Political Agendas Project (COL-PAP) and offer an exploratory example of the applications of its databases. As a prelude, we describe some characteristics of the Colombian political system and the presidents analyzed. The study presents the objectives of COL-PAP, the creation of the codebook and the databases built so far, with special attention to the databases gathering bills and CONPES documents. The example discussed explores the dynamics of presidential attention in the period 2002-2018, especially the attention distributed among public policy issues over time, and its allocation among instruments. The study shows that attention varies among issues, but also that it is assigned differently between instruments, according to the opportunity structure they offer. Inspired in the discussion and findings related to the databases built so far for COL-PAP, the study suggests future lines of research for Colombia, Latin America, and the CAP in general.
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Salgado Ávila, Juan José, and Patricio Quintremán Lara. "Chilean Foreign Policy in Democracy, towards Global Integration." Latin American Journal of Trade Policy 1, no. 1 (2018): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0719-9368.2018.50992.
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This article analyzes the government programs of presidential candidates, who then became presidents of Chile (1990-2016); its objective is to find and explain the continuities and discontinuities reflected in the Foreign Policy sections. To analyze the most important topics, the Comparative Manifestos Project (CMP) methodology is used, which, by analyzing content, categorizes in 56 areas, the phrases or quasi-sentences of the candidates in the political programs or manifestos during the pre-election period. First, the importance of the Foreign Policy is identified in each program. Then, the results obtained in the CMP are described, identifying the priority topics. Finally, the results are explained within the national and international context to obtain the motivations that each of the candidates had to incorporate these topics in the highest position of their Foreign Policy agendas.
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Kogan, Maurice, and Mary Henkel. "The impact of policy changes on the academic profession in England." European Review 6, no. 4 (1998): 505–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003641.
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The policy frame and resource base within which universities work in the UK have undergone drastic changes. Whilst the nature of changes at the governmental level has often been remarked upon, there is little empirical work on the impact of these changes on academic values and working. This paper reports findings from the English component of an Anglo–Norwegian-Swedish project nearing completion which gives an account of the policy changes and their impact on values, research agendas and criteria, and modes of creating and ‘delivering’ the curriculum. Whilst the research invites caution about overstating the discontinuities of policy over the last 20 years, it displays the considerable effects of policy changes which emerge, however, differently in different subject areas and types of institution.
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Higgins, Robert M. "The Incongruence of Internationalisation Policy in Japanese Higher Education." International Journal of Bias, Identity and Diversities in Education 6, no. 1 (2021): 60–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijbide.2021010105.
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Exploring how policymakers construct policy texts by recontextualising aspects of previous polices can provide evidence of whether a present internationalisation project in Japanese higher education provides a holistic understanding of the importance of deeper critical cultural awareness to support a comprehensive approach to internationalisation agendas. In some respects, these present policies are closely aligned to previous initiatives that were by design limited by narrow culturalist and socioeconomic conceptualisations of internationalisation. Applying the critical tools of discourse analysis will contribute to both a theoretical and practical interpretation of higher educational policy planning. This approach will provide both a historical and contextual relational analysis of policy texts to support a critical problematisation approach for interrogating policy in respects of socioeducational factors that support, or hinder, higher educational approaches to interculturality in Japanese higher education.
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McDermott, Robert J., Victoria Berends, Kelli R. McCormack Brown, Peggy Agron, Karen M. Black, and Seraphine Pitt Barnes. "Impact of the California Project LEAN School Board Member Social Marketing Campaign." Social Marketing Quarterly 11, no. 2 (2005): 18–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15245000500214575.
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The prevalence of overweight youth in the United States has increased remarkably over the last two decades. Overweight and obese youth are at elevated risk for chronic diseases and other adverse health conditions. The foods and beverages that youth access at school (e.g., in a la carte food lines, in vending machines, and in school stores) contribute to overweight and obesity. Enacting policy to ban or restrict unhealthy food and beverage products at school can play a role in managing the epidemic of obesity. School board members are, therefore, a priority audience for introducing healthier food and beverage alternatives through articulation of specific policy initiatives. Under the leadership of California Project LEAN (Leaders Encouraging Activity and Nutrition), a social marketing campaign was directed at California school board members to motivate them to advance nutrition-related policy issues at school board meetings, and to enact and enforce school policies that support healthy eating. In less than two years after implementing the campaign, a significant increase in nutrition-related issues on school board meeting agendas occurred, more favorable nutrition-related policies became enacted, and school board members reported greater readiness to support school nutrition-related issues. Details of campaign development, implementation, and impact are reported.
