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Burcea, Horatiu L. "Policies of cultural assimilation in Transylvania : Magyarization and Romanianization." CardinalScholar 1.0, 2009. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1538078.
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This paper examines the issue of cultural assimilation in terms of Romanianization and
Magyarization from the angle of a historical ethnography conducted in the Transylvanian village of Ghimeş-Făget, Bacău. These two concepts are readings of social change based on the assumption that the deep social transformations that Transylvania experienced during the changes of rule in the region
between Hungary and Romania were parallel to the implementation of deliberate strategies of
assimilation. More than simple reforms, these social changes are considered to have created shifts in the population's language, religion, sense of historical heritage and national identity. According to this
perspective, Transylvania thus became Magyarized during Hungarian rule, and Romanianized after
1920. Focusing on the evolution of the educational system as a key factor in the execution of these policies, this paper attempts to demonstrate how these two processes can be related to each other and become, in a sense, complementary; it also develops an interpretation of the phenomenon of reassimilation
through the concept of “national therapy.”Introduction : Transylvania's multiculturalism -- Literature and theory -- Research methods -- Historical ethnography of Ghimeş-Făget -- Conclusions.
Department of Anthropology
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Tastan, Kadri. "L’agriculture face aux défis de élargissement européen [Pologne, Roumanie, Turquie]." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030030.
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Les cas polonais, roumain et turc constituent d’excellents exemples de l’évolution de l’agriculture paysanne dans un contexte d’intégration au marché européen et mondial. Tout l’enjeu de l’intégration de la Pologne et de la Roumanie, aujourd’hui effective, et d’une hypothétique adhésion de la Turquie, est de pouvoir intégrer une paysannerie numériquement forte et peu performante [caractérisée par des rendements agricoles relativement faibles], à une agriculture européenne très productive. Ces pays,par les volumes de leur production, par l’étendue de leurs terres cultivées, et par l’importance de leur main-d’œuvre, sont les puissances agricoles les plus importantes des trois vagues successives de l’élargissement de l’Union européenne. Les trois pays compte le plus de paysans parmi les pays membres et candidats à l’UE. Ces élargissements de l’UE à ces pays concernent un problème social de transition. Les campagnes polonaises, roumaines et turques se trouvent donc devant le défi d’une modernisation de leur agriculture et de leurs structures sociales. Pour les trois pays, les possibilités de suivre le modèle européen de modernisation ! agricole, et plus particulièrement le modèle français, restent limitées et son application est porteuse de problèmes multiples. Des voies alternatives permettant la survie des petites et moyennes exploitations familiales dans ces pays sont indispensables face aux dangers de l’agriculture productiviste en termes d’exclusion sociale et de « paupérisation »rurale et urbaine. Il faudra inventer des voies de sorties pour les agriculteurs des trois pays, en particulier pour ceux qui sont les plus vulnérables face à ce processus de modernisationThe cases of Poland, Romania and Turkey constitute excellent examples for the evolution of peasantfarmer-driven agricultures in the context of integration into the European and the world markets.Today, the challenge of Poland and Romania’s integration, and a possible membership of Turkey arein fact to be able to integrate an agricultural system numerically strong but inefficient [characterized by relatively low yields] into a highly productive European agriculture. These countries, by their production volumes, by the extent of their croplands and by the size of their labours are the most important agricultural powers among the three successive waves of the enlargement of the European Union. The three countries contain the most farmer numbers among the member countries and the candidates. The enlargement of the EU to these countries is associated with a social problem relative to the transition process. The integration of these countries is therefore faced with the challenge of modernizing their agricultures and the related social structures. For these countries, the possibilities to follow and apply the European model of agricultural modernization, particularly the French model, remains limited and associated with the multiple problems. Alternative solutions wh! ich allow the survival of small and medium family farming in these countries are indispensable face to the dangers of productivist agriculture as social exclusion and rural and urban pauperization. New solutions and suitable models must be invented to protect the farmers of these countries, especially those who are most vulnerable to this process of agricultural modernisation
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Haynes, Rebecca Ann. "Romanian policy towards Germany, September 1936 - September 1940." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312092.
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Gabor, Daniela V. "Monetary policy processes in postcommunist Romania." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1732.
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This thesis has a twofold aim. It first argues that monetary policy is inherently political because it involves struggles over meaning. It modifies Niebyl’s (1946) conceptual approach with an explicit attention to meaning, advancing a theory/ policy discourse/institutional practices nexus for exploring central banking. It shows that the emergence of leading representations of monetary processes (in Ricardo, Keynes and Friedman) involved discursive struggles during periods of crisis to assign meaning to problems and establish dominant interpretations. Politics and power were not grafted onto policy but were ontologically constitutive of it, shaping specific institutional configurations and practices. Second, this conceptualization is taken to a case study: a critical scrutiny of the role played by the central bank of Romania (NBR) in the reconstitution of the postcommunist Romanian economy as neoliberal economy from 1990 to 2008. The thesis asks what does the central bank do when the state, defined through its central planning legacy, ‘retreats’ from the market? The usual account explains policy success as direct result of commitments to neoliberal (monetarist) principles prescribed by international policy advice. Before 1997, neocommunist governments politically validated a communist legacy: soft budget constraints in the (state) productive sector. Politicized monetary policy decisions produced repeated crises. Afterwards, neoliberal governments gradually institutionalized an autonomous economic sphere, allowing an objective formulation and implementation of stability-orientated monetarist policies. The thesis challenges this orthodoxy. It argues against the attempts to erase politics from monetary policy processes that the above account articulates. Instead, drawing on critical conceptualizations of neoliberalism in its shifting forms, the period under analysis will be (re)interpreted as an ongoing process of neoliberalization, with the central bank an important actor in it. Indeed, the narration of crises identified the NBR as an essential instrument of institutional change and neoliberal ‘policy-making’. Monetarist narratives (ideologically) legitimized neoliberalism and effectively enacted neoliberal principles of monetary governance in the central bank. Thus, before 1997, the central bank functioned as a key vehicle of the neoliberal attack on the state’s capacity to craft economic reform. Since neoliberal institutions (also) take time to build, expanding policy repertoires outside the monetarist range invested the central bank with increasing powers to respond to structural and institutional resistance to neoliberal logics, arising from both communist legacies and ongoing political struggles. After 1997, the central bank’s rationality gradually changed to a constructive phase, normalizing an extralocal mode of economic governance whose distinguishing features will be identified. Institutional practices reconstructed the relationship between money, foreign exchange and treasury markets, subjugating liquidity management to the requirements of financialized accumulation. With financial stability increasingly tied into transnational actors’ choices, the NBR adopted inflation targeting. Nevertheless, inflation-targeting’s promise of stability operated to sideline the destabilizing nature of normalized neoliberal practices of monetary management, clearly evoked by the 2008 crisis. The thesis concludes with policy implications and an agenda for future research.
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Davidescu, E. S. "Environmental Policy-Making in Hungary and Romania." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517273.
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Firici, Maria Carmen. "Distributional impacts of common agricultural policy adoption by Romania." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.401443.
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The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU) leads to higher prices for agricultural products than under free market conditions. Therefore, the agricultural sector of a large country such as Romania plays a major role in EU accession negotiations. In particular, the implementation of the CAP has different impacts on different socio-economic groups. This study estimates, for the first time for Romania, the distributional impacts of the implementation of the CAP on different groups of agricultural producers and food consumers. Part of the research focuses on the assessment and analysis of the economic welfare (real income) effects of policy-induced price changes on seven groups of agricultural producers, using the traditional Marshallian approach of changes in producer surplus, and assuming an immediate accession of Romania to the EU. The application of CAP price support implies an estimated annual producer welfare gain of about Euro 800 million, or 2.4 per cent of Romanian GDP in 1999. Disaggregating the results by farm type, the large commercial state farming companies receive most of this benefit. Addition of direct payments to farmers at 25 per cent of the EU-15 rate increases the aggregate producer welfare gain to about 4 per cent of Romanian GDP, and substantially increases benefits to small independent household farms. Consumer welfare effects are analysed using a 10-fold breakdown of Romanian households and the Slutsky Compensating Variation approach. Estimates suggest that, if the current CAP results in an average increase of 10 per cent in all Romanian food prices, the lowest-income groups (i.e. urban and rural unemployed households, and urban pensioner households) will be the most affected, with their cost of living rising by up to 6.7 per cent. The estimation of gains or losses for each type of farm, and of income adjustments for each type of Romanian household, as a result of CAP adoption may assist Romanian policy makers in their debate over the agricultural and social strategies during the pre-accession period.
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Pirzadeh, Ali. "The impact of adjustment program in Romania /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10315.
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Popescu, Alina-Georgiana. "Les films étaient en couleur mais la réalité était grise… : la censure dans la cinématographie roumaine sous Nicolae Ceaușescu (1965-1989)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100070.
