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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Policy Making – United States'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Cotter, Patrick. "Total force policy making and the Air National Guard : a way ahead /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=548272e2-9bb4-41d5-96ff-28789b0d5ab9&rs=PublishedSearch.

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2

Thompson, Maximillian. "Making friends : amity in American foreign policy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:314db049-15df-4c1d-8a58-feaad76b1c28.

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This thesis examines an important but understudied phenomenon in international politics: the role of amity in foreign policy. The core research question is "how have American friendships for specified others been made possible?" Drawing on the logic of securitization, this thesis employs Aristotle's notion of character friends as Other Selves and Judith Butler's concept of performativity to elaborate an international process of friendship or amitization. In doing so, the thesis employs critical discourse analysis of presidential rhetoric and popular culture to elucidate the process through which discourses of similarity become naturalized frames of reference within the conduct of foreign policy. It argues that friendship emerges when a state comes to see itself in an other and that this similarity (re)produces a certain form of state identity that enables and forecloses certain policy options vis-à-vis friends. Friendship manifests in a habitual, or naturalized, disposition to treat friends better than others. As such, it can account for how certain policies and postures, such as uncritical and often unconditional support for subjects positioned as "friends," have come to be pursued as common sense. Amitization is illustrated by assessing three case studies: the Anglo-American "special relationship;" the US-Israel "unbreakable bond;" and America's membership of "the Atlantic Community." Specifically, the thesis similarly demonstrates the ways in which amity accounts for how supererogatory commitments such as vast financial assistance, diplomatic support, information sharing, security guarantees and concern for the welfare of these specified others have come to be seen as unquestionably legitimate policies in the broader trajectory of American foreign policy. Amity matters and the practices of amitization are inseparable from intelligible foreign policy.

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3

Thangasamy, Andrew. "Explaining policy making for undocumented immigrants in the United States states, 1998--2005." Connect to online resource, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3284405.

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4

Price, Aubrey Hampton. "Education production functions in policy making : a critical analysis /." Diss., This resource online, 1994. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-02132009-171627/.

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5

Saum-Manning, Lisa L. "Avenues of influence a study of domestic constraints on the U.S. national security policy-making process /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1372034521&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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6

Noyes, Allison L. "Foreign policy making and perspective : neoconservative ideology and the politicization of intelligence /." Connect to online version, 2005. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2005/102.pdf.

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7

SOLOMON, Russel Keith. "THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AUSTRALIA'S TRADE POLICY-MAKING TOWARDS THE UNITED STATES." University of Sydney, Government and Public Administration, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/387.

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The purpose of this study is to explain how Australia has bargained for improved outcomes in its trade with the United States over the 1980s and into the early 1990s. This explanation is sought by means of an analysis of the forces which have shaped Australia's trade policy-making towards the U.S. in the five trading sectors of wheat, sugar, beef, steel and international air passenger transport. The study adopts a theoretical framework which postulates that state actors and institutions are principally responsible for trade policy-making and the concomitant bargaining strategies adopted to improve trade outcomes. However, a state-centred approach needs to be qualified by state actors' accomodation of societal-actor demands for policy action. While exogenous to this domestic bargaining process, influences emanating from the international political economy must also be taken into account. The relationship within and between state and societal actors, influenced as they are by international institutions and ideas, are critical to understanding the bargaining approaches made by one state towards another. It is argued that sectoral trading outcomes between Australia and the U.S. can be understood by reference to a bilateral bargaining process within each trading sector. Within each such bargaining process, Australia has, within broad bilateral and multilateral approaches, devised strategies by which it could mobilize sectorally-specific resources to seek to exploit opportunities and minimise problems so as to improve its trading outcomes. The nature of these sectoral strategies has been influenced by first, the nature of the U.S. policy and policy-making process; second, the Australian domestic bargaining process between state and societal actors; and third, and to a lesser extent, prevailing ideas and the perceptions of the negotiating parties.

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8

Wellens, Sandra J. "Education/industry partnerships in England and Wales and the United States : a comparative analysis." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241226.

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9

Potyondy, Patrick Ryan. "Making, Preserving, and Redeveloping Public Housing in the United States." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1461324499.

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10

Schachter, Jonathan M. "Theeye of the believer : psychological influences on counter-terrorism policy-making /." Santa Monica, Calif. : RAND, 2002. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0711/2003271989.html.

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11

Gross, Debra Sue. "Interest groups in the policy-making process : an organizational perspective /." The Ohio State University, 1986. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487322984314125.

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12

Saikaly, Ramona. "Decision making in U.S. foreign policy applying Kingdon's multiple streams model to the 2003 Iraq crisis /." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1239751827.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009.<br>Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 24, 2009). Advisor: Steven W. Hook. Keywords: proactive foreign policy, the multiple streams model, preexisting solutions. Includes bibliographical references (p. 218-238).