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Gualini, Enrico, and Carola Fricke. "‘Who governs’ Berlin’s metropolitan region? The strategic-relational construction of metropolitan scale in Berlin–Brandenburg’s economic development policies." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 37, no. 1 (2018): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654418776549.
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‘Who governs’ Berlin’s metropolitan region—and how? The article addresses this question by inquiring into the way metropolitan space is being constituted in current economic development policies for Berlin–Brandenburg. It follows the hypothesis that no single-unitary understanding of metropolitan space exists in Berlin as expression of an explicit metropolitan project, but rather a heteronomy of policy practices which express diverse and possibly competing ‘implicit’ metropolitan issues and agendas. Accordingly, rescaling in the Berlin metropolitan region is not occurring in a comprehensive political–institutional form, as an ‘explicit project’. The more significant, however, is that rescaling is occurring—as an ‘implicit project’—through policy and governance practices which constitute a variety of understandings of metropolitan space. Metropolitan space appears therefore as an emerging construct defined by strategic-relational interplays between public and private actors and by the selective involvement of their interests and resources in the domain of specific spatial-economic development policies. Analyzing the construction of metropolitan space within specific policy arenas therefore offers a significant perspective on ‘who governs’ metropolitan development and on how this is possibly tied to the emergence of hegemonic understandings of scalar references for metropolitan policies.
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JORDAN, GRANT, and DARREN HALPIN. "The Political Costs of Policy Coherence: Constructing a Rural Policy for Scotland." Journal of Public Policy 26, no. 1 (2006): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x06000456.
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It is not hard to find the complaint that a group of policies are incoherent, operate in silos or are unintegrated. The aspiration to coherence is widespread across all political systems: it is today's idea in good currency. Scholarship has identified conditions that support coherence: a strong constituency with a shared policy image. This article confirms that these are vital sources of more or less coherence, but explores the question of whether more coherence in one area comes at the cost of incoherence elsewhere.Case study detail contrasts the Scottish Executive's projection of a unified rural policy, with the reality of a persistent Scottish agricultural sector, with contending (multiple) publics with separate and often conflicting agendas: the case study found no unified policy community with shared perceptions. While a lack of coordination may simply be the manifestation of poor policymaking, this piece argues that in other cases the practical limitations on policy harmonization have to be acknowledged. Imperfectly coordinated rural policy may be inevitable as coordination in particular niches is often a casualty of competing priorities. This article argues against over ambitious expectations about the feasibility of integration. Accordingly it suggests that the project to rid policy practice of incoherence is too heroic: instead this article rediscovers the virtues of bargaining among informed and relevant participants, and incremental politics.
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Hook, Andrew. "Following REDD+: Elite agendas, political temporalities, and the politics of environmental policy failure in Guyana." Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space 3, no. 4 (2019): 999–1029. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2514848619875665.
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This article follows the journey of Guyana’s Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) programme, from its promising emergence in 2009 as an ambitious, Norway-funded scheme worth US$250m to its near-abandonment by all actors ten years later. It is based on primary fieldwork conducted in Guyana in 2016 and 2017 and a deep review of the theoretical and empirical literature on REDD+ policy processes and the Norway–Guyana agreement. The article shows how, contrary to the mainstream understanding of environmental policy as a disinterested search for a rational, scientific solution, decisions governing REDD+ policy in Guyana were rather shaped throughout by the political objectives and calculations of a small number of opportunistic elite actors. It further shows how even the modest incarnation of REDD+ in Guyana (which ended up resembling more of a results-based aid programme than a Payment for Ecosystem Services scheme) was continually affected by political factors beyond the control of policy managers. These included fluctuations in the world gold price that led to an increase in mining activity and deforestation, the departure of a key international investor which caused the collapse of the flagship REDD+-funded Amaila Falls hydropower project, and legislative gridlock in Guyana generated by a hung Parliament. While not suggesting that REDD+ (or similar Payment for Ecosystem Services schemes) can never work, the article nonetheless illustrates the ways in which political objectives and unforeseen events can overwhelm substantive policy efforts towards fighting climate change. The findings also illustrate the dangers of prioritizing short-term ‘success stories’ over longer-term and more consultative environmental policy processes.
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Goss, Andrew. "Decent colonialism? Pure science and colonial ideology in the Netherlands East Indies, 1910–1929." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 1 (2009): 187–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340900006x.