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Ce projet de thèse est centré sur l’étude de la censure en tant que processus socio-politique, révélateur des logiques individuelles et institutionnelles qui se conjuguent dans la réalisation d’un film. Cette recherche est axée sur la période 1965-1989, « l’époque Nicolae Ceaușescu », remarquable par la quantité de films censurés. Pour ce faire, nous avons consacré la première partie du travail à l’analyse de l’organisation de la cinématographie roumaine, considérée dans le contexte politique, social et économique d’après la 2de Guerre Mondiale et jusqu’à la chute du régime. Une attention particulière est accordée ici à l’évolution des institutions de contrôle de la culture ainsi qu’aux discours qui façonnent les normes de la création cinématographique. Pour comprendre les différentes formes que peut revêtir la censure, nous nous situons ensuite à un niveau intermédiaire d’analyse, celui des institutions. Nous avons ainsi identifié et analysé plusieurs structures, comme les studios de production, l’Association des Cinéastes, la Radio Europe Libre, la Securitate, dont les fonctions censoriales vont du guidage à la répression. Dans la dernière partie de cette analyse, nous nous penchons sur des cinéastes et des films importants de la période. Nous avons fait le choix d’analyser les trajectoires des réalisateurs les plus représentatifs de la période, par le prisme de leurs dossiers de surveillance établis par la police politique. La Securitate les surveille parce qu’ils ont en commun une vision « non-conforme » de la réalité socialiste ; ce faisant, celle-ci révèle ce qui était (in)désirable dans la réalité socialiste. Enfin, pour illustrer comment la censure affecte la matière des films, nous proposons l’analyse de quelques cas notoires de film interdits, mais aussi de films qui permettent d’exemplifier en détail différents tabous, diverses formes d’intervention ou les réactions des réalisateurs à toute sorte de pressions. Le fait de choisir la censure comme un angle d’analyse privilégié est utile pour comprendre les contraintes, les servitudes et les espaces de liberté des cinéastes, les contradictions, les dits, et les non-dits du régimeThis PhD project focuses on the study of censorship as a socio-political process, revealing the individual and institutional logics that conjugate in the process of filmmaking. The research analyzes the period 1965-1989, which is the "Nicolae Ceauşescu era", remarkable for the amount of censored films.In conducting my research, I dedicated the first part of the work to the analysis of the Romanian cinematography organization, considered in the political, social and economic context, from the 2nd World War until the fall of the Communist regime. Particular attention is paid here to the evolution of culture control institutions and to the discourses, especially those of the Communist Party leaders, which shape the standards of the film production. In order to understand various possible forms of censorship, I then approached an intermediate level of analysis, that of institutions. Thus, I identified and analyzed several structures such as production studios, the Filmmakers’ Association, Radio Free Europe and the political police, whose censorial functions varied from guidance to repression.In the last part of this work, I looked into filmmakers’ biographies and important films of the period. I chose to analyze the trajectories of the period’s most representative filmmakers through the lenses of their surveillance files made by the political police. The Securitate monitored them because they shared a "non-compliant" vision of the socialist reality; while doing so, the political police revealed what was acceptable or undesirable in that reality. Finally, in order to illustrate how censorship affects films, I propose the analysis of some notorious cases of banned film, but also of films that exemplify various taboos, detailed forms of intervention or reactions of the filmmakers to any kind of pressure. Choosing censorship as a main angle of analysis is useful for the comprehension of the filmmakers’ constraints, servitudes and liberties, but also the understanding of contradictions, of what is made visible or kept silently hidden by the regime
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Kovács, Borbála. "Childcare arrangements and the role of childcare policy provisions in Romania." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c5fb894e-abdd-462a-80fb-4e6d720816b9.
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The focus of the thesis is the exploration of young children’s routine childcare arrangements and the role played by childcare policy provisions (in cash, in time and in kind, through services) in shaping these arrangements in the Romanian context. Through the narratives of 68 family carers in 37 urban and rural Romanian households in multi-ethnic Transylvania, the study investigates the household level processes whereby young children’s care arrangements come to be and explores the ways in which the design of and access to childcare policy provisions might shape young children’s routine care arrangements. In doing so, the thesis reconceptualises the term childcare arrangements and provides a descriptive account of ten different routine arrangements for the care of young children. Through an inductive analysis of carer narratives, the thesis also develops a heuristic tool – hierarchies of care ideals – that lies at the heart of a refined explanatory framework pertaining to the conception and implementation of individual care arrangements. This framework complements existing analytic models that have been developed to explain mothers’ employment and care related decisions during their children’s early years. Building on this inductively developed framework, the thesis expands on the role that different childcare policy provisions were said to play in shaping households’ childcare choices. The thesis reveals that the designs of policy provisions and households’ access to different benefits directly shape young children’s care arrangements. Furthermore, through the analysis of narrative pairs available for most households in the study, the thesis explores the gendered ways in which mothers and fathers narratively constructed agency in relation to decision-making about children’s care arrangements. Finally, the thesis proposes three real-type decision-making models described by carers in the study, revealing the dynamic nature of household decision-making in relation to children’s care arrangements.
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Irimie, Doru Leonard. "Property rights in Romanian forest policy : an institutional analysis in the context of societal transformation /." Remagen-Oberwinter : Kessel, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016148655&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Mohora, Maria Christina. "RoMod: a dynamic CGE model for Romania a tool for policy analysis /." Rotterdam : Rotterdam : Erasmus Universiteit ; Erasmus University [Host], 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1765/7455.
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Carstocea, George. "Reality, language, and history: three facets of contemporary Romanian cinema." Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/12312.
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Thesis (M.F.A.)--Boston University
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.The purpose of this thesis is to closely analyze some of the individual authorial voices that have emerged from contemporary Romanian cinema. Billed by the international critical establishment as a "New Wave," the recent slate of Romanian productions, while very successful on the international festival circuit, still lacks an apt conceptualization of the precise characteristics that set these new filmmakers apart, not only from other international directors, but also from one another. The analysis focuses on six recent productions: Stuffand Dough (2001), The Death of Mr. Lazarescu (2005) and Aurora (2010) by Cristi Puiu, 12:08 East of Bucharest (2006) and Police, Adjective (2010) by Corneliu Porumboiu, and The Autobiography of Nicolae Ceausescu (2010) by Andrei Ujica, breaking down the individual authorial characteristics and thematic and stylistic concerns of each filmmaker and contextualizing them within the larger history of Romanian film, as well as the trajectories of international art cinema.
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Barbulescu, Georgeta V. "The politics of media and information in countries emerging from totalitarian regimes: the case of Romania." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42627.
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This thesis problematizes the interplay of power and media institutions as a general difficulty in democratic societies and as a specific challenge in countries that are emerging from authoritarian regimes. Based on more comprehensive studies about power, dominance, compliance, resistance and information monopoly developed in the United States, the project approaches a particular case in modern history, namely Romania, during the period of transition following Ceausescu's overthrow, in December, 1989, and before the first free elections, in May, 1990. The bulk of the work concentrates on deconstructing political and media discourses developed throughout this period, while trying to address the role that the political and media environments had in reshaping post-communist Romania. My major argument is that, given a number of difficulties that have marked this period, ranging from economic setbacks, political ambiguities, and social confusion, the May elections have been monitored and orchestrated starting early in this period by the provisional authorities (a group of former communist bureaucrats), in tandem with a number of central media outlets. From this combination of power interests, the Romanian public was deprived of correct information on a number of issues that pertained to the future of the country and was trapped in the web of a carefully designed imagery that fostered a dissimulated totalitarian propaganda. The last part of the project advances these contentions and considers them in turn, while trying to capture how the specifics of the case inscribe themselves in larger patterns of dominance and compliance.Master of Arts
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Williamson, Hugh Francis. "Transylvanian Baroque : liberalism and its others in rural Romania." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/289028.
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This thesis is an exploration of liberalism in Romania and in anthropology. Liberalism is frequently represented in contemporary anthropology as a hegemonic technocratic practice, rationalist ideology and hypocritically exclusionary politics. I challenge this representation through an ethnography of a British-Romanian rural revitalisation and conservation programme in the Saxon villages region of southern Transylvania, Romania, and the vernacular liberalism of the cosmopolitan youth who have taken this project up. Douglas Holmes has asserted that in the European Union (EU) in the twenty-first century, communities and people are experimenting with new identity projects that fuse the liberal and illiberal in innovative ways. I trace how the rural revitalisation programme brought together romantic, "integralist" visions of the Saxon villages with the EU's liberal technologies of governance to create a set of projects the value of which could be translated between diverse sets of actors, from British tourists through European bureaucrats and Transylvanian farmers. This provided local youth with the possibility of making a life in their home region in a context of significant economic decline and massive emigration. The seemingly disparate liberal and romantic elements, initially brought together in a transnational context, were "domesticated" by Transylvanian liberals as complementary resources that could be mobilised to combat entrenched problems of Romanian society and modernity, as liberals saw it, notably the failure of the state to provide key services and the stagnation of the public sphere. The state's failures had led liberals to abandon it is a source of hope, turning instead to voluntary action, which made the dilemmas of how to mobilise engaged publics all the more crucial. Village liberals' attempts to foster such publics frequently ended up reproducing their own marginality, however. Against conventional representations of liberalism, I argue that its technocratic pretensions can be an object of hope in a milieu where expertise is perceived to be absent as much as an institutional hegemony. I further conclude that the multiple ways in which the liberal and the romantic are combined challenges dominant images of liberal ideology and practice as purely abstract and formal.
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Dabu, Adina. "Theoretical Frameworks and Conceptual Approaches to Economic Development in East and Central Europe. Romania-Case Study." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/44619.
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The development literature considers Romania from both the sociological and economic standpoints as a developing country with a large agricultural sector. Due to the specific nature of the structure of its economy and society Romania encountered a series of specific problems in its process of social and economic development, a process that began in the mid 19th century. A constant problem for the Romanian policy makers over the last century has been how to shrink the country's agricultural sector and develop the industry and service sectors to reach a level comparable to that of more advanced economies. Romania tried to solve this problem with various policies based on and inspired by a set of sociological and economic views, theories and models. Those policies were only partially successful and today the problem of underdevelopment and unsatisfactory economic performance is still largely unsolved.
In the hypothesis of a rational policy making process (defined as conscientious relationship with past experiences based on a rational learning process) the post 1989 agricultural reforms should have been informed by the lessons provided by both the pre-communist and communist periods. Taking as a starting point this premise my study is constructed around the following hypothesis: If the policy process was a rational decision-making process, we would expect that the ideas, concepts, and theories that led to policy failure and mixed results in the past be rejected or correspondingly adjusted to the new context.
