Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Policy imperative'

This thesis examines British foreign policy-making in Esprit by applying insights from the Bureaucratic Politics perspective of foreign policy analysis. Esprit was a ten year programme that funded collaborative research and development in information technology between researchers across the European Community. Weaknesses in the Bureaucratic Politics perspective are recognized and ways to strengthen the perspective are suggested. No a priori assumptions about the usefulness of the approach or of the suggested modifications are made. This thesis is as much a test of the applicability of the Bureaucratic Politics perspective to British foreign policy analysis as it is a study of British foreign policy-making itself. While recognizing the ubiquity of competition between bureaucrats in Whitehall, traditional approaches to British foreign policy-making deny that bureaucratic competition affects British policy. Strong Ministers and a large and complex web of Whitehall interdepartmental and Cabinet coordinating committees are said to set Government-wide priorities and resolve bureaucratic conflict before it affects policy. Thus, from this point of view, the Bureaucratic Politics perspective is not applicable to Britain. Following that argument to its logical end, is it possible that bureaucratic competition affects policy in the absence of Ministerial authority or effective Whitehall coordinating committees. This thesis argues that competition between bureaucrats for budgets and responsibilities affected British policy in Esprit when Ministers did not clearly articulate consistent objectives, when Ministers did not maintain control and supervision over the policy issue and when Whitehall coordination and control mechanisms were absent or ineffective. When these conditions prevailed, the Bureaucratic Politics perspective, as modified, was useful in analyzing British foreign policy-making in Esprit. The question remains whether the perspective was useful because Esprit was uniquely qualified to encourage bureaucratic competition or whether other policy issues are similarly qualified and hence conducive to the Bureaucratic Politics approach.

The US Democrats, Australian Labor Party and British Labour Party adopted the issue of childcare assistance for middle-income families as both a campaign and as a legislative issue decades apart from one and other, despite similar rates of female employment. The varied timing of parties’ policy adoption is also uncorrelated with labour shortages, union density and female trade union membership. However, it is correlated with two politically-charged factors: first, each party adopted childcare policy as their rate of ‘organised female labour mobilisation’ (union density interacted with female trade union membership) reached its country-level peak; second, each party adopted the issue within the broader context of post-industrial electoral change, when shifts in both class and gender-based party-voter linkages dictated that the centre-left could no longer win elections by focusing largely on a male, blue-collar base. Were these parties driven to promote childcare in response to the changing needs of their traditional affiliates (unions), or was policy adoption an outcome of autonomous party elites in search of a new electoral constituency? Using both qualitative and quantitative techniques, this research analyses the correlates of policy adoption and the specific mechanisms through which party position change on the issue took place (e.g. legislator conversion versus legislator turnover). It finds that parties largely adopted the issue as a means to make strategic electoral appeals to higher-educated, post-materialist and in particular, female voters. However, the speed in which they were able to make these appeals (and hence, the time at which they adopted the issue) was contingent on the speed in which elites were able to reform their party’s internal organisation and specifically, wrest power away from both the unions and rank-and-file members in order to centralise decision making power on election campaigns, executive appointments and candidate selection processes into the hands of the leadership.