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13

Soherwordi, Syed Hussain Shaheed. "Pakistan foreign policy formulation, 1947-65 : an analysis of institutional interaction between American policy making bodies and the Pakistan Army." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4280.

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This thesis examines through the use of archives and oral evidence the role of the Pakistan Army in the context of Pakistan’s domestic politics and foreign policy. Its main purpose is to explore the autonomy of the Pakistan Army in shaping national and foreign policy between the years 1947-1965. Focusing on its independent relationship with three instruments of policy-making in the United States – the Department of State, the White House and the Pentagon – the thesis argues that the relationship between the Army and these policy-making bodies arose from a synergistic commonality of interests. The Americans needed a country on the periphery of the Soviet Union to contain Communism while the Pakistan Army needed US military support to check Indian regional military hegemonism in South Asia. This alliance was secured to the disadvantage of democratic political institutions of Pakistan. The Army, which became stronger as a result of US military and economic support, came progressively to dominate domestic politics. This led not only to weakened civilian governments in the period I am examining, but in 1958 to the military seizure of political control of the country itself. The infringement of the Army into civilian spheres of government further caused a deterioration in relations between East and West Pakistan. The increasing clout of a US-backed Army whose elite officers had a bias against the eastern wing of the country, the thesis argues, thus indirectly resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan itself. To explain the Army’s ascendancy its transformation from British colonial army into a national political actor, is documented. The thesis explores the influence of the martial-race theory and of Punjabisation in the Army as it developed in the colonial era. Secondly, it reconstructs how provincial politics weakened the Federal Government and allowed the Army to usurp political power to a disproportionate degree. Thirdly, the thesis considers the extent to which the US-Army relationship influenced and even took precedence over decision-making within the government itself. It details the military pacts made between the two countries to contain the USSR in this period. Finally, it explores where and how the interests of the US and Pakistan Army diverged, in particular concerning their respective relations with India. The complications arising in Indo-Pakistan relations in consequence of an abrupt tilt of the US towards India after the Sino-Indian war in 1962 are also examined. In reaction to this new Indo-US nexus, it is argued the Pakistani military junta leaned towards China and in 1965 endeavoured to make use of it advanced, US-supplied weaponry before – as they saw it – the strategic balance was to be irrecoverably lost in favour of India. In conclusion, the thesis argues that the period under consideration saw a complete failure of the US policy of containing communism whilst at the same time avoiding war between its allies in the region, and that this had tragic consequences for the future of democracy in Pakistan.

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14

Murgado, Amaury. "The Bay of Pigs Invasion: A Case Study in Foreign Policy Decision-Making." Master's thesis, Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002522.

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15

Chinwanno, A. "Thailand's search for protection : The making of the alliance with the United States, 1947-1954." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.354768.

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16

Burr, Timothy Allen. "Administrators as policy makers of an autonomous government corporation : who manages the United States Postal Service? /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1985.

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17

Hempson, Donald Allen. "The lion with two tales Czechoslovak economic and foreign policy-making and its impact on U.S. relations, 1919-1929 /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1155052806.

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18

Adcox, Wallace O. III. "Force and the United States after Vietnam: Allison applied." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/45473.

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<p>Most studies of the use of conventional military force by the United States in the twentieth century tend to characterize the decision making process in terms of a unitary state and a unitary presidential decision maker. One alternative to this approach is the Bureaucratic Politics paradigm proposed by Graham Allison. To test the explanatory power of this decision making model in the post-Vietnam era, this thesis applies the specific propositions of Graham Allison's "Governmental Politics Model" concerning the use of military force, to selected case studies. In an attempt to determine the explanatory power of Allison's Governmental Politics model in the wake of Vietnam, this thesis draws on case studies ranging from the Dominican Republic intervention to the recent invasion of Panama. This thesis seeks to measure the theory to present reality.</p><br>Master of Arts

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19

Zhang, Kan. "The Sino-American Cold War in the US senate a study of the role of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations in the making of China policy, 1953-1972 /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2004. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31463381.

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20

Singh, Robert. "The Congressional Black Caucus : representation and policy-making in the United States Congress, 1971-1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241339.

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21

May, Cindy Lou. "United States presidential decision-making and the use of force during crises in the Middle East and North Africa, 1979-2009." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648219.

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22

Farshee, Louis M. (Louis Michael). "The United States' Recognition of Israel: Determinant Factors in American Foreign Policy." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500365/.

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This thesis examines the critical factors leading to the 1948 decision by the United States government to extend recognition to the newly declared State of Israel. In the first of five chapters the literature on the recognition of Israel is discussed. Chapter II presents the theoretical foundation of the thesis by tracing the development of Charles Kegley's decision regime framework. Also discussed is the applicability of bureaucratic structure theory and K. J. Holsti's hierarchy of objectives. Chapters III and IV present the empirical history of this case, each closing with a chapter summary. The final chapter demonstrates the relevance and validity of the theoretical framework to the case and closes with a call for further research into the processes of foreign policy decision-making.