In order to test this hypothesis the study develops a twofold approach: First, it identifies the main sequences of ideas - policies - results - lessons that characterized each of the pre-communist, communist, and post-communist periods. Second, it compares the ideas, policies, and lessons that could have been drawn from past experiences in regard to agricultural development with the actual ideas and agricultural policies that have been implemented in the post-communist period. The comparison reveals the extent to which the rational decision making model was displayed. In order to make this comparison operational the research design proceeds along the following lines:
The key post-communist legislation regarding agriculture that was passed after 1989 is identified. By the detailed analysis of this body of legislation and of one of the most comprehensive reports on agriculture issued by the Ministry of Agriculture and Food in Romania in 1999-2000, the dominant agricultural policy paradigm of the period, the key ideas that were behind it, and the main consequences that followed for agriculture are distinguished. The major agricultural reform policies in the pre-communist and communist periods (1864-1948 and 1948-1989) and the basic concepts and theories that informed each of them are documented. Thereafter, an overview of the economic, sociological and structural consequences of these ideas and policies is provided and pinpoints the main lessons that could be eventually derived by looking in retrospect to each of the periods.
In accordance with these objectives the study is structured as follows: Chapter 1 outlines the Romanian reform legislation between 1989-2000 and, in line with point one above, uses this legislation as a vehicle to reveal the key ideas, policies and consequences for agricultural development in the last, post-communist decade. Chapter 2 and 3 fulfill the objectives stated in point two above. More precisely, chapter 2 starts by looking at the policy reforms in the pre-communist period, while in parallel outlining the main ideas, policies, consequences, and lessons of the period. Similarly, chapter 3 describes the main policy reforms of the communist period and pays special attention to the lessons that could have been drawn from this period's policies and their consequences. The conclusions wrap up the analysis and discuss the extent to which the study's main hypothesis has been supported or infirmed.Master of Science
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Hajek, Richard P. "Roma in Eastern Europe : ethnic policy and security in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Romania." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA359926.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1998."December 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-75). Also available online.
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Constantin, Pompiliu-Nicolae. "Identité, altérité et sport dans la Roumanie communiste: la star minoritaire comme héros national." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209403.
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Le régime communiste a redéfini le sport, imposant la pratique de cette activité pour la masse. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la politique du régime communiste roumain s’inspire du modèle soviétique. La these evidence la relation entre l’Etat roumain et les stars sportives issues des minorités nationales. On analyse un processus dynamique de transformation identitaire, qui dans un contexte socio-politique communiste favorise l’instrumentalisation du sport. Dans ce sens, le national-communisme cherche à intégrer les sportifs dans un système bien hiérarchisé. En dépit de la massification du sport et de l’implication importante des Roumains, les sportifs issus des minorités obtiennent de bons résultats et ils sont sélectionnés dans les équipes nationales. De cette perspective, le sport ne représente pas seulement un loisir, mais il devient un domaine plus influent du point de vue idéologique. La thèse regarde comment les stars sportives issues des minorités ont une influence dans la société roumaine, mais que l’Etat contrôle la médiatisation et la participation des sportifs dans les compétitions internationales, leurs contrats, et jusqu’à leurs noms. Nous parvenons par cet intermédiaire à expliquer la manière avec laquelle la société réagit aux performances de ces sportifs et avec laquelle le Parti Communiste impose l’image des héros nationaux pour de telles vedettes. Approfondir un tel sujet aide à la reconstruction d’un aspect important de la vie des minorités. This PhD thesis makes a radiography of a new problem for a society where the presence of minorities is a reality. Before the communism, Romania had an important number of minorities, and their athletes contributed to the development of sport, having a strong identity and local pride. In communism, the stars coming from the minorities (national or ethnical) had another statute. I propose an interdisciplinary study and I utilize concepts from history, sociology, human geography or anthropology. One of the important aspects in my PhD research is to propose a concept built by me, identity doping (fr. Dopage identitaire, rom. Dopaj identitar), represented by a series of actions designed to transform one or more athletes from an ethnic or national minority into a national hero, which means a complex process of identity change. The origin of this joint of words is very simple and means joining the notion of doping, particularly used first by totalitarian systems among athletes, to the term of identity. My methods cover analyses from mass-media, archives, polls and oral history, toidentify problems and images of national heroes who come from national minorities. For example, we assist to a politic of changing names, more than other countries from communist area. The ”name-nationalization” is an essential step for a new identity, more measurable and
prominent than interior feelings. The footballer Laszlo Boloni, with a Hungarian origin, is known like Ladislau Boloni, Katalin Szabo is named in communism Ecaterina Szabo or Hans Moser, a handballer with a German origin, is known like Ioan Moser. The internal realities of many countries with a nationalism-communist regime influenced the life of sport stars. In a state like Romania, where the groups of minorities had an important role in sport development, sport stars from this communisties are promoted like national heroes utilizing the mechanism of “identity doping”.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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White, Julia M. "Slovakia's litmus test : policy, prejudice, and resistance in the schooling of Romani children /." Related electronic resource:, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1342741541&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3739&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Petrovici, Dan Alexandru. "A comparative analysis of patterns of food demand in Romania and implications for health and nutrition policy." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289191.
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Denca, Sorin Stefan. "European integration and foreign policy in Central and Eastern Europe : the cases of Hungary, Slovakia and Romania." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1462/.
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This thesis examines the impact of Europeanization on the foreign policy of the new member states of the European Union, using as case studies Hungary, Slovakia and Romania. It asks what the extent of Europeanization of foreign policy is and whether and to what extent there has been divergence in the way in which the new member states have responded to the similar constraints and opportunities of the European integration. Insofar as divergence can be identified, a third research question asks why there is policy divergence. It argues that the governmental politics and the politics of national identity play a key role as mediating factors for the Europeanization of the system of policy making, the process of elite socialization and the conduct of foreign policy itself. Three critical international events are used as sub-case studies in order to assess the extent of Europeanization of foreign policy of the CEE counties: the US-led war in Iraq in 2003, the NATO airstrikes against Yugoslavia in 1999 and the Kosovo declaration of independence in 2008. The study’s findings suggest that the pressures of Europeanization leads to convergence in some policy areas, but domestic factors such as governmental and national identity politics offer a more convincing explanation of divergence. Overall, Europeanization is uneven not only across issue-areas, but also across countries. The limits of convergence as an outcome of Europeanization and the persistence of diversity are therefore best accounted for by the diversity of domestic factors.
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Salajan, Loretta Crina. "The role of national identity in the trajectory of Romania's foreign policy (1990-2007)." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/c6052659-99ad-4648-a12a-8a23b520e29f.
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This thesis explores the significance of national identity in shaping the trajectory of Romania's foreign policy between 1990 and 2007. It explains why and how Romania's Euro-Atlantic national identity was subject to re-definitions and discursive dialogue prior to the European Union accession on 1 January 2007, as well as how and why these identity re-definitions influenced the state's foreign policy decisions. The research employs a multi-dimensional framework of national identity, which draws from four academic literatures related to: constructivism, nationalism studies, collective memory and self-esteem and international recognition. National identity formation represents a two-way socio-psychological process that depends on both domestic and international factors. To identify the themes or self-images of national identity, the project has examined the discourses of elites as the primary actors of Romanian foreign policy. The three main self-images of Romania's Euro-Atlantic national identity - 'European', 'non-Balkan' and 'security provider' - configured an ideational foundation that impacted on the state's foreign policy throughout 1990 and 2007.
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Fox, Katy. "EU integration as reconfiguration of value : work and resourcefulness in the Southern Carpathian Mountains of Romania." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2010. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=158872.
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My thesis focuses on agricultural livelihoods and EU integration in the Southern Carpathian Mountains of Romania. I analyse how the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) was deployed by policy makers and elites in the first year after EU membership, and how it shaped the livelihood possibilities of tarani (peasants). Given the polarised nature of Romania’s post-socialist agrarian structure, the CAP excluded peasants from its policies, and demanded they change their exploatatii/ferme de subzistenta; (subsistence farms) into commercial farms. Arguing from the premise that ‘subsistence farms’ are actually gospodarii taranesti (peasant households) working on different principles from farms altogether, it was possible to inquire into the strategies people deployed resourcefully in their everyday work to keep making a living. I analyse EU integration as a modern political and economic project that seeks to make the radically complicated pathways of people and things ‘transparent’. I pursue the question of how the neoliberal expansion of economic rationality to all spheres of life shapes the actions of people. My ethnography captures the unease people felt in the face of the current transformation of value and illustrates how a much longer history of devaluing peasants has been taking place. It makes clear how the devaluation of peasants and their produce is part of a larger epistemological project of development and progress. My analytical framework enables me to show how the effects of polarisation and externalisation have had serious consequences for the ways people think about questions of freedom, success, merit and the ‘just state’ in Romania today. My research suggests the need for a broader epistemological shift in the face of crisis, from a dominance approach towards commons thinking.
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Nitoiu, Cristian. "The media and democratic legitimacy in EU foreign policy : the role of transnational, British and Romanian media in the EU's approach to climate change and its policy towards Russia." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2013. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/14034.
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The issue of democratic deficit and crisis of legitimacy has been at the forefront of the development of the European project in the last twenty years. However, little attention has been directed towards analysing the way in which democratic legitimacy underlines the construction of the EU s foreign policy. This thesis draws on a broad understanding of democratic legitimacy which is seen to encompass various aspects: transparency, accountability, responsiveness and openness to public debate. It shows that the media had a positive effect (although in contrasting degrees) on the democratic legitimacy of the EU s foreign policy in two issue areas, highlighting the ways in which it achieved this. Drawing on insights from political theory, it argues that the European public sphere has the potential to foster the four characteristics highlighted above through the ability of the media to politicise foreign policy issues, which are commonly closed off from democratic scrutiny. Three types of interaction effects between the media and policymakers within the European public sphere are identified: indexing, bounding and agenda setting. Firstly, indexing captures the ability of policymakers to influence and shape media discourse in order to aid their interests and goals by communicating in a favourable manner their policies to the general public. Secondly, through bounding the media can have a constraining or limiting effect on the range of policies and their effectiveness that policymakers can pursue, even if the latter are not aware of or willing to engage with the frames constructed by journalists. Finally, agenda setting captures the ability of the media to purposively influence decision-making processes through its discourse. Empirically two distinct areas of EU foreign policy are explored: the EU s approach to global climate change and its policy towards Russia. Hence, the study makes a significant contribution to the understanding of EU foreign policy and to its international actorness. Secondly, it extends in a comprehensive manner the debate regarding the crisis of legitimacy and democratic deficit in the EU to the realm of foreign policy. Finally, it also contributes to the literature on Foreign Policy Analysis which engages with the issue of democratic legitimacy.