The purpose of this study was to observe and analyze the process of regional climate adaptation planning and the role of stakeholder deliberation in decision making about adaptation actions. It employed a case study approach based on one of three total study sites of an international, multidisciplinary grant titled, “METROPOLE: An Integrated Framework to Analyze Local Decision Making and Adaptive Capacity to Large-Scale Environmental Change”. The purpose of the case study of this project was to analyze stakeholder deliberation at two workshops at the grant’s Broward County, Florida site regarding two adaptation options: elevation/floodproofing and voluntary buyouts. Analyzing stakeholder deliberation about these two options allowed for the identification of specific barriers to adaptation for stakeholders in this region. These barriers were then used to suggest values regarding adaptation priorities and planning. The primary idea driving this project was that deliberation provides a pragmatic approach to determining stakeholder values and preferences – which ought to be used to inform planning and decision making about climate policy. The ultimate goal of this project was to demonstrate how the rhetorical concepts of situated judgment, persuasion, and deliberation can be applied in adaptation planning processes and therefore, how applied rhetoric contributes to the production of “usable” science, or science that takes decision makers’ preferences and needs into account when making policy decisions. The problem that this project responds to involves three interrelated parts: framing, communication, and policymaking. Currently, climate change framing in the US is largely characterized by “debate” and emphasizes only one aspect of the climate change problem: cause. The second part of the problem pertains to communication and in particular, the way in which scientific and economic data about climate change/adaptation is typically delivered to non-scientific audiences. The third part of the problem as it is addressed in this project pertains to policymaking, or what enables or prevents progress toward effective policymaking. Data collected for this project include: surveys, 10 in-depth interviews, and field notes. The first layer of analysis was facilitated through Decision Explorer, a qualitative software commonly used in strategic management and decision sciences. For this project, Decision Explorer was used to cognitively map and analyze data from the 10 in-depth interviews. The second layer of analysis used NVivo, a qualitative coding software, to organize and code data collected from all sources. The findings of this project concluded that for stakeholders in this region, the four primary barriers to adaptation were: leadership, resources, invisibility/timing, and the limitations of modeling processes. Stakeholders’ primary values about climate adaptation reflected their strong sense of place attachment. These values were expressed in terms of altruistic values, or concerns about how the local implications of climate may affect humans (e.g., how vulnerably located critical infrastructure and weakening transportation infrastructure will affect citizens’ safety and community resilience) and “scientific” values, such as the inclusion of regional scientific factors in climate modeling and adaptation planning. One of the most significant contributions of this project was the development of an approach that leverages the application of rhetorical concepts in science policy planning/decision making. This unique strategy embedded the rhetorical components of deliberation, situated judgment, phronesis and persuasion within the three framing tasks of collective action framing (i.e., diagnostic, prognostic and motivational framing) to illustrate a unique approach for engaging stakeholders in adaptation planning. More broadly, this project responded to calls for social science research to provide useful recommendations about how to facilitate more effective stakeholder engagement and communication about climate adaptation planning and policy.

I den här uppsatsen försöker jag med hjälp av diskursanalytiska verktyg belysa vilka bakomliggande krafter det är som driver Sveriges digitalisering av kulturarvet. Genom att analysera svenska kulturpolitiska offentliga dokument, transkriptioner av en föreläsning och ett panelsamtal, samt två debattinlägg, letade jag efter det i litteraraturen beskrivna ”policyimperativet”, som har identifierats i den norska kulturpolitiska digitaliseringskontexten. Policyimperativets uttryck identifierades, och det visar sig i huvudsak förekomma inom bibliotekssektorns diskurs, som i sin tur inspirerat arkivssektorns diskurs. Museisektorn använder sig av policyimperativet i tal och i debattsammanhang, men det förekom inte nämnvärt i sektorns offentliga dokument som ingick i analysen.  Trots att policyimperativet delvis uttrycks gemensamt av ABM-institutionerna, så möts inte arkiv, bibliotek och museum i den talade diskursen, det indikerar att de tre institutionerna inte konvergerar i den svenska digitala kontexten.
In this study I use the tools of discourse analysis to shed light on the underlying forces that drive the digitalisation of Sweden’s cultural heritage. By analysing Swedish public domain culture-political documents, transcriptions of a lecture and panel session, and two newspaper opinion articles, I search for the so-called “policy imperative” which has been identified in the context of cultural politics about Norway’s digitalisation process.  Expressions of this policy imperative were indeed found, and appeared primarily within the discourse of the library sector which in turn inspired that of the archival sector. The museum sector makes use of the policy imperative in the spoken word and in the context of debates, but it was not noticeably present in those public documents from the museum sector which were analysed here. Despite the fact that the policy imperative sees a degree of common expression by LAM-institutions they do not meet in the spoken discourse, indicating that the three disciplines are not converging in the Swedish digital context.

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Chinas economic reforms revealed the Chinese Communist Partys search for a new basis for political legitimacy and authority. The PRCs contemporary political bargain is best characterized as a tenuous balance between economic modernization and political repression. This dichotomous political bargain yields a fragile legitimacy, aspects of which activate to shape Chinas Mekong River policies. This paper examines the impact of the CCPs fragile legitimacy on two case studies involving Chinas Mekong River economic interests, involving (1) hydropower dams and (2) counter-narcotics enforcement. Chinas hydroelectric pursuits on the Mekong are predominantly shaped by the regimes economic growth mandate, concerns about domestic inequality, and demands to alleviate social costs arising from recent development. Chinas counter-narcotics efforts on the Mekong River are also tied to economic considerations, but increasingly reflect the Partys efforts to enhance its nationalist and security credentials. Chinas Mekong River policies illustrate how the CCPs domestic motivations deserve greater weight in explaining the perception of Chinas increasing assertiveness.