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This article examines changes within the Dutch civilising mission ideology after the decline of the Ethical Policy. Support of pure science, scientific knowledge that supposedly transcended ideology and politics, allowed the colonial administration to continue to project their rule as decent and moral, even as conflict and repression dominated colonial politics in the 1920s. The argument starts with the construction of pure science after 1910, under the care of J.C. Koningsberger, out of the research traditions at the Department of Agriculture. It next examines the creation of institutions and agendas of pure science. And finally it analyses the absorption of pure science into the civilising mission of the 1920s. It concludes with a discussion of what this means for historical evaluations of the Dutch colonial project.
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Silva, Juan Guillermo Vieira, and Jeraldine Alicia del Cid Castro. "The Colombian Political Agendas Project: analysing presidential attention during the administrations of Uribe and Santos (2002-2018)." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 6 (2020): 1565–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220190447x.
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Abstract This article has two interrelated objectives: to introduce the Colombian Political Agendas Project (COL-PAP) and offer an exploratory example of the applications of its databases. As a prelude, we describe some characteristics of the Colombian political system and the presidents analyzed. The study presents the objectives of COL-PAP, the creation of the codebook and the databases built so far, with special attention to the databases gathering bills and CONPES documents. The example discussed explores the dynamics of presidential attention in the period 2002-2018, especially the attention distributed among public policy issues over time, and its allocation among instruments. The study shows that attention varies among issues, but also that it is assigned differently between instruments, according to the opportunity structure they offer. Inspired in the discussion and findings related to the databases built so far for COL-PAP, the study suggests future lines of research for Colombia, Latin America, and the CAP in general.
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Ramcilovik-Suominen, Sabaheta, and Iben Nathan. "REDD+ policy translation and storylines in Laos." Journal of Political Ecology 27, no. 1 (2020): 436–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v27i1.23188.
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This article examines the (re)production of discourses and storylines in the process of policy translation of Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) in Laos. Applying the concepts of policy discourses and policy translation, we first identify the prominent storylines at the various governance levels in Laos. Second, we compare and contrast these storylines with the global REDD+ discourses. Further, we discuss how different actors' capacities and political agendas shape REDD+ storylines at different levels of governance. We find that national and sub-national storylines portray REDD+ mainly as a tool for supporting Laos' forestry strategy and sustainable forest management; for capacity-building and donor funding; and for village forest management and education of villagers. At the village level, many see REDD+ as a project for various political elites and external actors to control forests and cheat villagers. We conclude that, while globally there is increasing attention to civic-environmentalism in REDD+, neoliberalist and techno-managerial discourses still dominate. At the village level, however, civic-environmentalist ideas, such as social safeguards, benefit sharing, and equity largely disappear and two opposing discourses emerge representing anti-civic ideas and REDD+ resentment. Furthermore, while techno-managerial ideas permeate all levels in Laos, neoliberalist ideas in terms of carbon trading are almost absent. During policy translation, REDD+ thus transforms into "just another" top-down development project. This serves the interest of Laos's techno-managerial elite well, but has little positive prospect for local people and forests. In this perspective, the lack of alternative discourse-coalitions promoting non-carbon benefits, social safeguards, and equity is striking.Key Words: REDD+, Laos, policy translation, environmental discourses, neoliberalism, civic environmentalism
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Harihar, Abishek, Mousumi Ghosh-Harihar, and Douglas C. MacMillan. "Losing time for the tiger Panthera tigris: delayed action puts a globally threatened species at risk of local extinction." Oryx 52, no. 1 (2017): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605317001156.
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AbstractMeeting global and regional environmental targets is challenging, given the multiplicity of stakeholders and their diverse and often competing policy agendas and objectives. Relatively few studies have sought to systematically analyse the progress, or lack thereof, of institutionally complex and diffuse projects. Here we analyse one such project, which aims to protect and restore a critical landscape corridor for tigers Panthera tigris in north-western India, using a temporal–analytic framework that integrates ecological information on species population status and spatial connectivity modelling with a systematic examination of the decision-making process. We find that even with adequate ecological knowledge the tiger population is on the verge of local extinction because of weak institutional support, poor adaptive planning and ineffective leadership in a complex political arena, which has led to delays in conservation action. From the outset the conservation agencies and NGOs that were the primary drivers of the project lacked awareness of the political idiosyncrasies of coordinating the actions of disparate agencies within the decision-making process. To secure better future environmental outcomes we recommend the adoption of an improved project appraisal methodology that explicitly encompasses an evaluation of organizational incentives, to determine political buy-in, including alignment with organizational objectives and funding availability.