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23

Schultz, Courtney Allison. "Cumulative effects analysis in U.S. Forest Service decision-making." Diss., [Missoula, Mont.] : The University of Montana, 2009. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-06102009-101714.

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24

Osborne, Robert Earl. "President Nixon and higher education policy making influences and achievements, 1969-1974 /." Access abstract and link to full text, 1990. http://0-wwwlib.umi.com.library.utulsa.edu/dissertations/fullcit/9302430.

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25

Scott, Randall Paul Evanson Robert Kent. "Cuba constructed the impact of perception on foreign policy decision-making /." Diss., UMK access, 2004.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Dept. of Political Science and Dept. of History. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2004.<br>"A dissertation in political science and history." Advisor: Robert Evanson. Typescript. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed Feb. 28, 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-252). Online version of the print edition.

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26

Strathman, Brent A. "Who advises? power, politics, & persuasion in foreign policy decision making /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1135002242.

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27

Chembayil-Rajan, Sneha. "The Iran policy decision-making of the United States during the Obama Administration : a poliheuristic analysis." Thesis, Durham University, 2016. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11899/.

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This thesis deals with one of the most intriguing political and security issues of this decade, namely the Iran policy decision-making of the United States during the Obama administration, specifically from January 2009 to July 2014. The primary objective of this thesis is to address two questions: (1) why did the Obama administration choose to pursue the specific policy instruments of sanctions, sabotage and diplomacy, when dealing with Iran? (2) What were the variables considered by the decision-makers, when making the Iran policy decisions of the United States? (2.a) How, if at all, did the make-up of those variables change over time? (2.b) How, if at all, did the relative significance of variables change between different decision-making episodes? By drawing upon the theoretical framework of poliheuristic theory, this thesis provides a nuanced analysis of the Iran policy decision-making of the United States, by discussing three in-depth case studies dealing with three different Iran policy decisions. This thesis argues that, the United States had very few policy options when dealing with Iran. Even so, until Hassan Rouhani was elected as the President of Iran, the United States had made no commitment to pursue diplomacy with Iran to resolve the Iranian nuclear issue, because the Obama administration was more concerned with fighting domestic political battles, and appeasing America's international allies. However, since the election of President Rouhani, the Obama administration gave diplomacy a chance, by resisting pressure from domestic opponents and international allies who tried to derail diplomacy, because during this period the Obama administration had to deal with the security crisis in the Middle East, and cooperation with Iran was essential to cope with the turmoil in the region. These findings have profound implications for poliheuristic theory, because it reinforces the claim that decision-makers are not primarily concerned with utility maximisation on the same topic as the decision. By providing a better understanding of the Iran policy making of the United States, this thesis contributes to the literature on US foreign policy, as well as Ph theory, through the use of important and interesting case studies.

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28

Austin, Elizabeth Anne. "Shock and Awe : the foreign policy decision-making process under the Bush administration." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2566/.

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In recent years a growing number of scholars within the field of Foreign Policy Analysis have asserted that an understanding of the interface between national identity and foreign policy is of paramount importance. Indeed one of the driving forces behind the surge of interest in this topic area is the recognition that foreign policy decision-makers are not immune to the effects of national identity, being themselves a product of the society in which they live. This body of work seeks to highlight the role American exceptionalism played in influencing the Bush administration’s foreign policy decision-making process following the events of September 11th. For many Americans, the events of September 11th served as a cruel re-minder that the United States remained vulnerable to outside attack much like it had been prior to the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor. Both events are now indelibly scarred into the American psyche. While each attack left Americans with a sense of vulnerability, they could have at least consoled themselves with the thought that Pearl Harbor was a reaction to the perceived threat that the United States would pose on entering the Second World War. September 11th only lead Americans to the sobering realization that the citizens of other nations took a growing affront to their very ideals and way of life. Sensing this insecurity, the Bush administration seized the opportunity presented by September 11th and began reshaping the identity of the United States, its enemies and the rest of the world in order to justify its foreign policy. This thesis suggests that in the absence of the September 11th terrorist attacks and the resultant shift in identity, the neoconservatives would not have had the same chance to exert their considerable influence on the administration. In order to achieve its objectives, this research notes that the Bush administration employed a foreign policy decision-making process that not only circumvented executive branch proficiency but also often completely disregarded it. Moreover it is also apparent that key foreign policy decision-makers were overconfident in America’s exceptional nature, mainly its economic and military superiority, which consequently clouded its assessment of public diplomacy’s value. Examination of the administration’s defense posture in the wake of September 11th has revealed that many of its early initiatives did not match the threats faced by the United States. One thing is certain, in the absence of the September 11th terrorist attacks, the Bush administration would have been unable to justify a foreign policy doctrine as outlined in the 2002 National Security Strategy. Finally this research seeks to add to the field through an assessment of public opinion in particular that of the Facebook Generation, an up and coming cohort. Appreciation of public opinion is crucial as it provides a perspective through which to understand how the American public sees the nation’s self-image and how it wants the country to act on the international stage. From a foreign policy decision-making perspective, this information is invaluable because it reveals what types of risks the public is willing to take. As a result, it is imperative that researchers begin to understand this generation’s point of view, given the uncertain nature of the international environment that lies ahead.