The end of the Cold War has brought both uncertainty and opportunity for states interested in designing their own security policies. Alternative methods, other than military solutions, should be exploited to prevent insecurity and instability. This study is concerned with South Korea's security approach towards North Korea in the post-Cold War era and in particular how South Korea can use non-military tools to prevent military conflict in the Korean Peninsula and to build mutual confidence between the two Koreas in the long-run. This thesis also presents an analysis of both the need and the opportunity for South Korea to adopt a comprehensive economic engagement strategy towards North Korea in the post-Cold War era in order to achieve these goals. It argues that South Korea's implementation of economic engagement with North Korea requires its policy-makers' strong policy-making will for an active and consistent engagement posture. Then, this study demonstrates the important role of President Kim Dae-jung's strong causal beliefs about the necessity of engagement measures to address the post-Cold War North Korean security problems on the Kim Dae-jung government's policy-making in favour of comprehensive engagement with North Korea. This study presents the model of 'business-track diplomacy' to test a state's utilisation of economic engagement strategy as security policy. This model provides ways to think around security issues and alternative security options which go beyond the traditional military containment approach to security in international relations (IR). Moreover, this study presents a new belief perspective that illuminates the South Korea's North Korea policy-making process, which had previously been dominated by military issues and essentially required an international structure perspective, centred on US influence. Thus, the belief approach contributes to the field of foreign policy analysis (FPA) for South Korea by proving the importance of its decision-makers' policy beliefs and by going beyond the conventional international structure approach.

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This thesis makes an analysis of the democracy practiced by political parties in Brazil, especially regarding their evolution from the 1988‟s Constitution. The study begins covering the different kinds of state‟s power organization, justifying the origin of democracy. After that, it discusses the beginning of representative government and the reasons for the birth of representative democracy and the democracy through political parties. As a result, this dissertation studies the modern political parties, especially its history, role and legal treatment, culminating with a brief historical analysis of those associations in Brazil. Finally, the work makes a thorough assessment of democracy through political parties in Brazil‟s current political framework. There are, at least, three assumptions that must be observed for the model‟s success: only political parties must present candidates; there must be political party loyalty; and we should have intra-party democracy. It took so long before political parties detain the exclusive prerogative of present candidates, that helped consolidate in Brazilians‟ popular culture the so called personal vote , where voters does not care about political parties, following charismatic leaders, regardless of their political party link. For a long time, candidates have become true masters of their term, which allows them to migrate from one political party to another, without any consequences, disturbing the democracy through political parties. Therefore, the absence of intra-party democracy has contributed to a paradox: the existence of an oligarchy inside the Brazilian‟s democracy. The political party leaders, perpetuated in power, impose, top-down, his favorite names to internal and external elections, not allowing sufficient space for debates, distorting the institution of political representation. The Tribunal Superior Eleitoral Act nº 22.610/2007, which governs the procedure of term loss due to disloyalty to a political party, represented a significant step forward to insure democracy through political parties; however, a number of small issues still wait for resolution, which delays the full implementation of the political party loyalty in Brazil. The intra-party democracy, on the other hand, must be thoroughly regulated by the law. Only after that, we will be able to discuss, with high probability of effectiveness, one policy reform that has as its objective reduce any existent gap between the voter‟s will and the elected one.
A presente dissertação faz uma análise da democracia pelos partidos praticada no Brasil, especialmente quanto à evolução da figura da agremiação partidária a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988. O estudo inicia seu caminho abordando o surgimento e as diferentes maneiras de organização e funcionamento do poder estatal, justificando a explanação sobre a concepção e a origem da democracia. Ato contínuo, trata do surgimento do governo representativo e do respectivo modelo de exercício do poder político, além das razões do nascimento da democracia representativa e das justificativas para a adoção de uma democracia pelos partidos. Na sequência, a dissertação estuda os partidos políticos modernos, especialmente sua trajetória, função e tratamento legal, culminado com a análise de um breve histórico das agremiações no Brasil. Por fim, o trabalho efetua uma avaliação minuciosa da democracia pelos partidos no atual quadro político pátrio, examinando, à luz da realidade, ao menos três pressupostos que devem ser observados para o sucesso do modelo: a reserva do monopólio das candidaturas aos partidos políticos, a fidelidade partidária e a democracia intrapartidária. Conclui-se que os atrasos na adoção do monopólio das candidaturas e da fidelidade partidária contribuíram para consolidar, na cultura popular brasileira, o modelo de atribuição do voto na figura pessoal do candidato, fomentado, também, pela tradição do mandato representativo. Durante muito tempo, os candidatos tornaram-se verdadeiros donos dos mandatos, podendo migrar de uma agremiação a outra sem qualquer consequência, desnaturando o instituto da democracia pelos partidos. Já a ausência de democracia intrapartidária contribuiu para um paradoxo: fomentou a existência de uma oligarquia dentro de uma democracia, já que, no seio dos partidos políticos, os dirigentes partidários, perpetuados no poder, impõem, de cima para baixo, nomes de sua preferência aos cargos internos e eletivos, não permitindo que haja espaço para questionamentos, viciando a vontade popular e desvirtuando o instituto da representação política. A edição da Resolução do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral n° 22.610/2007, que disciplinou o processo de perda de cargo eletivo nos casos de infidelidade partidária, representou um avanço significativo para a democracia pelos partidos, porém, questões que decorrem da Resolução ainda estão sendo solucionadas, o que contribui para a demora na plena efetivação da fidelidade partidária. Quanto à democracia intrapartidária, torna-se vital a edição de normas que tenham como escopo assegurar o funcionamento democrático dos partidos, para que a vontade popular, quando do exercício do voto, não esteja maculada na origem. Dessa forma, presentes tais sustentáculos, teremos condições de discutir, com alta probabilidade de eficácia, uma reforma política que tenha por intuito diminuir eventual distância existente entre a vontade do eleitor e a do eleito.