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Samyn, Jean-Marie. "Participation: how to minimize risks and limitations?" Schweizerische Zeitschrift fur Forstwesen 157, no. 10 (2006): 477–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3188/szf.2006.0477.
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Participation approaches are more and more used in project implementation, policy dialogue and governance in developing and developed countries alike. In recent years, however,these approaches have come in for sharp criticism, which dismisses participation as subject to manipulation by some agencies or people pursuing their own agendas, and decries participation as a bundle of tools, techniques and procedures with more rhetoric than content. This paper tries to show how, despite some limitations to participatory approaches, developers and agencies can overcome obstacles and use it for transformative processes and outcomes to the benefit of marginalized people and communities.
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Memon, Shoeb Ahmed, Steve Rowlinson, Riza Yosia Sunindijo, and Hafiz Zahoor. "Collaborative Behavior in Relational Contracting Projects in Hong Kong—A Contractor’s Perspective." Sustainability 13, no. 10 (2021): 5375. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13105375.
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The construction industry in Hong Kong has adopted relational contracting (RC) as a way forward to address frequent conflicts in construction projects and to promote sustainable development. Despite this effort, adversarial behavior of project team members is still prevalent, stemming from conflicting agendas, which hinders the successful implementation of RC. There is a need to improve collaborative attitudes and behavior among project team members in RC projects, but there is still a lack of understanding of factors that can promote this inter-organizational collaboration. Therefore, using the theory of planned behavior, this research investigates factors that form relational attitudes, collaborative intentions, and collaborative behavior, and their relationships in RC projects in Hong Kong. Quantitative data were collected from experienced practitioners in RC projects and were analyzed using structural equation modeling (SEM). The results reveal that senior management commitment and relational norms are needed to nurture relational attitudes, which in turn influence the development of collaborative intentions. These intentions can eventually promote collaborative behavior, which is expressed by teamwork, affective trust, and extra-role behavior (striving beyond roles to maintain collaboration). The findings advance knowledge and contribute to practice by providing a structured process to nurture collaboration in RC projects for sustainable development.
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Kiang, Peter Nien-chu. "Checking Southeast Asian American Realities in Pan-Asian American Agendas." AAPI Nexus Journal: Policy, Practice, and Community 2, no. 1 (2004): 48–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.36650/nexus2.1_48-76_kiang.
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This article is based on a briefing paper commissioned by the Harvard Civil Rights Project for a Roundtable on Emerging Asian American Civil Rights Issues held in Cambridge, Massachusetts in October 2002. I was asked to address whether subgroups within the Asian American population have been adequately served by pan-Asian American agendas, particularly in relation to civil rights advocacy, and to highlight specific instances that show both positive and negative dimensions of those dynamics. In response, I chose to focus on Southeast Asian American (Cambodian, Hmong, Lao, Mien, Vietnamese, etc.) populations who, by measures of socioeconomic status, persistent poverty, and quality of life, are the most poorly resourced ethnic constituencies within Asian America. Through analysis of issues related to educational equity, policy, and development, both nationally and locally in the state of Massachusetts, I describe ways in which Southeast Asian American realities have been neglected or ignored. In light of the ethical and empirical consequences of failing to intervene proactively in this local and national commitments have had sustained impact. Finally, I suggest some ways to account more faithfully for the needs, interests, and visions of Southeast Asian American communities in the development of pan-Asian American civil rights agendas. Underlying my argument are commitments to equity and justice rather than identity and representation per se.
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Bradley Dexter, Shannon, Kelly Kavanagh Salmond, Leslie Payne, Marie C. Chia, Erica Di Ruggiero, and Sarah Mahato. "The art and science of a strategic grantmaker: the experience of the Public Health Agency of Canada’s Innovation Strategy." Canadian Journal of Public Health 112, S2 (2021): 186–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.17269/s41997-021-00512-9.