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29

Waterman, Peter A. (Peter Alan). "Resource Evaluation and Presidential Decision-making: Predicting the Use of Force by U.S. Presidents, 1976 - 1988." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278299/.

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In order to explain presidential decisions to use force, a model is developed that incorporates three distinct decision-making environments. The results indicate the president is responsive not only to domestic and international environments, but also to the resource evaluation environment. The evidence here demonstrates that while these two environments are important the president can't use force arbitrarily; rather, his evaluation of resources available for the use of force can limit his ability to engage the military during crisis situations.

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30

Montpetit, Eric. "Policy making performance, policy change, and political institutions : the formulation of an environmental policy for the agricultural sector in France, the United States and Canada /." *McMaster only, 1999.

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31

Oates, Christopher R. "The role of the United States in the European Union's decision-making on security policy, 2001-2005." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.606528.

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At the start of the 21st century. the European Union had entered the realm of security policy, gaining legal competence and building institutional structures. Yet it was not the only actor or institution in European security. Its constituent member states had independent security policies; most were pa11 or the formal institution of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization; and all existed with in the informal institution of the transatlantic security community. The United States was the most powerful actor in the two latter institutions and had longstanding bilateral ties to EU member states. Given the overlapping institutional nature of this field and the United States' unique pertinence 10 European security, it seems possible that the US, although a non-member state, might have causal significance when the EU deliberates security policy. This thesis seeks to investigate this possibility and to identify what role the United States may play ill the EU's decision-making process. It does so using a typology of roles - accommodator, entrepreneur, spoiler and veto player - created from examples in European and institutional literature and grounded in the-hi story of European security since the end of the Cold War. The American role is explored with three case studies of EU security debates from 2001 to 2005: the discussion over EU security structure prompted by the April 29, 2003, Mini-Summit on European Security and Defense Policy; the political agreements surrounding the creation of the Galileo Global Navigation Satellite System; and the dispute over lining the EU's arms embargo on the People's Republic of China. In each case study, the European Union is a significant force and its internal dynamics are difficult for the United States to penetrate. However, in each episode, the US is ultimately a causally significant player in the EU's decision-making process, most resembling, according to the typology, a veto player.

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32

Hafner, Ferdinand. "Cognitive biases and structural failures in United States foreign policy explaining decision-making dissonance in Phase IV policy and plans for Iraq." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FHafner.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Russell, James. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 18, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-71). Also available in print.

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33

Sexton, Mary DuBois. "The wages of principle and power Cyrus R. Vance and the making of foreign policy in the Carter administration /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/463256204/viewonline.

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34

McFall, Shawn. "Foreign Policy by Fiat: An Examination of the United States Decision Making Process on Iraq from 1990-1998." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1906.

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This thesis explores how the United States identified Iraq as a threat to its national interest from 1990 to 1998. The international relations literature is heavily skewed toward exploring the question of why states engage in conflict and neglecting how a country identifies a threat. Therefore, this thesis focuses on the threat identification policy process. This thesis examines two security moves – the Gulf War and the Iraq Liberation Act – and uses primary documents to reveal how the foreign policy apparatus concluded that Iraq was a threat. Through the two cases, I found that foreign policy decisions were made on an ad-hoc basis and government officials were much more likely to inflate the Iraqi threat. Future international relation scholars can use my thesis as a guideline when constructing studies on the threat identification process.

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35

Montpetit, Éric. "Policy making performance, policy change, and political institutions, the formulation of an environmental policy for the agricultural sector in France, the United States and Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0031/NQ66227.pdf.

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36

Davis, Whitney Michelle. "THE DECISION TO DECENTRALIZE GOOD PROVISION IN THE UNITED STATES: A STUDY IN CLEAN ENERGY POLICY." UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/msppa_etds/32.