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Johansson, Carl. "En Fallstudie av Implementeringen av EU:s Minoritetsskydd." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-34664.
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The intention of this thesis in political science is to understand how the European Union fights and prevents discrimination against the Roma minorities in Sweden and Romania, and how the implementation works in reality. The study consists of defining what it means to be objectively discriminated, what ethnicity really means and how the implementation process consist of a comparison and statement has been made by the national governments and comparing how two socioeconomically different member states handle EU directives and implement them in Sweden and Romania. The main findings of this study was that EU policies lack the capital and explicitness that is needed for great results to be accomplished and that the governments in both countries have different issues with implementing the protection of the human rights and Roma culture, and that EU needs to be more practical and develop in a faster pace.
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Leggio, Daniele Viktor. "Lace avilen ko radio : Romani language and identity on the Internet." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2014. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/lace-avilen-ko-radio-romani-language-and-identity-on-the-internet(c7630912-9b8e-42f5-9017-b1f0898fc2c6).html.
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The fall of the Eastern Block, the dissolution of former Yugoslavia and the subsequent enlargement of the European Union to include former socialist countries contributed to an increase in the movement of people from Eastern to Western Europe which began about a decade earlier. Among them, the Roma are probably the most clearly recognizable group and surely the ones that received, and keep receiving, more media attention. While their presence in the media as subjects of discussion is a topic worth analyzing, the present work is about their presence in a particular medium, the Internet, as actors and producers of content. As a population of Indian origin spread across Europe over the past five centuries, Roma have often been regarded as a diaspora. Ethnographic studies about diasporas and their usage of the Internet have often described diasporic websites as discoursive spaces in which new, hydrid identities are negotiated and stereotyping and marginalizing discourses about diasporic subjects are challenged. The role of languages in these websites, however, has often been neglected. On the other hand, sociolinguistic studies have highlighted how the Internet provides a space for vernacular language usage in which the relaxation of language norms and users’ creativity play a crucial role in overcoming the limitations in text transmission imposed by the medium. A partial bridge between these two trends of studies has been provided by the analysis of code-switching in diasporic websites, which has shown how meaningful language alternation is used to flag users’ hybrid identities. The study of the relationship between diasporic languages and identities on the Internet clearly appears to be in its infancy and only few case studies have looked at the interactions between each diaspora’s specific cultural and sociolinguistic settings and the usage of the Internet. Furthermore, many diasporas, including the Roma, speak unwritten languages which have not been or are just starting to be standardized. Processes of language standardization have always involved both identity and language policies and have often been pivotal in struggles for nationhood or minority rights recognition. While so far such processes tended to be mostly centralized and top-down, the Internet is offering a space for the spontaneous transition from orality to literacy. Thus, analyzing the interaction between diasporic, non-standardized languages and the identities of their speakers as manifested on the Internet can provide new insights into the relations between diasporic languages and identities and into language standardization processes. The present work investigates these issues by analyzing the on-line usage of Romani, the Indic language spoken by many Roma. The study draws on data collected through an online ethnography from Radio Romani Mahala, a website created and used by the recently dispersed community of the Mitrovica Roma. The data are analyzed both qualitatively, using discourse analytic methods, and quantitatively, using traditional sociolinguistic approaches. Combining such approaches allows drawing a nuanced picture of the phenomena under observation accounting both for micro level, individual patterns of usage and macro level trends shared by all users involved. Particular attention is also paid to the emerging Romani spelling and the role played by individual users in the establishment of shared writing norms. The interdisciplinarity of this approach will show how the interplay between diasporic identities and attitudes, non-standard language ideologies and the possibilities offered by the Internet is leading to effective language codification without the intervention of a central authority and outside the frame of any nation-state policy. Such findings call for a re-thinking of current notions on linguistic human rights. Based on the viability of the Romani model, I thus propose a theory of linguistic pluralism in trans-national contexts centred around the notion of cosmopolitan sociabilities, non-utilitarian, everyday interactions creating open and inclusive relations across and even despite perceived cultural divides.
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Ung, Franz. "Bylingen och den Andre : En adaptionsteoretisk närläsning av romanen Den skrattande polisen och filmen Beck - Invasionen." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Svenska, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-32946.
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The study is using a method called close reading through adaptation theory, invented by Linda Hutcheon. Through this method we are comparing the book The laugning policeman from 1968 written by Maj Sjöwall and Per Wahlöö with the movie Beck- The invasion from 2015. The movie is based on the book in the sense that it has many so called Sign elements that appears both in the book and in the movie. The study is focusing on a comparison between the book and the movie regarding the Other, that is people who as characters in the book and the movie respectively are foreign, both as a citizen as well as the person acts. The results show that descriptions of some persons go under the definition the Other, but the movie and the book is heavily different concerning in what areas the Other has its qualities from. It also differs from which place the Other has in the story. In the book, the Others role is a side trail, while in the movie they are the central theme of the story. Key words: Adaptation, The Other, Exoticism, Positioning, Essential, Sign Elements Nyckelord: Adaption, Den Andre, Exotism, Positionering, Essentiell, Sign Elements
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Ivan, Ruxandra. "La politique étrangère roumaine, 1990-2006: acteurs, processus et résultats." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210728.
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Cette thèse se propose de répondre à la question suivante: quels sont les facteurs qui influencent les décisions stratégiques de la politique étrangère roumaine? Il y a trois séries de facteurs qui ont été considérées. La première concerne les facteurs liées aux héritages historiques, qui sont examinés sous le double aspect des évènements concrets et des mentalités. La deuxième série de facteurs se réfère aux influences internes sur la prise des décisions: architecture institutionnelle et légale, partage des compétences, relations informelles entre les détenteurs des fonctions relevantes pour la politique étrangère roumaine, partis politiques et opinion publique. Finalement, la troisième série de variables concerne les facteurs externes au système politique. Deux dimensions sont ici examinées: une dimension géopolitique, qui vise la distribution de la puissance, et une dimension institutionnelle, qui détermine le poids des organisations internationales et régionales dans la prise des décisions.Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Tartacuta-Lawrence, Ioana Cristina. "The politics of identity : the influence of national identity on states' foreign policy agenda : a case study of post-socialist Romania." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/40812.
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This thesis explores the influence of national identity on Romania’s post-socialist foreign policy agenda, working at the intersection of Strategic Culture and Foreign Policy Analysis. It adopts a constructivist approach, putting forward a narrative theory of identity, according to which profoundly held beliefs about the nature of the Self and Others influence the behaviour of states through the prerogatives, anxieties and redlines they generate. The thesis identifies the telling of national history as the main vehicle for the socialisation of the identity narrative. It then traces the development of the Romanian identity narrative, from its formative years in the nineteenth century to contemporary times, arguing that the sedimentation of its main features is linked to the consistency of its historical narrative. A particular emphasis develops in the Romanian imaginary in terms of prioritising the issues of state security, sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity. The thesis then explores the influence of these elements on Romania’s post-socialist behaviour. It focuses firstly on the transition period, when identity-related prerogatives resulted both in a desire for Euro-Atlantic integration, but also in an anxiety towards change at domestic level which acted as an obstacle to the realisation of these international goals in the first half of the 1990s. Secondly, the thesis investigates the nature of three relationships critical to Romania’s foreign policy agenda – those with Russia, Hungary and the Republic of Moldova. Overall the thesis shows that there exists a noticeable pattern of behaviour which conforms with Romania’s identity-driven anxieties and prerogatives, particularly in the current volatile environment. Whilst relations with Russia and Hungary are marked by attitudes of anxiety and distrust, that with Moldova is characterised by an affinity rooted in their shared identity markers. This makes Romania acutely sensitive to recent regional developments and has resulted in the state’s adapting its behaviour towards these three actors in order to alleviate its identity-related anxieties concerning security, unity and independence, not only of itself, but also of Moldova.
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Cashman, Laura. "Integrating Romani communities in the Czech Republic : an analysis of policy implementation at the local level." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2007. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1525/.
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This thesis provides an analysis of the national integration strategy developed in the Czech Republic to address the social exclusion of Romani communities. Based on a careful study of policy documents and interviews with the key actors involved in implementing the integration policy in České Budĕjovice and Ostrava, this thesis identifies the main barriers which exclude Roma from the education system and the labour market and describes how national policy in the spheres of education and employment is being implemented at the local level. By discussing the integration strategy with the people responsible for its implementation, it was possible to look at the policy from a new perspective. These people are experts in dealing with the realities of social exclusion in Romani communities and are in the best position to assess the effectiveness of the different programmes which together make up the integration policy. This study reveals that Romani communities continue to suffer from discrimination and that local authorities play a vital role in ensuring that the policies designed by central government become a reality. Communication between policy makers and those responsible for implementation is crucial to ensure that the programmes that form the core of the integration strategy are implemented fully. Some programmes have been more effective in certain places because local political and economic circumstances have a great deal of influence over the likely success of the policy. Anti-Romani prejudices in wider society and the apathy of Roma who are not interested in the programmes designed to help, remain significant obstacles, but creating an inclusive society and addressing the mistrust which has developed over generations takes time and persistence. Therefore, for the integration policy to succeed, all the key agencies, policy makers and practitioners working with Romani communities must cooperate and share the same agenda.