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Abstract Setting The Public Health Agency of Canada’s Innovation Strategy (PHAC-IS) was established amid calls for diverse structural funding mechanisms that could support research agendas to inform policy making across multiple levels and jurisdictions. Influenced by a shifting emphasis towards a population health approach and growing interest in social innovation and systems change, the PHAC-IS was created as a national grantmaking program that funded the testing and delivery of promising population health interventions between 2009 and 2020. Intervention During its decade-long tenure, the PHAC-IS supported the development of innovative, locally driven programs that emphasized health equity, encouraged iterative learning to respond reflexively to complex public health problems (the art), while at the same time promoting and integrating population health intervention research (the science) for improved health at the individual, community, and systems levels through four program components. Outcomes PHAC-IS projects reached priority audiences in over 1700 communities. Over 1400 partnerships were established by community-led organizations across multiple sectors with more than $30 million of leveraged funds. By the final phase of funding, 90% of the projects and partnership networks had a sustained impact on policy and public health practice. By the end of the program, 82% of the projects were able to continue their intervention beyond PHAC-IS funding. Through a phased approach, projects were able to adapt, reflect, and build partnership networks to impact policy and practice while increasing reach and scale towards sustainability. Implications Analysis and reflection throughout the course of this initiative showed that strong partnerships that contribute sufficient time to collaboration are critical to achieving meaningful outcomes. Building on evaluation cycles that strengthen project design can ensure both scale and sustainability of project achievements. Furthermore, a flexible, phased approach allows for iterative learning and adjustments across various phases to realize sustained population and systems change. The model and reflexive approach underlying the PHAC-IS has the potential to apply to a broad range of public programs.
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Laksana, Satya, Fityan Aonillah, and Rubi Azhara. "How Can Local Government Sustain a Terminated National Development Project?" Journal of Indonesia Sustainable Development Planning 1, no. 1 (2020): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46456/jisdep.v1i1.9.
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The sixth of nine Indonesian national development agendas under the President Joko Widodo administration is to increase productivity and competitiveness, one of which is by the establishment of Techno Parks. The projects will be terminated in 2019; however, exit strategies that contribute to sustainable development have been rarely considered throughout the history of development studies and practice. This paper examines the concept of exit strategies within the context of a case study of the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI)-assisted project of the Tasikmalaya Techno Park (TP) from 2015-2019. It addresses two questions: (1) How has LIPI executed the TP project in Tasikmalaya throughout the period? (2) What is the recommended exit strategy for regional policymakers after project termination? To overview the implementation of TP activities, an internal- external analysis was conducted, and to formulate exit strategies, SWOT and QSPM were employed. Data were collected from July-September 2018, consisting of primary data collected from competent respondents by semi-structured and in-depth interviews selected by the purposive sampling method as well as secondary data compiled from relevant institutions. The conclusion is that the Tasikmalaya TP has five core businesses and its mission is to become a center for dissemination, technology transfer, and agribusiness incubator. The TP was present in quadrant I, meaning that aggressive strategies were recommended. There were four future management options and independent management was considered as the most appropriate. Its role should be more supported by middle- to long-term strategies and a well prepared legal system. Policy implications are discussed.
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Hönig, Patrick. "Civil Society and Land Use Policy in Uganda: The Mabira Forest Case." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 2 (2014): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900203.
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Over the past few years, the Ugandan government has repeatedly initiated proceedings to clear one-fourth of the Mabira natural forest reserve in central Uganda and give the land to a sugar company controlled by a transnational business conglomerate. Each time the government took steps to execute the Mabira project, civil society groups organised large-scale protests that pressurised the government into shelving its plans. The Save Mabira Forest campaign has been widely cited as an example of how sustained protests by civil society groups serve as a corrective of democratic deficits in decision-making processes pertaining to the commons and as a deterrent to profit-driven business schemes hatched in collusion with carefree or corrupt bureaucrats and politicians. However, an in-depth analysis of the campaign suggests that ecological and social justice concerns are mixed up with identity politics and exclusionist agendas. Examining the complex web of interactions between state, big business and civil society in Uganda, this paper sheds light on the multi-layered and often ambiguous role played by non-governmental organisations in post-conflict societies of sub-Saharan Africa.
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Achituv, Sigal, and Esther Hertzog. "‘Sowing the seeds of community’: Daycare managers participating in a community approach project." Educational Management Administration & Leadership 48, no. 6 (2019): 1080–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741143219873076.
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This paper is based on a study of daycare center managers participating in a project aimed at changing the communal approach in early childhood education (ECE) centers. The project was implemented by the ECE system of Israel’s Association of Community Centers for ages birth to three, based on the Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). The study aimed at learning about the managers’ views and attitudes toward the project, expanding knowledge in the sphere of ECE management and proposing relevant methods for policy improvement. The study applied qualitative methodology and was based on in-depth interviews with managers who participated in the first year of the project, and on observations at the daycare centers and on the project’s implementation process. The findings reveal that the managers are influenced in various ways, by the complex economic and organizational reality of their workplace. The position of the daycare managers as responsible for both implementing the project’s policies and for managing the caregivers creates a complex identity informed by ambivalent attitudes toward the system and the project itself. As ECE for ages birth to three is a conspicuous subject on international public agendas, this study may help ECE policymakers improve education systems by developing solid communal policies.