This analysis proposes the thesis that in the formulation of post-war British defence policy, wider strategic developments taking place in the international environment are as important as, if not more than, domestic economic considerations, and examines the motivations that lay behind the British government's decision to recapture the Falkland Islands after their seizure by Argentine forces in April 1982. It is a first and comprehensive attempt to explore these two themes. It presents a challenge to the dominant view that British defence policy has, over the past two decades, been influenced by purely economic factors. Throughout the post-war era, defence analysts have come to accept the orthodox paradigm of British defence policy which attributes the reduction in the size of Britain's defence dispositions entirely to financial and economic pressures. While not negating the role of economic factors, this work rejects the gravamen of the orthodox paradigm and attempts to bring balance to the intellectual debate confronting British defence policy. Using the Falklands War as a case-study, this analysis demonstrates the salience of strategic imperatives and underscores the view that economic constraints can be pushed aside for what decision-makers perceive to be higher national and politico-strategic interests. It argues that while several factors may appear to have influenced the British decision to retake the Islands, only two interlocking sets are truly credible. These relate to national honour considerations and the fight for principles. Moreover, it argues that the credibility of the latter flows from the primacy of pride and prestige, thus making national honour considerations the dominant motif or explanation. The analysis begins with a review of the literature and shows the gaps which this work attempts to fill. Chapter Two examines the strategic and economic trends and developments in British defence policy prior to the Falklands War. Chapter Three presents a comprehensive picture and explanation of the Falkland Islands as an issue of long-standing dispute between Argentina and Britain. In Chapter Four, the factors that prompted the Junta to launch its attack are examined and the British response discussed. Chapters Five and Six utilize the Falklands War as a formidable case to support the major theme of this work. Chapter Seven provides a summary, and concludes with a short examination of four basic issues relating to the analysis.