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Normative economic theory provides justification for at least partially centralized renewable energy provision due to the large, positive externalities associated with renewable energy production. However, the United States is one of the few countries without centralized renewable energy policy. Instead, the federal government actively chooses decentralized renewable energy provision by using fiscal transfers to support subnational renewable energy development. This dissertation explores why U.S. legislators choose decentralized renewable energy provision by asking two primary questions. First, what is the motivation for using federal fiscal transfers for decentralized renewable energy output considering what we know about positive spillovers and market failure associated with decentralized renewable energy production? Second, do fiscal transfers for decentralized renewable energy provision increase renewable energy production at the local level? The theoretical model proposed in Chapter Four posits why policymakers choose decentralized renewable energy provision. The chapter argues that the current political price associated with a specific policy issue affects legislators’ choices regarding good provision. I hypothesize that when the political price associated with vying for centralized good provision is high, legislators are incentivized to choose decentralized good provision. Chapter Five applies this theory to empirically evaluate the choice to decentralize renewable energy provision. The chapter examines whether the current political price of renewable energy policy affects the likelihood of a legislator proposing decentralized funding for renewable energy provision. I hypothesize that legislators will propose funding to support decentralized renewable energy development when the political price associated with renewable energy policies is high at a given time. The results show that when the political price of renewable energy policy is low, a policymaker is less likely to use grants to support renewable energy projects, finding support for the hypothesis. Chapter Six empirically evaluates the effectiveness of renewable energy grants at the local level to further understand the theoretical model proposed in Chapter Four. I hypothesize that receiving a renewable energy grant increases renewable energy output at the local level. The results support this hypothesis by showing that receiving a renewable energy grant is associated with significant and positive increases in solar energy production. These findings provide further insight into legislative decision-making and the role of renewable energy grants in renewable energy development in the U.S.

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37

Moran, Susan Jane. "The influence of the 1968-1975 Congressional reforms on legislative policy-making : the development of the oil-pricing provision of the Energy Policy and Conservation Act (1975)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3398b8d3-45ae-4706-b094-692a7ba0f827.

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Congressional reform is the focus of my study. Congress (but primarily the House of Representatives) attempted to reform its workings from 1968 through 1975, so it might be more effective in developing comprehensive policies on national issues, and more independent of the executive branch. Reform raised expectations that the legislature would reassert its policy-making role, which had diminished during the preceding thirty years. My study examines the influence of these changes on the congressional decision-making process, including their impact on the important role played by external actors, interest groups and especially the President, who reacted to these changes. The study examines the process through an analysis of the development and passage of the most controversial provision, dealing with oil-price controls (Title IV), of Congress' major energy bill of 1975, the Energy Policy and Conservation Act (H.R. 7014). On 15 December 1975, Congress passed the Energy Policy and Conservation Act (EPCA) which President Gerald R. Ford signed into law on 22 December. The EPCA (Public Law 94-163) extended oil-price controls until 1979. The oilpricing provision had significant national and international economic and political implications. Merely to trace the tortuous chronicle of oil-pricing policy would be informative. But this study will go further by using this account to analyze congressional decision-making in the period immediately following Congress' attempts at reform. My study shows that although reforms eroded old norms and power centres, significantly altering some aspects of congressional decision-making (again primarily in the House), they did not create institutional mechanisms or distribute internal powers in such a way that Congress could independently initiate and develop comprehensive national policies. Congress remained more dependent on the President than many of its members understood. The final substance of the oil-pricing policy reflected the characteristic congressional decision-making process, which had become even more dispersed as it was democratized by reform. The committee system, without a strong executive or party control, divides issues in a way that limits decision-makers' options.

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38

Berlinski, Claire J. "Our common enemy : the making of the United States arms transfer policy towards the Arab-Israeli antagonists, 1967-1988." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.405024.

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39

Guevara, Martinez Alfredo Juan. "The dynamic of the United States decision-making process of foreign policy to Cuba : an analysis of the normalization of 2014 /." Marília, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/183531.

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Orientador: Luis Fernando Ayerbe<br>Co-orientador: Harry Edwin Vanden<br>Banca: Cristina Soreanu Pecequilo<br>Banca: Samuel Alves Soares<br>Banca: Luiza Rodrigues Mateo<br>Banca: Roberto Moll<br>O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"<br>Resumo: O anúncio da normalização de relações com Cuba feito pelo Presidente Obama quebrou o caráter de austeridade que a política externa dos Estados Unidos tinha desde a Revolução cubana de 19 5 9. Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar as dinâmicas que influenciam o processo decisório da política externa dos Estados Unidos observando o fenômeno d a normalização de relações diplomáticas com Cuba iniciado pelo presidente Barack Obama em 17 de dezembro de 2014. Por mais de cinquenta anos Cuba e Estados Unidos se mantiveram sem relações diplomáticas oficiais devido ao antagonismo dos Estados Unidos fre nte o caráter do regime de governo da Revolução cubana. Ao longo das décadas a tradição de políticas austeras para a Ilha foi construída, abrangendo diversos setores e instituições do governo dos Estados Unidos e se enraizando em interesses políticos. Mesmo com o fim da Guerra Fria as práticas de antagonismo com Cuba foram mantidas e o embargo econômico à Ilha, iniciado durante o conflito bipolar, foi intensificado e transformado em Lei. A manutenção de práticas de enfretamento originadas de um contexto já ultrapassado leva ao questionamento acerca de quais são os elementos que justificam a continuidade de uma política externa para Cuba que pode ser considerada anacrônica. Assim, est e estudo se propõe a compreender a complexidade do processo decisório que levou à quebra dessa tradição e a iniciativa de normalizar as relações entre Estados Unidos e Cuba. Utilizando o caso da normalizaçã... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)<br>Abstract: The announcement of normalization of relations with Cuba made by President Obama broke with the austerity aspect that the United States Cuban Foreign Policy had since the Cuba Revolution of 1959. This study aims to analyze the dynamics that influence the United States foreign policy decision making process, observing the normalization of diplomatic relations with Cuba initiated by Barack Obama on December 17 of 2014. For more than fifty year s Cuba and the United States remained without official diplomatic relations due the United States antagonism to the government regime originated from the Cuban Revolution. Through the decades a tradition of austere policies to the Island was built, including several sectors and institutions of the United States government rooting political interests in it. Even with the end of the Cold Wars, the antagonist practices to Cuba were kept and the economic embargo to the Island that was initiated during the bipolar conflict was intensified and turned into law. The maintenance of those practices originated from a n outdated context leads to questioning which are the elements that justify the continuity of a foreign policy to Cuba that can be considered anachronical. Thus, this study seeks to understand the complexity of the decision making process that led to the break in such tradition and to the initiative of normalizing relations between the United St ates and Cuba. Using the normalization case, we present a conceptual discussion about mapp... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)<br>Doutor