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Coombes, Michael James. "The socio-economic impact of the Pax Romana and Augustus' policy reforms on the Roman provinces." Diss., Pretoria : [S.n.], 2008. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-11242008-130755/.
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Estienne, Georgiana. "Les relations culturelles franco-roumaines dans l’entre-deux-guerres." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040208.
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Les deux décennies bornées par la Première et la Seconde Guerres mondiales furent une période particulièrement prospère pour les échanges culturels entre France et Roumanie. La situation politique et l’orientation diplomatique des deux pays concourent alors à renforcer les liens qui les unissent. La fin de la Première Guerre mondiale est marquée par l’achèvement du processus d’union nationale en Roumanie, et la création d’une entité territoriale élargie : la Grande Roumanie. Au même moment, la France, principal allié de la Roumanie, s’impose au cœur de la politique continentale. Entre les deux pays, des relations culturelles qui remontent à la fin du XVIIIe siècle s’intensifient, pour atteindre leur apogée avant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ces relations reposent tout à la fois sur des initiatives personnelles, institutionnelles et étatiques, et bénéficient fortement du resserrement des relations diplomatiques entre la France et la Roumanie. Soucieuses de développer leur influence, la France et la Roumanie financent considérablement leur activité culturelle. La France, tout particulièrement, développe une politique de rayonnement, et s’appuie pour cela sur une opinion publique roumaine gagnée depuis longtemps à la francophilie ; dans un même temps, la présence roumaine s’affirme à Paris : la ville attire écrivains et artistes roumains. Fondée sur la lecture et l’analyse d’un ensemble de sources archivistiques disponibles (archives nationales, archives diplomatiques, archives privées, en France et en Roumanie), notre étude vise à restituer l’intensité et la densité des échanges culturels entre la France et la Roumanie pendant l’entre-deux guerresThe two decades between the First and the Second World Wars were a thriving period for the cultural exchanges between France and Romania. The political situation and the diplomatic orientation of the two countries converged in reinforcing the ties between them. The end of the First World War was marked by the completion of the national unification process in Romania and the creation of a larger territorial entity: the Great Romania. Meanwhile, France, Romania’s main ally, imposed itself in the centre of the continental politics. Started at the end of the 18th century, the cultural relations between the two countries intensified and reached a peak before the Second World War. These relations were built on personal, institutional as well as on State initiatives and they highly benefited from the tightening of the political relations between France and Romania. Concerned about developing their influence, France and Romania financially backed their cultural activity. France, in particular, developed a policy of rayonnement that was supported by the public opinion long drawn to francophilia. Meanwhile, the Romanian presence became more important in Paris: the city attracted Romanian writers and artists. Based on the reading and analysis of the body of the available sources (national archives, diplomatic archives, private archives in both France and Romania), our study aims at reconstituting the intensity and density of the cultural exchanges between France and Romania during the inter-war period
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Sundström, Lars. "Geniet och sexualiteten : En analys av Ivar Lo-Johanssons syn på hur uppfostran reglerarde ungas sexualitet, med utgångspunkt i romanen Geniet." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för kultur och estetik, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-157530.
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Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur Ivar Lo-Johansson menar att synen på uppfostran reglerar hur de ungas sexualitet formas, med utgångspunkt i gestaltningen av huvudpersonens utveckling i romanen Geniet. Uppsatsen analyserar hur denna uppfostran utifrån en sexualmoralisk syn på onani och avhållsamhet enligt Lo-Johansson påverkar individens identitet till sexuell isolering, ensamhet och jag-dyrkan. Ett perspektiv han argumenterar för utifrån sin sexualteori i boken Monism.Det underlag som används för att analysera sexualitet och identitetsskapande utifrån ett teoretiskt perspektiv är Michel Foucaults Sexualitetens historia. 1. Viljan att veta. Distinktion mellan sex och sexualitet samt pedagogiseringen av barnets kön är perspektiv som uppmärksammas. Freuds texter om kön, onani, kärlek och sexualitet i Sexualiteten tas med utifrån Lo-Johanssons påstådda påverkan av psykoanalys och utifrån de motiv som behandlas i analysen. Angående onanin som en fråga i sig och kopplad till en historisk diskurs hänvisas till Thomas W. Laqueurs Solitary Sex, A Cultural History of Masturbation.Analysens huvudsakliga metod består i en närläsning av Geniet. Det görs också en parallell läsning av Lo-Johanssons essäsamling Monism för att analysera hans gestaltning av Geniets huvudperson i förhållande till hans framställning om sin sexualteori om den sexuella monismen.Analysen visar att Lo-Johanssons syfte med Geniet inte väckte de frågor han avsåg. Ungdomarna som var med kände inte igen sig. Lo-Johanssons egen pubertet kom att ljuda i bakgrunden som ett långt utdraget personligt ackord. Det som kom att diskuteras var hans kvinnosyn, att man måste släppa till flickorna, mer än den anklagelse mot uppfostran han hade i fokus. Han tog en extrem individ – med narcissistiska problem- som utgångspunkt för en generell samhällsfråga som fick den frågan att komma i skymundan. Sexualteorin han förespråkade fick inget fotfäste.
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Surubaru, Neculai-Cristian. "Governing EU Cohesion Policy in Central and Eastern Europe : the interplay between administrative capacity and political factors : the case of Structural Funds absorption in Bulgaria and Romania (2007-2013)." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2017. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/31876.
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This dissertation examines how new European Union (EU) member states manage and implement European Cohesion Policy (CP). It assess the administrative and political factors that might explain the variation in the financial absorption of Structural Funds (SF), with a specific focus on two homogeneous cases from Central and Eastern Europe (CEECs). Whilst there is a dense literature on the potential socio-economic impact of CP in the EU, less attention has been paid to the factors affecting CP and SF governance at the national domestic level. Questions of financial absorption, delivery effectiveness and quality of the spending remain open and are puzzling for both academics and practitioners. Subsequently, one of the main aims of this thesis has been to provide an in-depth investigation of, on the one hand, the structural administrative capacity employed by states to manage this policy and, on the on the other hand, the political factors and dynamics that influence its delivery of SF in new member states. The study carries out an archaeology of the capacity of the specialised institutions involved in the different stages of the absorption process with the general aim of explaining some of the determinants of absorption performance, particularly in the countries assessed. It proposes an absorption capacity model in order to assess these claims and the original empirical evidence collected. The thesis fills in several empirical and theoretical lacunae in knowledge. Empirically, the study draws on multiple comparative case studies from Bulgaria and Romania, two problematic yet diverging cases in terms of absorption performance, during the 2007-2013 implementation period. These countries first experience in managing and implementing SF provides empirically rich insights. Theoretically, this thesis offers a more nuanced account of the governance of CP and SF in CEECs. It builds and refines the concept of administrative capacity as well as several political factors (stability, support and clientelism) in order to examine the complexity and problematic issues surrounding SF absorption. Insights on CP governance, administrative capacity-building and the impact of politicisation at the national and local level are outlined and discussed. The main argument put forward in this thesis is that the variation in absorption performance is generated by the interplay between administrative and political conditions. In other words, the way in which administrative and political factors have interacted has shaped the ability of the two countries to govern EU Cohesion Policy and influenced their performance in absorbing EU funding. This argument is developed in line with several key findings. First, administrative capacity is a necessary but not sufficient condition for countries to deliver effectively CP. Second, political conditions can facilitate or hinder the development of national administrative capacities and have often influenced the different stages of the absorption policy process. The thesis highlights the need to critically reflect on the overall dynamics between structural administrative arrangements and domestic political conditions, in order to advance our understanding of how EU policies are governed and implemented at the national level. Finally, the thesis formulates several recommendations, for the different stakeholders involved, on how to facilitate the delivery of SF in order to improve cohesion and development in Europe.
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Svensson, Angelica, and Nora Olsson. ""Det var fel, men vi brydde ju oss inte alls om de personerna" : En kvalitativ studie om hur svensk journalistik skildrar relationen mellan polisen och romer." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-45101.
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The following study aims to examine how the Swedish journalism portrays the relationship between the Swedish police and the Romani people in Sweden in connection with the disclosure of the registration of thousands of Romani people during the autumn of 2013. The study proceeds from a series of articles written 2013 about what in Swedish media is known as “Registerskandalen” or “Romregistret”. The theories used in the study all originates from Postcolonial Theory and Ethnocentrism, and we used van Dijk's Critical Discourse Analysis for analysing the result. In the end of the study we find that the Swedish journalism portrays the Swedish police's view on the Romani people as negative in comparison to how they view the rest of the majority society in Sweden.
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Ghib, Marie Luce. "Transformations des structures agricoles de production en Roumanie : quelles politiques publiques d'accompagnement ?" Thesis, Dijon, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011DIJOE017/document.