When considering the effects of cultural policy on international trade in television programming there is an area that is frequently overlooked, that of classification and censorship. The role that classification and censorship play as tools of cultural policy is poorly understood, as is their impact on the ease with which television programs can be traded. A broad definition of cultural policy has been used here, in order to encompass both its theoretical and practical elements. Cultural policy as expressed through television classification and censorship is seen here as having three layers. These layers are legislative policy such as local content quotas, the content gate keeping carried out by television producers prior to production, and program classification, that is the implementation of local programming codes by broadcasters. It is important to understand the effects of television regulatory regimes, including those that govern content classification, on the international trade in programs for two reasons. One is the precedence international economic agreements generally take over cultural policy, because classification and censorship can quietly undermine this precedence in a way which currently receives little attention. The second is the importance of the export market to the Australian television production industry, which is unable to fully fund its program output from local markets. Australian children's drama and its export to the UK are the focus of this research as this provides an excellent example of the current tensions between cultural policy and economic imperatives. Australian children's drama is tightly regulated through government policy, particularly the demands of the 'C' (children's) classification. It is argued here that the demands of current Australian cultural policy are making it extremely difficult for Australian producers to internationalise their product and thus cultivate a competitive advantage in international markets. With the advent of digital technology and the end of spectrum scarcity, the television landscape is changing rapidly. Australian producers of children's programming are facing commercial challenges that have been created by the proliferation of children's channels in the UK and particularly the popularity on those channels of American animation. While the need to cultivate a competitive advantage is pressing, Australian producers of children's programming are also having to accommodate the three layers of cultural policy described earlier, that is the demands of government policy regarding the 'C' classification, the local programming codes of their export market, in this case the United Kingdom, and their own internalised cultural values as expressed through their gate keeping roles. My Industry experience in a senior compliance role in the pay television industry led to an awareness of the impact of local classification procedures on international trade in programming and provided the initial starting point for this research. Through scholarly investigation and interviews with three key producers of Australian children's programs and a senior UK programmer, certain findings regarding the impact of regulatory regimes on the export of Australian children's programs have been reached. The key findings of this research are firstly, that the rationales and operations of national classification schemes seem to be fundamentally untouched by supranational trade agreements and arguably are able to act as restraints on international trade. Additionally, programs that do not conform to the societal values of the countries to which they are being exported, will not sell. Secondly, multi-channelling is having the unexpected effect of driving down prices achieved for children's programs which is a cause for concern, given the importance of international sales to Australian producers. Part of this decline in pricing may be attributed to the rise in popularity of inexpensive animation, which now dominates children's channels in the UK. Thirdly, this research finds that Australian cultural policy is preventing Australian producers cultivating a competitive advantage in international markets, by making demands regarding content and quality that render their programs less attractive to overseas channels. If the Australian government believes that certain culturally desirable forms of television such as high quality, children's programming should continue to exist, it may in future have to modify its cultural policy in order to attain this objective.