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40

Walsh, Peter William. "The legislature in immigration policy-making : a liberal constraint?" Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/267710.

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Over the last thirty years, research on the immigration policy-making of liberal democratic states has been preoccupied with the puzzle of why migrant inflows have reached unprecedented levels in Western countries, despite popular calls for restrictionism. A common response of scholars to this puzzle is that whilst governments endeavour to reflect public preferences for restrictive immigration policy, they are prevented from doing so by norms and institutions that are characteristic of liberal democracies. These ‘liberal constraints’ include the national judiciary; international human rights norms; and supranational institutions, such as the European Union. But what of the national legislature? What is the role of this key liberal institution in shaping immigration law within Western democracies? On this question, the literature says remarkably little. This thesis endeavours to redress this apparent neglect. Its case study is the United Kingdom, which is viewed, on the basis of existing research, as a ‘most-likely’ case for having a weak legislature; and in which the executive branch of government has been shown to be relatively unconstrained by the judiciary in comparison with other European states. Does anything, then, act to constrain the immigration restrictionism of the British government? Informed by a novel theoretical framework, ‘interpretive political opportunity structures’, the investigation focuses upon the Parliamentary passage of a single policy: the Immigration Bill 2013-14. Its analysis is based on a detailed examination of the Bill and its legislative process; and on thirty-three interviews that I conducted with key immigration policy stakeholders, including two Government ministers, one from each of the Coalition parties; Government and Opposition MPs; members of the House of Lords; civil servants; legal professionals; and lobbyists. The findings reveal that the UK Parliament had an important liberalising impact upon the Bill, acting to constrain the restrictionist bent of the executive. If the UK is accepted as a case in which we are most likely to find the opposite of this, i.e., a legislature impotent against a dominant executive, then the orthodox view that the legislature is in general a marginal actor in shaping immigration law may have to be revised. Notably, the unelected upper chamber, the House of Lords, appeared to constitute a stronger check on executive power than the elected lower chamber, the House of Commons. This is consonant with Peers’ understanding of their duty to legislate responsibly, rather than responsively (i.e., in line with popular opinion) like MPs in the Commons. Insulated from populist pressures, the Lords invites comparison with respect to its function and impact to the judiciaries of other Western nations, suggesting, perhaps, that in the British constitutional system, known for its pusillanimous judiciary, the Lords evidences an ‘adaptation’ to the marked power imbalance between the judicial and executive branches of the UK state.

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Teater, Barbra A. "Residential mobility and the Section 8 Housing Choice Voucher Program factors predicting mobility and the residential decision-making process of recipients /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1164641312.

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42

Dussauge, Laguna Mauricio Ivan. "Cross-national policy learning and administrative reforms : the making of 'management for results' policies in Chile and Mexico (1990-2010)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/718/.