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La thèse présentée s'inscrit dans le contexte de l'adhésion de la Roumanie à l'UE et plus largement fait le point sur la seconde décennie post-communiste (2000-2010) de l'évolution des structures agricoles de production roumaines. Dans ce contexte se pose la question des principaux facteurs d'évolution des structures et du rôle des politiques publiques d'accompagnement. Tout d'abord, le cadre théorique s'appuyant sur l'économie du développement et l'économie institutionnaliste historique est construit. Il permet d'analyser dans une première partie l'encastrement social du secteur agricole roumain, après avoir défini et caractérisé ce qui était appelé « structures agricoles de production ». Le rôle d'amortisseur social de l'activité agricole se poursuit ainsi sur la période étudiée, même si d'autres formes de régulation sont apparues (émigration nationale et internationale). On fait ensuite le constat des évolutions apparues en croisant différentes bases de données. On observe ainsi une diminution des plus petites unités au bénéfice d'exploitations moyennes. Les plus grandes entités ont elles aussi connu des diminutions de nombre et de taille, que l'on attribuera à la fin des privatisations et restitutions. La thèse tente d'identifier par la suite lesfacteurs de ces évolutions (survie et croissance) à l'aide d'un modèle économétrique en deux étapes.Enfin, une évaluation de politiques est menée sur une série de mesures identifiées pour avoir un objectif de restructuration. Il apparaît de manière globale que l' objectif intermédiaire d'absorption des fonds est privilégié à un objectif final de la politique qui est la pénétration en milieu rural de ces leviers d'action. Ainsi, si le soutien aux exploitations moyennes paraît pertinent, des limitations apparaissent dans la mise en oeuvre. Enfin la réorientation de la population agricole ne se fera pas seulement par les mesures étudiées, sous-budgétées ou dont les effets sont surestimésThis thesis deals with the context of the accession of Romania to the EU and more widely with thesecond post-communist decade (2000-2010) in which we analyse the evolution of Romanian agricultural structures. In this context, the question of the main factors of structural changes arised as well as the role of supportive public policies. Firstly, the theoretical framework based on development economics and historical institutional economics is built. It then enables in a first partthe analysis of the embeddedness of Romanian agricultural sector within its social context. In thispart, we are also define and characterize so called “agricultural production structures”. The role of agriculture as a social buffer is also observed over the period studied, in addition to other forms of regulation which have emerged (national and international migrations). Structural evolutions arethen analysed using different databases. We observed a decrease in smaller units for the benefit of the average farms. Larger farms have also known a decrease in number and in size, which we attribute to restitution and to the end of privatization. The thesis attempts to identify the factors of these evolutions (survival and growth) using an econometric model in two stages. For that purposewe are also compare the evolution of Romanian structures to those of other European countries including Hungary and Slovenia. Finally, a policy evaluation is conducted on a series of measures identified to have restructuring goal. It appears that in general the absorption of funds, the intermediate target, is prefered to rural penetration of these levers, which is the final objective of thepolicy. Thus, while support for average farms seems relevant somes limitations appear in the implementation. Finally, the reorientation of the agricultural population will not be achieved onlyby the measures studied, for they are under-budgeted or because their effects are over-estimated
Teza susţinută se deruleaza în contextul aderării României la UE, şi pe scară mai largă teza analizeaza evoluţia structurilor de producţie agricola românesti pe al doilea deceniu post-comunist(2000-2010). În acest context, se pune problema pe principalii factori de schimbare structurală şirolul politicilor publice de susţinere. In primul rând, un cadru teoretic bazat pe economie dedezvoltare şi economie istorica instituţională este construit. Multumita acestui cadru se poateanaliza într-o primă parte, sectorul agricol românesc cuprins in sfera sociala, după definirea şi caracterizarea a ceea ce sa numit "structurile agricole de producţie”. Rolul de amortizor social aagriculturii se mai observa în perioada studiată, cu toate că alte forme de regulare au apărut(emigraţia naţionala şi internaţionala). Se face apoi observarea evoluţiilor folosind diferite baze dedate. Şi se observă o reducere în unităţi mai mici în beneficiul fermelor medii. Entităţile mai mari,de asemenea, cunosc o micşorare negativa în număr şi mărime, pe care le atribuim la sfârşitul procesului de privatizare şi de restituire. Teza încearcă să identifice apoi aceşti factori (de supravieţuire şi de creştere), utilizând un model econometric în două etape. Comparam evoluţia structurilor româneşti, cu cele din alte ţări europene, inclusiv Ungaria şi Slovenia. În ultima parte, oevaluarea politică se desfăşoară pe o serie de măsuri identificate pentru a avea un obiectiv de restructurare. Se pare că, în general, absorbţia fondurilor, obiectivul intermediar, este privilegiata laprenetratie in mediu rural din aceste pârghii, obiectivul final al politicii. Astfel, în timp ce sprijinulpentru fermele medii pare relevant apar niste limitarii în punerea în aplicare. In sfirsit, reorientarea populaţiei agricole va avea loc nu numai prin măsurile studiate, care sunt sub-bugetate sau ale cărorefecte sunt supra-estimate
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Hîncu, Maria. "La contribution des écrivains roumains de Moldavie (Grigore Vieru, Nicolae Dabija, Dumitru Matcovschi, Ion Hadârcă, Leonida Lari) à l’affirmation de l’identité nationale : 1989-2000." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0160.
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Mon choix s'est porté sur l’activité de ces écrivains qui, de par leur contribution majeure sur le plan littéraire, mais aussi civique, se sont impliqués dans la vie politique et sociale en Moldavie a la fin du siècle dernier. Ce questionnement qui nous interpelle et qui fera la matière de la préoccupation centrale de notre sujet : être écrivain en Moldavie, implique-t-il un engagement quelconque ? Quant a l'engagement, relève-t-il d'une culture, d'une psychologie, d'une mentalité d'un peuple ?My choice fell upon the movement of these writers who, from their major contribution, on the literary map as well as civic, got involved in Moldova's political and social life at the end of the last century. This questioning which interpellates us shall constitute the core matter of the main concern of our subject: being a writer in Moldova really does imply some involvement? As regards involvement: does it stem from a nation's culture, psychology or state of mind?
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Bouillon, Pierre-Hubert. "Entre partenaires et adversaires, une ouverture asymétrique et stratégique : la France face à la Roumanie et à la Hongrie (1968-1977)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010690.
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La France, durant la détente, mena une politique étrangère qui mit à profit les déviations internes de la Hongrie et internationales de la Roumanie par rapport à l'URSS. La politique française poursuivit des objectifs à la fois bilatéraux et multilatéraux : elle inscrivit son action dans un cadre hérité du passé, mais aussi dans un processus mouvant, celui d'Helsinki. Cette époque s'avéra une transition d'un point de vue aussi bien international que national : de la crise tchécoslovaque en 1968 au regain de tensions dans la seconde moitié des années 1970, les vecteurs d'influence de la France dans l'ancienne Europe centrale et oriental évoluèrent et s'enrichirent. Un partenariat difficile fut mis en place avec la Roumanie, qui avait entretenu de liens politiques étroits avec la France avant sa satellisation par l'URSS. Quant à la Hongrie, un dialogue naquit avec elle. Les limites des relations culturelles et militaires furent à l'inverse patentes. Ces deux démocraties populaires furent en effet perçues en France à travers tout un spectre de représentations, qui allait de l'adversaire militaire et idéologique au partenaire diplomatique pouvant converger avec l'Ouest. A contrario, les rapports économiques acquirent une signification croissante et furent encadrés par l'État. Ils répondirent à la volonté politique de développer les industries de haute-technologie en France, de s'opposer l'hégémonie des États-Unis en la matière, et de mettre à profit l'asymétrie de développement entre l'Est et l'Ouest pour saper la domination de l'URSS sur son glacis. En dépit de divergences au sein de l'État l'ouverture française fut ainsi menée de manière globalement cohérenteFrance, during the "détente", led a foreign policy which took advantage of Hungary's and Romania' peculiarities compared to the USSR, Bucharest as for the international and Budapest as for the domestic policies. The French aims were both bilateral and multilateral. The French policy was developed in framework inherited from the past, but in a more fast-changing framework too, the Helsinki process. The period appeared to be a transition from the international and national points of view: from the Czechoslovak crisis in 1968 to the new tensions du ring the second half of the 1970s, the French way to influence former Central European countries changed and was enhanced. A difficult partnership was set up with Romania which country France had politically influenced before 1945, and a dialog created with Hungary. However concerning cultural and military relations, limitations were obvious. Indeed, these two people's democracies were seen in France through a whole spectrum of representations, from a military and ideological adversary to a diplomatic partner which was maybe able to converge with the West. On the contrary, economic relation became more and more important and were strongly supported by the government. Those relations were linked to a political determination to develop high-technology industries in France, to resist the United State hegemony in those fields and to undermine the Soviet rule on its empire by taking advantage of the asymmetrical level of development between the East and the West. Therefore, in spite of differences am on the state's administrations, the way the French relations were opened up to the East proved to be mostly consistent
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Gridan, Irina. "Le satellite récalcitrant : la Roumanie de Gheorghiu-Dej face à l'URSS : acteurs, vecteurs et enjeux d'une politique extérieure sous influence (1944-1965)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010603.
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Cette recherche éclaire la prise de décision en politique extérieure dans la Roumanie de Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, entre 1944 et 1965. Les mécanismes en amont de la décision, les processus de sa mise en œuvre, les problématiques liées à sa réception sont analysés. La thèse étudie les relations entre acteurs impliqués - cercles dirigeants du parti et de l'État diplomates en poste à Moscou, fonctionnaires du ministère des Affaires étrangères, spécialistes des questions économiques ou conseillers soviétiques -, interroge leurs trajectoires et leurs compétences. À partir d'une influence, soviétique omniprésente, véhiculée par des canaux et des institutions multiples, il s'agit de voir comment le rapport à cette domination est renversé. Les acteurs du processus décisionnel, structurés en réseaux coopératifs ou concurrents, en cercles d'allégeances et d'intérêt, contribuent à une prise de décision diplomatique inextricablement liée à des enjeux de politique intérieure. Dans le cercle restreint du Secrétariat et du Bureau politique, la lutte interne pour le pouvoir constitue d'abord un moteur de la soviétisation, puis de la désatellisation économique et de l'émancipation de la diplomatie roumaine. À destination de la puissance tutélaire soviétique, ainsi que de l'opinion roumaine et internationale, la politique extérieure devient un outil de consolidation, pour un régime et des dirigeants qui souffrent, initialement, d'un déficit de reconnaissance. Elle alimente un discours de légitimation politique, dont l'orientation nationale prend appui sur la mobilisation des masses et de l'opinion et qui revêt parfois les apparences d'une prise en compte des aspirations populairesThis research sheds light on the decision-making in foreign policy in Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej's Romania, from 1944 to 1965. The mechanisms of the decision, its implementation and the issues related to its reception are discussed all through the analysis, as well as different categories of actors : the ruling circles of the Party and of the State, diplomats in Moscow, officials of Foreign affairs Ministry, economy specialists and Soviet advisors. The point is to study these actors' trajectories and to question their skills. Starting from a situation where the Soviet influence and interests are pervasive through multiple channels and institutions, it is shown how the relation to the Soviet domination is reversed. The actors involved in the decision-making process, organized in cooperative or competitive networks and in circles of loyalty and interest, contribute to diplomatic decisions that are inextricably linked to domestic policy issues. In the inner circle of the Secretariat and of the Politburo, the internal struggle for power is to be seen as an impulse first for Sovietization and then for economic desatellisation and for diplomatic emancipation. Foreign policy becomes a powerful tool of consolidation for a regime and for leaders who initially suffer from a serious lack of recognition, both toward Soviet power and toward Romanian and international public opinions. It supplies a discourse of political legitimization whose nationalist accents are first perceptible and then resolute. Based on mass and opinion mobilization, this discourse sometimes contrasts with totalitarian propaganda, to assume the appearance of popular aspirations consideration
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Mitropoulos, Konstantinos. "The right of free movement: A story of securitisation and control in the UK or the story of Ion Popescu." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-121084.