The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s led to a multilateral international system no longer divided by contending forces of capitalism and communism. In the context of South Africa, the end of the Cold War occurred at a juncture where the apartheid government was being challenged by pro-democracy forces that have fought against it for decades. The developments in the international system and in the country led to South Africa adopting universal liberal values not only in its constitution, but also in its international relations. Foreign policy documents and statements by the ministry of Foreign Affairs also reflected the country's aspiration of becoming a mediator, a facilitator for democracy and a peacemaker especially in the context of Africa. International expectation mounted as South Africa was perceived as possessing the capacity to act in a manner that advances democratic values and which gives voice to the weak nations of the world. However, the aura of a post-apartheid South Africa that would act not only in its interest, but also in the interest of the world community never fully materialised. South Africa failed to act in a manner consistent with its stated commitment to democratic values when it recognised Peoples Republic of China, an undemocratic and repressive government. It also marched into Lesotho in 1998, resulting in the destabilisation of this tiny Southern African country. These events led to an increasing criticism of the South African government. Some argued that South Africa was still inexperienced given its recent emergence as a world player. Others blamed the inconsistency on a too broad and ambitious foreign policy that set itself for failure. This study seeks to contribute to the conceptual understanding of the debate regarding the ambiguous nature of South Africa's foreign policy behaviour. It situates the conceptualisation of South Africa's foreign policy within the predominant debates in international relations between realism, political structuralism and pluralism. Firstly, it holds that the end of the Cold War and ascendancy of globalist conceptions of international relations did not lead to the inadequacy of political structuralism as an organising framework. Secondly, it attempts to clarify the gap between South Africa's foreign policy and foreign policy behaviour by employing the assumptions advanced by political structuralism, Thirdly, a case study of South Africa's foreign policy towards China, Lesotho, the Great Lakes and Swaziland is carried out. Here it is demonstrated that the ambiguities of South Africa's foreign policy are a function of the constraints imposed by the political and economic structure of the international system, It draws its conclusion by providing methodological recommendations to South Africa's foreign policy makers and future researchers in the field of foreign policy analysis.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
A presente dissertação demonstra as mudanças introduzidas na formulação de política externa para a Amazônia com a entrada de novos atores com interesses variados na área. Ao longo do texto é mostrado como a diversidade de atores que participa desse processo mostra-se diferenciada com relação ao de outras regiões do Brasil. A dissertação tem como objetivo ampliar o debate acerca do papel de atores não-tradicionais nessa área de estudos, inserindo-os em uma corrente de pensamento que olha a política externa tanto a partir de seus constrangimentos internos quanto pelo viés das forças profundas que atuam no cenário internacional. A importância desse estudo para as pesquisas envolvendo a Amazônia deve-se, principalmente, em função da área possuir uma variedade de atores com caráter doméstico, internacional ou transnacional que atuam através de lobbies e redes políticas na tentativa de influenciar as políticas domésticas e externas para o espaço. Apresenta então a discussão do surgimento das principais preocupações da política externa no que tange o espaço brasileiro da floresta em decorrência da maior atenção verificada na arena internacional com o meio ambiente, o que traz mudanças políticas importantes durante o período autoritário (1964-1985). Como consequência da redemocratização (1985-2002) e do aumento dos fluxos intra e interpaíses, o espaço amazônico devido a suas riquezas potenciais voltou ao cerne dos debates de meio ambiente, o que teve impactos diretos no rearranjo político doméstico. Mais atores passaram a atuar na discussão pública sobre a floresta o que gerou novas formas de promoção da política externa do país nesse campo por meio de grupos e novas condutas na sua história diplomática, porém em acordo com seu principal formulador de política externa: o Itamaraty.
The present thesis demonstrates the modifications introduced in the political foreign policy formulation for the Amazon region with the entrance of new actors and its multiples interests in the area. Throughout the text is illustrated how the diversity of actors whose participates in this process is different from those of other regions of the Brazil. This thesis has as its main objective increase the debate about the enrollment of non-traditional actors in this field of study, introducing them into a chain of thought that sees foreign policy not only through its internal constraints but also through the lens of deep forces that acts in the international sphere. The importance of this study to researches about Amazonia refers specially to the fact that this area has an enormous range of actors with a domestic, international or transnational character that acts based on methods such as lobbies and political networks as an attempt to influence domestic and foreign politics for this region. The emergence of the main concerns of foreign policy for the Brazilian part of the forest is discussed, as a result of the increasingly attention with the environment verified at the international arena, which brings important political changes during the authoritarian period (1964-1985). As a result of the redemocratization process (1985-2002) and the raise of intra and inter countries fluxes, the Amazon region, because of its potential resources, returned to the core of debates involving the environment, which had direct impacts at the political domestic rearrangement. More actors started to act in the public discussions about the forest. This originated new ways of promoting Brazilian foreign policy in this field trough non-traditional groups and activities at the countrys diplomatic history, but in accordance with its main foreign policy unity: the Itamaraty.