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The study of whether and how learning from abroad matters for policy changes is a fundamental but hugely contested subject at the heart of contemporary policy transfer, policy diffusion, and cognate literatures. Cross-national learning is said to be one of the key mechanisms by which ideas, policies, and administrative reforms travel across jurisdictions. However, it is also said to be fraught with several difficulties, and thus to hardly exert any significant influence on policymaking. This thesis addresses this puzzle through various means. It asks a set of research questions and proposes an analytical framework to explore the relationship between cross-national learning and policy change. It then traces the making of Management for Results policies in Chile and Mexico, comparing policy developments in both countries across two decades (1990-2010). The thesis challenges conventional scholarly accounts on this subject. It shows that cross-national learning might bring about significant policy changes. However, this does not necessarily occur through the transfer or diffusion of policies or models intact. It happens through policymakers’ use of knowledge from policies abroad in many ways and at various stages of the policymaking process. Moreover, policy changes are neither secured once policy elements are adopted, nor are they completed once their process of adaptation to a receiving environment has started. In fact, policymakers need to devise strategies to ensure the new policies are effective, legitimate, and durable. Full policy convergence does not necessarily happen, but neither does absolute divergence. Across time, through sequences of learning and change, policymakers learn how to overcome cognitive biases and national barriers; how to combine experiential learning and knowledge from policies abroad; and how to better fit policies to their national conditions, while also keeping them in tune with international policy developments.

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Crow, Stephen M. (Stephen Martin). "Dominant Decision Cues in Labor Arbitration; Standards Used in Alcohol and Drug Cases." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331930/.

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During the past twenty years, extensive research has been conducted concerning the judgmental processes of labor arbitrators. Previous research, sometimes referred to as policy capturing, attempted to identify the criteria or standards used by arbitrators to support their decisions. Much of the research was qualitative. Due to the categorical nature of the dependent variables, log-linear models such as logit regression have been used to examine decisional relationships in more recent studies. The decision cues used by arbitrators in 249 published alcohol- and drug-related arbitration cases were examined. The justifications for arbitrators' decisions were fitted into Carroll Daugherty's "seven tests" of just cause. The dominant cues were proof of misconduct, the appropriateness of the penalty, and the business necessity of management's action. Foreknowledge of the rule by the grievant and the consequences of a violation, equal treatment of the grievant, and an appropriate investigation by management were also important decision cues. In general, grievants in alcohol and drug arbitration cases fared as well as grievants in any other disciplinary arbitrations. However, when the cases were analyzed based on the legal status of the drug, illicit drug users were at a considerable disadvantage.

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Price, Laura Black. "An Analysis of How Interest Groups Influence the Policy-making Process for the Individuals With Disabilities Education Act of 1997." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279312/.

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This study examined the policy letters and verbal testimony transcripts submitted by interest groups to the United States Department of Education (USDE) in response to the proposed regulations pertaining to the implementation of the 1997 reauthorization of P. L. 105-17, Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). Specifically, this study analyzed the emerging themes in the area of discipline. Responses were received from the following interest groups: (a) school administrators, (b) parents, (c) teachers, (d) state educational agencies (SEAs), (e) national educational organizations, and (f) members of the United States Congress. In addition to analyzing the emerging themes, the study compared these themes to ones found in the current literature and court cases.

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Matějková, Adéla. "What's at stake of normalized relations between the United States and Iran." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-162773.

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This thesis tries to identify what's at stake of normalized relations between the United States and Iran since the Iranian revolution in 1979. The thesis tries to find out what are the key issues behind the failed relations between these two countries from the American point of view in order to determine whether normalized relations between these two countries can ever be achieved. It elaborates on four key characteristics of individual level analysis of foreign policy decision making applied on three key Presidents involved in foreign policy making towards Iran since 1979.

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Faugstad, Jesse A. "Ike's Last War: Making War Safe for Society." Chapman University Digital Commons, 2019. https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses/5.

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This thesis analyzes how Eisenhower defined war and its utility in his New Look defense policy and the ramifications for America’s interactions with the world through its foreign policy. It argues that Eisenhower redefined the relationship between war and society as he executed his grand strategy, further removing society from the decision for war. To avoid what he believed to be the inevitable global destruction of a general war turned nuclear, Eisenhower broadened the scope of ‘war” to balance domestic opinion for containing communism while also avoiding the devastating consequences of war in American society. By authorizing coups in Iran and Guatemala, Eisenhower blurred the line between coercive diplomacy and violent political warfare. President Eisenhower’s reliance on covert action to achieve political outcomes prevented general or nuclear war but it strengthened an emerging model for society’s relationship with war. Political warfare and covert action increased the gap between society and the commitment of American power during the Cold War. In his effort to prevent war, Eisenhower expanded presidential power and set a precedent that continues today.

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Khalifa, Rafaa Ibrahim. "Evaluating Project Assessment Techniques for High-Profile Transportation Projects Development and Delivery: Case of State Departments of Transportation (DOTs) in the United States." PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5109.