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Recently in Britain there has been an on-going discussion on the right of European citizens to move to, work and reside freely in any European Union member-state. British politicians and media, stepping on the significant number of Eastern Europeans who moved to the United Kingdom, articulated a securitising discourse representing them as ‘benefit tourists’ and criminals who threaten the integrity of the welfare system and social cohesion. However, this is only part of the securitisation story. This paper argues that the securitisation of mobile European citizens and, consequently of the right of free movement itself, is used as governmentality in order to allow in the country only those who are needed and keep the rest out, and at the same time to raise support for a renegotiation of the relationship between Britain and the European Union. It will be demonstrated that the securitisation process takes place through policies and everyday practices on the one hand, and through the securitising discourse articulated by politicians and media on the other. Moreover, the possibility of securitisation having a long-lasting effect by creating a security rationale in which all future policies would be embedded is assessed.
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Guillaume, Damien. "Les débuts de l'"agitation antisémitique" en France dans une perspective européenne : contribution à l'histoire de l'antisémitisme." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0198.
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Les débuts d'une agitation proprement « antisémite » en France (non seulement en 1886 avec la parution de La France juive d'Édouard Drumont mais dès le début de la décennie) n'ont guère été considérés par l'historiographie qu'au regard de la situation nationale. Pourtant, ces débuts coïncidèrent très exactement avec divers développements de la « question juive » à l'échelle européenne auxquels les premiers antisémites français firent d'ailleurs abondamment référence. La thèse se propose d'explorer cette séquence exceptionnelle de quelques années (approximativement 1878-1884) à travers sa réception française et tâche de mettre en évidence sa profondeur historique. L'adoption d'une focale large (ou perspective européenne) permet ainsi de dégager une dynamique de fond qui correspond à l'émergence progressive, tout au long du XIXe siècle, d'une « question juive » considérée par l'ouest du continent comme typiquement est-européenne. À ce titre, le tournant des années 1880 ne fut pas seulement le moment où se fit jour en Allemagne puis ailleurs cette forme d'hostilité antijuive supposée nouvelle et autoproclamée « antisémitique ». Elle fut également – en particulier avec les polémiques sur les juifs de Roumanie lors du congrès de Berlin puis l'écho international donné à la vague de pogroms russes de 1881-1882 – une étape cruciale dans la rencontre de deux hémisphères à la fois géographiques et thématiques de la « question juive ».Ainsi mis en contexte, les débuts de l'agitation antisémite en France ne se limitèrent pas à l'émergence d'une forme particulièrement radicale d'hostilité antijuive, initiative de quelques polémistes plus ou moins en vue et de structures militantes souvent marginales. Ces débuts confirmèrent parallèlement l'existence de profondes équivoques chez les tenants d'une approche libérale de la « question juive », c'est-à-dire ceux qui étaient les plus susceptibles de défendre les juifs face aux attaques de leurs ennemisThe beginnings of the "anti-Semitic" agitation in France in the 1880s – not only with the publication of Edouard Drumont's La France juive in 1886 but even earlier in the same decade – have been explained above all by national factors in the historiography. Yet, they coincided with various concerns about the "Jewish question" on a European scale, concerns to which the first French anti-Semites were extensively referring in their texts.This PhD thesis explores (in depth) the French reception of a European phenomenon during the span of a few exceptional years (approximately 1878 to 1884). By focusing on the European context this study reveals the gradual emergence, throughout the nineteenth century, of a "Jewish question" considered by the West of the continent as typically Eastern European. As such, the turning point of the 1880s was not only the moment when, first in Germany and then in other countries, this supposedly new form of anti-Jewish hostility arose, which was called by its actors itself "anti-Semitic". These years were also – especially with the controversies over the Jews of Romania at the Congress of Berlin and the international echo given to the wave of pogroms of 1881-1882 in Russia – a crucial step in the confrontation between two hemispheres, both geographical and thematic, of the "Jewish question."Thus put in context, the beginnings of anti-Semitic agitation in France were not limited to the emergence of a particularly radical form of anti-Jewish hostility, initiated by some more or less known polemists or rather marginal groups. These beginnings also confirmed the existence of profoundly equivocal attitudes among proponents of a liberal approach to the "Jewish question," that is to say, those who were most likely to defend the Jews against the attacks of their enemies
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Faff, R. W., X. Shao, F. Alqahtani, M. Atif, A. Bialek-Jaworska, A. Chen, G. Duppati, et al. "Increasing the discoverability on non-English language research papers: a reverse-engineering application of the pitching research template." 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/16815.
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NoDiscoverability or visibility is a challenge that faces all researchers worldwide – with an ever increasing supply of good research entering the scholarly marketplace; this challenge is only becoming intensified as time passes. The global language of scholarly research is English and so the obstacle of getting noticed is magnified manyfold when the article is not written in the English language. Indeed, despite rapid advances in technology, the “tyranny of language” creates a segmentation inhibiting scholarly research and innovation generally. Mass translation of non-English language articles is neither feasible nor desirable. Our paper proposes a strategy for remedying this segmentation – such that, the work of non-English language scholars become more discoverable. The core piece of this strategy is a “reverse-engineering” [RE] application of Faff’s (2015, 2017) “pitching research” template. More specifically, we provide translated versions of the “cued” template across THIRTY THREE different languages: (1) Arabic; (2) Chinese; (3) Dutch; (4) French; (5) Greek; (6) Hindi; (7) Indonesian; (8) Japanese; (9) Korean; (10) Lao; (11) Norwegian; (12) Polish; (13) Portuguese; (14) Romanian; (15) Russian; (16) Sinhalese; (17) Spanish; (18) Tamil; (19) Thai; (20) Urdu; (21) Vietnamese; (22) Myanmar; (23) German; (24) Persian; (25) Bengali; (26) Filipino; (27) Italian; (28) Afrikaans; (29) Khmer (Cambodia); (30) Danish; (31) Finnish; (32) Hebrew; (33) Turkish. Further, we showcase illustrative dual language examples of the RE strategy for the Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese and French cases.
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Faff, R., X. Shao, F. Alqahtani, M. Atif, A. Bialek-Jaworska, A. Chen, G. Duppati, et al. "Pitching non-English language research: a dual-language application of the Pitching Research Framework." 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/16806.
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YesThe global language of scholarly research is English and so the obstacle of getting noticed is montainous when the article is not written in the English language. Indeed, despite rapid advances in technology, the “tyranny of language” creates a segmentation inhibiting scholarly research and innovation generally. Mass translation of non-English language articles is neither feasible nor desirable. Our paper proposes a strategy for remedying this segmentation – such that, the work of non-English language scholars become more discoverable. The core piece of this strategy is a “reverse-engineering” [RE] application of Faff’s (2015, 2017a) “pitching research” template. More specifically, we provide access to translated versions of the “cued” template across thirty-three different languages, and most notably for this journal, including the Romanian and French languages. Further, we showcase an illustrative dual language French-English example.
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Sutcliffe, Laura. "Conservation, biodiversity and governance of semi-natural grasslands in Southern Transylvania (Romania)." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0022-5F64-5.
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Halbnatürliche Grünlandflächen sind artenreiche Habitate von großer Bedeutung für viele Tier- und Pflanzenarten und die Bereitstellung zahlreicher Ökosystemdienstleistungen. Jedoch werden diese Flächen zunehmend seltener, weshalb ihr Schutz in Europa ein wichtiges Ziel geworden ist. Der Verlust von halbnatürlichem Grünland ist häufig mit einer Intensivierung der Agrarwirtschaft verbunden und innerhalb Europas geographisch sehr unterschiedlich. Diese Arbeit befasst sich hauptsächlich mit der Region Südtranssilvanien in Rumänien, in der fast alle dauerhaften Grünlandflächen halbnatürlich sind, jedoch von der zunehmenden Intensivierung bedroht werden. Der Schutz dieser Grünlandflächen wird hier auf unterschiedlichen räumlichen Ebenen und aus unterschiedlichen Blickwinkeln betrachtet, um sowohl die ökologischen als auch die gesellschaftlichen Aspekte der Bewirtschaftung zu berücksichtigen.