L’analyse des injonctions en polonais est placée dans une perspective pragmatico-énonciative. L’injonction est définie comme un acte illocutoire directif qui vise l’accomplissement ou le non accomplissement de l’action par l’allocutaire. L’auteur de ce travail part du constat qu’il n’existe pas de forme d’énoncé qui véhicule en soi la valeur injonctive. Seule l’actualisation d’un énoncé dans un contexte donné permet de définir la valeur injonctive qui se présente comme un continuum allant de l’injonction douce à l’injonction catégorique. Cela suppose une interaction entre la situation d’énonciation, divers marqueurs sémantico-syntaxiques, métainformatifs, expressifs ainsi que la prise en compte des facteurs extralinguistiques. Le concept de l’injonction permet de constater la suprématie du critère fonctionnel (le but de l’injonction) par rapport au critère purement formel (la structure de l’injonction). La notion d’honorification offre un cadre de description capable de rendre compte des différences qui existent entre le domaine non distant et le domaine distant ce qui conduit à établir une hiérarchie entre divers emplois injonctifs
The analysis of the injunctions in Polish is carried out within the pragmatic and enunciation theoretical framework. The injunction is defined as an illocutionary directive act which aims at the fulfillment or non-fulfillment of the action by the hearer. The author starts by presupposing that there is no shape of statement which conveys in itself the injunctive value. Only the actualizing of a statement in a given context allows to define the injunctive value which appears as a continuum going from soft injunction to categorical injunction. The actualizing in question asks for combination and interaction between the situation of speaking, the various semantic, syntactic, meta-informative and expressive markers, and the taking into account of the extra-linguistic factors. The concept of injunction allows to notice the supremacy of the functional criterion (the purpose of the injunction) over the purely formal criterion (the structure of the injunction). The notion of honorification offers a frame of description allowing to acknowledge the differences between the not-distant domain and the distant domain, which leads to establishing a hierarchy between diverse injunctive uses

Terre sauvage autrefois délaissée, le littoral méditerranéen est de nos jours un espace raréfié et saturé. Il est ainsi en proie à divers affrontements lorsque des droits aux aspirations différentes interviennent conjointement sur ce territoire exigu, tel le droit de l'urbanisme et le droit de l'environnement. En effet, leurs finalités d'intérêt général sont directement éloignées l'une de l'autre sur les espaces côtiers méditerranéens car si la première s'emploie à aménager, à transformer les sols urbains, la seconde se consacre à préserver, voire à restaurer l'environnement littoral. Dès lors, l'apparente autonomie juridique qui caractérise d'ordinaire les relations du droit de l'urbanisme et du droit de l'environnement évoluent ainsi en hostilité lorsqu'ils se rencontrent sur cet espace sur occupé. Néanmoins, l'urgence à sauvegarder le territoire littoral nécessite de dépasser cette logique d'opposition entre les finalités d'intérêt général de ces deux disciplines juridiques. C'est essentiellement le juge administratif qui s'attachera à solutionner ces conflits de normes par le biais de la méthode de la conciliation. Celles-ci étant d'égales valeurs, le juge ne saurait en effet avoir recours à la théorie de la hiérarchie des normes. Aussi, conformément à l'objectif originel poursuivi par le législateur de la loi Littoral du 3 janvier 1986, le juge administratif opère tacitement un équilibre entre l'aménagement et la préservation de l'environnement littoral. Pour autant, l'interprétation de la loi du 3 janvier 1986 ne saurait suffire à assurer un développement équilibré de ces espaces côtiers, notamment en raison de leur propension à être convoité par de multiples et diverses activités. C'est pourquoi, les préoccupations environnementales se devaient d'être incorporées directement dans le corpus urbanistique. Or, malgré une louable prise en considération des enjeux environnementaux dans le droit de l'urbanisme, cette politique juridique d'intégration génère une profusion de règles et d'outils juridiques applicable sur le littoral méditerranéen. Tant est si bien que l'appréhension du droit du littoral est aujourd'hui complexe et son effectivité pour le moins relative.

M.Comm.
International studies have indicated that a high ratio of investment relative to Gross Domestic Product (GOP) is one of the most important preconditions for achieving sustainable high economic growth. For the South African economy to achieve a high employment and economic growth rate, it requires two further important factors, namely a sustained increase in productivity and an expansion of production capacity. Poor levels of investment performance, coupled with a lack of skilled labour, are the main reasons for restricted expansion in the country's growth potential and declining job opportunities. Keynes, (1936:30) argued that employment cannot increase without investment increasing, and strongly declared that the level of investment determines the level of employment. In his analysis, Keynes (1936:30) concluded that investment is a driving force for economic growth. Investment expenditure can be divided into four categories: - infrastructural investment in the public sector;- infrastructural investment in residential construction; - business fixed investment; and - the net change in the business inventories. This study examines Gross Domestic Fixed Investment and focuses mainly on private fixed investment as a driving force for economic growth for many years, GOP growth has been declining; unemployment has increased...

Bibliography: p. 257-268.
x, 268 p. : ill. ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Social Inquiry, 2000