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Time delays and cost overruns in construction projects are generally due to factors such as inappropriate planning, design errors, unexpected site conditions, inadvisable tools selection, change scope, weather conditions, lack of resources, and other project changes. Time delays and cost overruns are of concern to most project managers, owners, and governments. These elements of time and cost are two of the critical defects that impact the construction project delivery. These defects can lead to project failures and to various negative issues like increasing in disagreements among the project team, the contractor, suppliers, and the owner. State Departments of Transportation (DOTs) in the U.S. continue to spend heavily on roads, highways, and bridges construction, as well as development, maintenance, and expansion. This continued financial commitment reflects decades of commitment to improve the transportation service for safer and better use by the general public. Despite the notable efforts from most of the states to develop the transportation infrastructure, budget restrictions and lack of funds are some of the major challenges faced by DOTs. Highway and bridge infrastructure has a high potential growth in the U.S. construction market. Well-organized highway and bridge project investment decision-making becomes increasingly crucial in the transportation sector. In this research, transportation is specified to highway and bridge projects, and it focused on high-profile projects. These projects are defined as high-cost projects, and are associated with higher project delivery risk (typically $100 - $500 million). All states are working with their state transportation plan, listing the projects based on each state priorities and population growth. Proper planning leads to the right decision regarding selecting the best alternative within budget, and it must reflect certain core principles, including a comprehensive analysis. To facilitate such a decision process, decision makers need a trusted decision model that considers all important options and impacts. By using a decision model, decision-making will not be subjectively influenced to favor one option or group. The decision model becomes the primary tool for selecting the best option, based on its structure levels, perspectives, sub-criteria, and experts’ input. Recently, there is an apparent need for a decision model to help DOTs evaluating their options. Effective project delivery assessment tools, techniques, or practices are strongly needed to improve transportation construction projects’ performance. The research objective is to develop a comprehensive decision model that can be used by project managers and their teams to choose the most effective project assessment technique for measuring the success of performance and outcomes related to the delivery of transportation projects. This research was focused on the assessment techniques that are used in the development phase within the transportation project lifecycle phases. To this end, the research identified and screened the innovative assessment tools and techniques of project delivery that the transportation and other industries have used by reviewing numerous of academic literature and technical reports. Based on the review, value optimization elements such as cost, time, performance, risk, and resources were selected to be the primary evaluation criteria that lead to achieving the model objective. Also, the model sub-criteria were investigated and selected based on the literature review and direct discussion with some experts such as project managers, civil engineers, and value management consultants. The outcome analysis of the results showed that in terms of objectives that performance efficiency was rated the highest importance with respect to the mission, while resources presented the lowest importance from an overall assessment point of view. The results showed that Alternative 4, the VE-RACRDAM technique, was ranked as the most important alternative among others followed by Alternative 5, while Alternative 2 was ranked the least important. A five scenarios analysis was applied to measure the sensitivity of the effects of changing the relative importance of the assessment criteria on alternatives’ rankings. Results showed that Alternative 4 was maintained as the most effective assessment technique among the other alternatives in the five scenarios. In the end, experts were asked to validate the final research results, and they confirmed that the results were appropriate and valid. The validity of the decision model and findings of this research contribute new insights into the transportation construction industry as the case of state departments of transportation. Also, the experts agreed that this decision model is generalizable and could be used in other industries. Therefore, the model significantly contributes to the project management knowledge, and construction project development and delivery success.

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Peterson, Shannon. "Stories and Past Lessons: Understanding U.S. Decisions of Armed Humanitarian Intervention and Nonintervention in the Post-Cold War Era." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1047933325.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.<br>Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xii, 420 p.; also includes graphics Includes bibliographical references (p. 411-420). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

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Mocnik, Josip. "United States-Yugoslav Relations, 1961-80: The Twilight of Tito's Era and the Role of Ambassadorial Diplomacy in the Making of America's Yugoslav Policy." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1206322169.

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50

Boczar, Amanda C. "FOREIGN AFFAIRS: POLICY, CULTURE, AND THE MAKING OF LOVE AND WAR IN VIETNAM." UKnowledge, 2015. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/27.

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Foreign Affairs: Policy, Culture, and the Making of Love and War in Vietnam investigates the interplay between war and society leading to and during the Vietnam War. This project intertwines histories of foreign relations, popular culture, and gender and sexuality as lenses for understanding international power relations during the global Cold War more broadly. By examining sexual encounters between American service members and Vietnamese civilian women, this dissertation argues that relationships ranging from prostitution to dating, marriage, and rape played a significant role in the diplomacy, logistics, and international reception of the war. American disregard for South Vietnamese morality laws in favor of bolstering GI morale in the early war years contributed to the instability of the alliance and led to a rise in anti-American activities, health concerns, and military security threats. The length of the war in addition to the difficulty for service members to definitively identify enemy forces placed stress on soldiers. Publicized cases of rape and disagreements over responsibility for orphans or children born outside marriage to U.S. servicemen in the later war years further deteriorated relations. Negotiating these relationships resulted in implicit assignments of power between the United States and their allies in South Vietnam. In addition to the bi-lateral relations between the U.S. and South Vietnam, North Vietnamese and National Liberation Front propaganda citing the GI-civilian relationships sparked security concerns and further threatened the alliance. This dissertation further contends that encounters provided propaganda material for opposition forces, strained the overall war effort at home, and shaped how Americans remember the war.

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