Schutzmaßnahmen werden derzeit hauptsächlich auf der Feldebene umgesetzt, jedoch interagieren Grünlandarten häufig auch mit Populationen in der umgebenden Landschaft. Daher beschäftigt sich Kapitel 2 dieser Arbeit am Beispiel von Pflanzen und Heuschrecken mit den Auswirkungen von ökologischen Prozessen auf Grünlandarten auf lokaler und auf Landschaftsebene. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass die Landschaftszusammensetzung im 2 km-Radius einen gleichstarken Effekt auf die Artenvielfalt hat wie die lokalen Faktoren. Hierbei steigt der Pflanzenartenreichtum mit höherer Landschaftsheterogenität, während die Heuschrecken positiv auf den Anteil von Grünlandfläche in der Umgebung reagieren. Schutzmaßnahmen für artenreiches Grünland sollten daher Prozesse auf Landschaftsebene mit berücksichtigen, obwohl kein Landschaftstyp gleichzeitig alle Artengruppen begünstigt. Daher ist die Förderung einer extensiven Landwirtschaft die beste Möglichkeit, eine Vielfalt an Landschaftstypen zu erhalten, die die Artenvielfalt der Grünländer unterstützt.
Neben dem Design von Schutzmaßnahmen ist auch ihre Umsetzbarkeit von großer Bedeutung. In der Untersuchungsregion ist die Kooperation der Nutzer miteinander besonders wichtig für Management-Entscheidungen, da es sich bei dem beweideten Grünland überwiegend um gemeinschaftlich benutzte Flächen (Allmendweiden) handelt. Allerdings zeigt Kapitel 3, dass sich dieses System hin zur Aufteilung der Flächen in kleinere Parzellen, die von Einzelnen gepachtet werden, verändert. Diese „Privatisierung“ der Allmende wird hauptsächlich von den flächenbasierten Zahlungen der gemeinsamen EU-Agrarpolitik gefördert. Sie wirkt sich derzeit sowohl negativ auf den Zugang von Kleinbauern zur Weide, als auch möglicherweise auf deren extensive Bewirtschaftung aus. Kapitel 4 untersucht daher das Potential von Bauernverbänden für die Wahrung der gemeinschaftlichen Bewirtschaftung von Allmendweiden. Bauernverbände können mithilfe von Agrarsubventionen eine extensive Bewirtschaftung der Allmendweide sichern sowie auch Informationen und Dienstleistungen für die Landwirte bereitstellen. Derzeit bedürfen derartige Verbände in der Untersuchungsregion allerdings noch Unterstützung bei der Organisation ihrer Aktivitäten.
Forschung und Politik auf der europäischen Ebene müssen die Vielfalt der sozio-ökologischen Kontexte berücksichtigen, unter denen Naturschutz in Agrarlandlandschaften stattfindet. Kapitel 5 zeigt auf, dass die Unterschiede im Naturschutz in der Agrarlandschaft zwischen Ländern in West- und Osteuropa nicht ausreichend wahrgenommen werden. Forschung und Politik sind vorwiegend auf westeuropäische Länder fokussiert, während sich besonders große Flächen von artenreichen Agrarlandschaften jedoch in Osteuropa befinden. Diese benötigen häufig andere Naturschutzkonzepte, da sich die Hofstruktur und die Einstellung gegenüber dem Naturschutz vielfach von der in Westeuropa unterscheiden. Forschung in weniger untersuchten Gegenden sollte gefördert werden, um regional-spezifische, wissensbasierte Maßnahmen zu erarbeiten. Zudem sollte versucht werden, über Umweltbildung die Effektivität von Maßnahmen zu erhöhen.
Die ausgedehnten Grünlandflächen in Südtranssilvanien bieten eine hervorragende Möglichkeit extensive, artenreiche Agrarlandschaften zu untersuchen und zu schützen. Auch wenn die Bewirtschaftung traditionell wirkt, ist der Fortschritt in vielen Bereichen sichtbar. Diese von Menschen geschaffenen Habitate müssen den zukünftigen Bedürfnissen einer wachsenden Bevölkerung angepasst werden. Diese Arbeit versucht durch das Verständnis der Einflussfaktoren auf Grünland, Wege aufzuzeigen, wie Entwicklungs- und Naturschutzziele miteinander verbunden werden können. Dies kann vor allem durch wissensbasierte und effiziente Naturschutzmaßnahmen und durch die Stärkung der Zusammenarbeit unterschiedlicher Interessengruppen erreicht werden. Dies gilt für viele Teile Osteuropas, in denen extensive Landwirtschaft und gemeinschaftliche Landnutzung Möglichkeiten bieten, artenreiche Agrarlandschaften auch in Zukunft zu erhalten.
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Gabrielson, Tatiana Nikolayevna. "Propaganda of Romani culture in post-Soviet Ukraine." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2463.
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Zühlke, Dietmar [Verfasser]. "Reforms and foreign direct investment : possibilities and limits of public policy in attracting multinational corporations ; a multiple case study of Romania and Croatia / vorgelegt von Dietmar Zühlke." 2009. http://d-nb.info/99343746X/34.
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Baygan, Günseli. "Government-led industrial restructuring in transition economics the role of information, incentives and legal setting /." 2005. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/71303097.html.
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Denková, Adéla. "Koordinace Visegrádské skupiny při projednávání klimaticko-energetického balíčku EU pro rok 2030." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-351203.
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The thesis deals with the negotiations on the EU framework for climate and energy in the period from 2020 to 2030 which were held in the Council of the EU and the European Council from January to October 2014. The text focuses on coordination of common negotiating position and common requirements of the Visegrad countries, Bulgaria and Romania which played an important role as an advocacy coalition during the negotiations on climate and energy package. They aimed to push through solutions of the issue of unequal costs placed on individual EU member states, with heavier burden put on the low-income countries. The thesis looks into the V4+2 group particular claims and evaluates how successful the coalition was in its efforts to set their ideas into the final formulation of the EU climate and energy policy for the period after 2020. The thesis is based on theoretical concepts of agenda-setting and advocacy coalition and uses also knowledge from theoretical research on the EU decision process.
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Marešová, Jindra. "Příčiny nerovného přístupu romských dětí k plnohodnotnému vzdělání a analýza nástrojů směřujících ke zvýšení školní úspěšnosti romských žáků." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-313271.
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This diploma thesis provides a historical overview of state's educational policy towards Roma. It describes different approaches from Maria Teresa's governance in 18th century until recent state (spring 2011). The thesis provides analysis of frequently discussed causes of Romani children lower school success and examines tools used to help with their disadvantages. The tools are shown on example of 4 schools in Ostrava. Finally, recommendations for enhancing success of Romani children in education are suggested in the thesis. Key words: Roma Romani children Education Socio-cultural disadvantaged children Educational policy Discrimination Special schools
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Marcoci, Gabriela. "La transition postcommuniste en Roumanie (entre 1989 et 2004) : une étude à partir de la structuration de la famille." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10204.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse propose une analyse des transformations postcommunistes en Roumanie à partir d’une étude de la structuration de trajectoires familiales. La réflexion sur les itinéraires très variés de ces trajectoires familiales met en valeur les pratiques développées par les familles dans la construction de leur mode de vie quotidienne après la chute du communisme. L’approche utilisée privilégie deux axes d’analyse. Le premier vise les aspects socio-structurels concernant les cadres de la vie incluant les aspects matériels, alors que le deuxième, l’axe socio-symbolique, concerne les aspects subjectifs liés au vécu des acteurs en corrélation avec le contexte social en mutation. L’analyse est fondée sur des éléments issus de la théorie de la structuration qui ont contribué à la construction du cadre conceptuel. Elle s’appuie aussi sur la méthodologie qualitative qui comprend des récits de vie obtenus à partir des entretiens semi-dirigés réalisés avec les membres de 11 familles. Les thématiques retenues après l’analyse du corpus de données nous ont permis d’identifier des stratégies que les familles ont mises en place et les projets familiaux qui ont orienté leur parcours de vie durant la période de transition postcommuniste. Ces deux concepts révèlent des éléments liés à l’ordre général permettant ainsi la mise en évidence des tendances structurelles de la société postcommuniste.This thesis presents an analysis of the process of post-communist transformation in Romania, through a study of the structure of family trajectories. An examination of the wide variety of family trajectories highlights the practices developed by families in rebuilding their way of life after the fall of communism. The approach adopts two axes of analysis. The first is the socio-structural framework for life including material aspects, while the second axis, the socio-symbolic axis addresses subjective aspects related to the experiences of actors within their changing social context. The analysis draws on the theory of structuration in its conceptual framework. It is also based on qualitative methodology which includes life stories obtained from semi-structured interviews conducted with members of 11 families. The themes selected after analysis of the data corpus allows us to identify strategies that families have put in place and family plans that have shaped their life course during the post-communist transition. These two concepts reveal elements related to the general order allowing the identification of structural trends of post-communist society in Romania.
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Baloun, Pavel. ""Cikáni, metla venkova!" Tvorba a uplatňování proticikánských opatření v meziválečném Československu, za druhé republiky a v počáteční fázi Protektorátu Čechy a Morava (1918-1941)." Doctoral thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-434851.
Full textAbstract:
On December 22, 1926, an opening ceremony of the so-called Gypsy school was held in Uzhhorod, the capital of the Czechoslovak administration in Carpathian Ruthenia. Czech officials who gave talks pointed out pedagogical significance of the established institution which they described as unique and exceptional "experiment". The creation of a special school for children of those inhabitants who were labelled as "Gypsies" on the territory which was annexed by Czechoslovakia only later after the First World War and which in the contemporary imagination represented specific, "backward" region of the newly established state, served to consolidate the legitimacy of the First Republic as a democratic, progressive, modern, liberal state which belonged to the developed and civilized West. More than a half year later, on July 14, 1927, representatives in the Czechoslovak Parliament in Prague passed the Act No. 117/1927 on Wandering Gypsies. The development of this law was related to an immense interest of the contemporary media in "Gypsies" which was encouraged by the arrest of approximately twenty "Gypsies" from a village located in East Slovakia. They were charged of numerous robberies and murders. In contrast to the situation shortly after the First World War when the central Czechoslovak authorities...