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Juego, Bonn. "Authoritarian Neoliberalism: Its Ideological Antecedents and Policy Manifestations from Carl Schmitt’s Political Economy of Governance." Administrative Culture 19, no. 1 (2018): 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32994/ac.v19i1.209.
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The regime of authoritarian neoliberalism is underway. In contemporary political economy of governance, this regime has been construed as a crisis response of the capitalist class to manage the conflict-ridden consequences of economic globalization; and, as an ideological project of a section of the ruling elites to justify the embedding of market-oriented development processes in a politically repressive government institution. To contribute to recent scholarship attempts at defining the character and tendencies of this emergent regime, the article traces one of its key ideological antecedents from Carl Schmitt’s earlier formulation for a “strong state, free economy”. It then presents a survey of how this concept articulating the compatibility of authoritarianism and capitalism has manifested in related theories and actual policies since the long twentieth century – notably in: German ordoliberalism, Thatcherism and Reaganomics, the Kirkpatrick Doctrine and Political Development Theory, the Asian Values discourse, and the Effective State and Good Governance agendas. The governing authority in this regime can be called an authoritarian-neoliberal state.
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Lee, Jongyeol, Changsun Jang, Kyung Nam Shin, and Ji Whan Ahn. "Strategy of Developing Innovative Technology for Sustainable Cities: The Case of the National Strategic Project on Carbon Mineralization in the Republic of Korea." Sustainability 11, no. 13 (2019): 3613. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11133613.
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Technology cooperation, including technology transfer, development of projects, and establishment of international networks, is an important instrument for attaining greenhouse gas mitigation and the sustainable development of a global society. In this context, carbon mineralization technology has received attention because of its high potential for carbon sequestration, environmental conservation, and economic market value. This project report introduces a national top-down approach for developing and implementing international technology cooperation in the Republic of Korea, focusing on carbon mineralization. The Ministry of Science and Information and Communication Technology (MSIT) leads international technology cooperation, identifies prominent climate technologies, and addresses scientific agendas to presidential meetings. The inter-ministerial bodies established the climate technology roadmap and masterplan for a climate change response. With the support of these inter-ministerial efforts, a National Strategic Project on carbon mineralization was developed by a presidential-level decision as a top-down approach. Furthermore, the demonstration of this technology was emphasized to enhance the possibility of success in commercialization. This project also includes demonstration of a pilot, sequestering 6000 tons of CO2 and manufacturing 30,000 tons of carbonate. This successive and holistic approach, comprising of a range of hierarchical levels of government, is recommended for deriving a high impact on global society of prominent climate technology.
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Raboy, Marc. "Media, Nationalism and Identity in Canada and Quebec." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (1997): 315–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18596.
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The relationship between media, nationalism and identity is increasingly problematic, even in the most politically stable countries. In Canada, media policy has been an integral part of political strategies for preserving the coherence of the Canadian state, with respect to external pressures towards North American continental integration, and internal pressures towards fragmentation and, most recently, disintegration. The alternative project of political indepéndence for Quebec, which nearly achieved a majority in a referendum held in October 1995, represents a threat to the Canadian state that media policy has sought to contain. But media practices reflect the real tensions in Canadian society and can not be held to account for the more or less failed agendas of politicians. The article explores some aspects of the relationship between media and the complexities of national identity in the framework of a political culture where different visions of nationhood must inevitably coexist.
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Haug, Ruth, Susan Nchimbi-Msolla, Alice Murage, et al. "From Policy Promises to Result through Innovation in African Agriculture?" World 2, no. 2 (2021): 253–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/world2020016.
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The problem addressed in this paper is the challenge of moving from formulating policy goals to achieving the promised results. The purpose is to assess the possible role of innovation in agriculture as a way of contributing towards achieving the Malabo Declaration commitments and the zero hunger Sustainable Development Goal 2 (SDG2) in six African countries. Since the SDGs are high on both international and many national agendas, there is a need to increase our knowledge of how to move beyond formulating goals. The approach includes both quantitative and qualitative data from a multisite research and development project. Moving from promises in relation to policy goals such as SDG2 and the Malabo Declaration to actions that make a difference at local level is a challenging task, and COVID-19 has added negatively to that challenge. Technological and institutional innovations exist that have the potential to improve the agricultural productivity, food security, and income levels of smallholder men and women farmers. However, innovation processes are hindered by barriers related to governmental, economic, knowledge-based, socio-cultural, and resource-based factors. To overcome these barriers, governance needs to go further than defining goals, and proceed to the next step of establishing effective implementation mechanisms that ensure the promised result.
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Mukherjee, Falguni, and Rina Ghose. "GIS for E-Planning in India." International Journal of E-Planning Research 2, no. 2 (2013): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijepr.2013040102.
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With increasing globalization and the integration of various economies, public finance and fiscal policy have acquired a new dimension in countries around the world, including India. This new era has witnessed a massive proliferation of various information and communication technologies (ICTs) the world over opening novel prospects for information storage, retrieval and analysis. Such novel prospects are not only being used for decision making by private sector industries but also more interest has been demonstrated in investing in technologies for public administration purposes. In the Indian context, the driving force behind an increasing use of ICTs for public administration include such objectives as improving and simplifying governance, instilling transparency and eliminating corruption and bureaucracy. The massive proliferation of ICTs in India has led to a transformation from traditional governance to e-governance. Several planning projects have been launched under the rubric of e-governance and have witnessed novel use of various information technologies, GIS being one of them. This study focuses on the Nirmala Nagara project (NNP), a programme launched by the Government of Karnataka to address issues of urban development using GIS with municipal e-governance being one of its key agendas. This is one of the most ambitious Municipal e-Governance projects in the country encompassing 213 urban local bodies. This article is an initial effort towards a larger project that will focus on the process of GIS spatial knowledge production situated in contemporary India.
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Tsekeris, Charalambos, and Nicolas Demertzis. "Inclusion of People in Decision-Making." Politička misao 57, no. 4 (2021): 60–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.57.4.03.
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Reflecting on the May 2019 European Parliament elections, the EU democratic institutions are in need of efficiently responding to the discrepancies between public agendas and policy-making (as shown in the Macedonia naming dispute), and the threatening dynamics of authoritarian populism, as well as to unpredictable reactions from diverse groups and citizens, especially from the neglected, excluded and marginal ones. These citizens cannot handle complexity and react by voting for protest candidates/movements and supporting radical, yet oversimplified and inadequate, solutions to complex problems. Given the potentiality of crisis cascades and that an over-standardized “one size fits all” approach does not work anymore, the EU policy-making experts should arguably turn their analytic attention to existing drivers of political destabilisation by adopting new knowledge bases and sources. This pertains to a fresh theoretical understanding of nonlinear sociopolitical phenomena(from populist reactions of any kind to social media behaviours), that is, a deeper, complexity-friendly approach drawn from new scientific advancements and coupled with innovative policy designs, aimed to rebalance the system and to defend the European project against further failures.
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Coy, Patrick G., Lynne M. Woehrle, and Gregory M. Maney. "A Typology of Oppositional Knowledge: Democracy and the U.S. Peace Movement." Sociological Research Online 13, no. 4 (2008): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1739.
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Institutionally privileged political discourses not only legitimate the policy agendas of power-holders, but also de-legitimate dissent. Oppositional discourses are social movement responses to these cultural obstacles to mass mobilisation. Integrating discourse analysis and framing theory, we argue that the production of oppositional knowledge constitutes a long-term, counter-hegemonic project that connects macro-level discourses with meso and micro-level efforts at political persuasion, mobilisation, and change. Drawing examples from statements issued by U.S. peace movement organisations (PMOs) over fifteen years, we map the production of oppositional discourses across five conflict periods. Using qualitative data analysis and both inductive and deductive theorising, we develop a typology of the U.S. peace movement's discourses on democracy. We show that four forms of oppositional knowledge were generated by PMOs to facilitate policy dialogue and accountability. Through their statements, peace movement organisations crafted a shared conception of democracy that is antithetical to military intervention abroad and political repression at home.
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Wagle, Shree Krishna, Bal Chandra Luitel, and Erling Krogh. "Irrelevance of Basic School Education in Nepal: An Anti-Colonial Critique on Problems and Prospects." Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 13 (December 29, 2019): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v13i0.24032.
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Despite its contextual, theoretical, and practical relevance, contextualized teaching and learning has not been the priority of school education of Nepal. The policy provision of local curriculum and the use of locally available resources for teaching and learning have continuously lost its position in educational circle. To this background, taking anti-colonial critical stance, this paper analyses problems and prospects of contextualized teaching and learning in school education of Nepal. Taking evidences from the first author's lived experiences, and experiences from a Participatory Action Research (PAR) project in a public school of Nepal, the paper exposes manifold challenges and dilemmas initiated by Western-modern educational ideologies, and promptly illustrates how those uncritically imposed/accepted schooling agendas were responsible to demolish rural (and indigenous) identities of Nepal. The paper eventually proposes policy makers and curriculum practitioners of Nepal to pursue agency in school education, making it more place-relevant; enabling school graduates to learn to ‘live’ (rather than ‘leave’) their place.
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Fastenrath, Sebastian, Lars Coenen, and Kathryn Davidson. "Urban Resilience in Action: the Resilient Melbourne Strategy as Transformative Urban Innovation Policy?" Sustainability 11, no. 3 (2019): 693. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11030693.
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More and more cities are developing strategies and implementing actions to increase their resilience to a diversity of environmental, social and economic challenges. International networks such as 100 Resilient Cities, established by the Rockefeller Foundation, are supporting cities to find and implement solutions to ‘shocks and stresses.’ This new approach to urban governance, often initiated by philanthropic organizations, is debated. On the one hand, these initiatives are celebrated as catalysts for transformational change through ‘collaboration’ and ‘co-design’ in contexts such as mobility, energy, green space or housing. On the other hand, urban resilience initiatives have been criticized for prioritizing private sector agendas and top-down approaches and hollowing out public sector tasks and democratic participation. However, little is known how urban resilience strategies are actually implemented in practice. Embedded action research on the implementation of the Resilient Melbourne strategy provides the opportunity to have a closer look at this highly contested topic. This paper provides first insights into the research project Urban Resilience in Action, using the Resilient Melbourne strategy to assess the implementation of selected actions. It shows that a reconceptualization and new analytical dimensions are needed to understand urban resilience as an urban innovation strategy.
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Raco, Mike, and Tuna Tasan-Kok. "Governing urban diversity: Multi-scalar representations, local contexts, dissonant narratives." European Urban and Regional Studies 26, no. 3 (2019): 230–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776419854947.
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In recent academic and urban policy writings the term urban diversity is usually understood, or discussed within the context of, increasing ‘socio-cultural’ diversity in cities or is explicitly connected to debates over immigration and demographic change. Although policy agendas follow certain common trends ‘to deal with’ the consequences of diversity, there is a lack of evidence-based research on how representations of diversity are mobilised and implemented by institutions of governance operating at multiple scales and how these narratives relate to each other. Policy-makers are faced with new dilemmas over how to govern and manage cities that are becoming increasingly diverse, on the one hand, and increasingly ‘sensitive’ to certain channels of flows of people (such as refugees), on the other. In some cases, city authorities promote the idea of inclusive diversity as a mark of modernisation and tolerance. In others, its recognition may be seen as a threat to an imagined social order and is perceived to be fuelling neo-assimilationist policies in many European Union cities. This special issue aims to fill this gap by providing evidence-based research outcomes that tackle different dimensions of the governance of diversity in cities. The principal aim of the research project, named DIVERCITIES, that underpins this collection was to critically assess evidence concerning the range of socio-economic outcomes that may emerge from the presence of greater urban diversity. DIVERCITIES has shown that city policy agendas across Europe are often more ‘positive’ towards diversity than national policies and media reports. Moreover, local policy initiatives, mostly formed at the bottom-up scale, sometimes as a cooperation between state and civic actors and sometimes as purely private or even individual arrangements, address the actual needs of certain population groups by acting as bridge-builders between public authorities and target groups. This collection aims to provide a clear understanding of how diversity is understood, operationalised and dealt with at different scales of policy-making. In focusing on European examples, it provides an important addition to a literature that has become Anglo-American focused, both in terms of the concepts and policy interventions.
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Boyer, Kim, Peter Orpin, and Judith Walker. "Partner or perish: experiences from the field about collaborations for reform." Australian Journal of Primary Health 16, no. 1 (2010): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py09046.
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Collaborations between researchers, policy makers, service providers and community members are critical to the journey of health service reform. Challenges are multifaceted and complex. Partners come with a variety of challenging agendas, value sets and imperatives, and see the drivers for reform from different perspectives. Different skills are required for managing the partnership and for providing academic leadership, and different structural frameworks need to be put in place for each task in each project. We have found through a series of partnerships across our research theme of healthy ageing, and consequent translation into policy and practice, that significant and innovative effort is required for both the collaboration and the research to succeed. A shared understanding of the issues and challenges is a start, but not sufficient for longer-term success. In addition to managing the research, our experience has demonstrated the need to understand the different challenges faced by each of the partners, recognise and respect personal and organisational value systems, and to establish separate mechanisms to manage strong egos alongside, but outside of, the research process.