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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Polish Armenians'
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1
Mirzoyan, Alla. "Armenia's Foreign Policy, 1991-2004: Between History and Geopolitics." FIU Digital Commons, 2007. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/68.
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This dissertation is the first systematic study of Armenia’s foreign policy during the post-independence period, between 1991 and 2004. It argues that a small state’s foreign policy is best understood when looking at the regional level. Armenia’s geographic proximity to Iran, Russia and Turkey, places it in an area of heightened geopolitical interest by various great powers. This dissertation explores four sets of relationships with Armenia’s major historical ‘partners’: Russia, Iran, Turkey and the West (Europe and the United States). Each relationship reveals a complex reality of a continuous negotiation between ideas of history, collective memory, nationalism and geopolitics. A detailed study of Armenia’s relations with these powers demonstrates how actors’ relations of amity and enmity are formed to constitute a regional security complex. Turkey represents the ultimate “other”, while both Europe and Iran are seen as ideational “others”, whose role in Armenia’s foreign policy, aside from pragmatic policy considerations, reflects a normative quest. Russia and the United States, on the other hand, represent the powerful structural forces that define the regional security complex, in which Armenia operates. This dissertation argues that although Armenia has been severely constrained in certain foreign policy choices, it was adept at carving a space for action that privileged the issue of Nagorno-Karabakh over other geopolitical imperatives.
2
Somakian, Manoug Joseph. "Tsarist and Bolshevik policy towards the Armenian question, 1912-20." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508108.
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Using extensive primary sources, the thesis examines the direction, changes and ramifications of Tsarist-Bolshevik policy towards the Armenian question in the Ottoman Empire from 1912-20. As background to the main theme of the thesis, the 19th century emergence of the Armenian question is discussed in the introduction. It also examines the conflicting political aims of Britain and Russia towards Turkish Armenia in the course of the widespread Armenian massacres of 1894-96. Chapter two (1908-14) analyses the Young Turk ideology of 'Ottomanism' and the slogan of 'equality and brotherhood' within the faltering Ottoman Empire. It is argued that by using such methods, the Young Turk government tried to disguise its actual chauvinistic ideology in an attempt to fend off ethnic nationalist tendencies. The Armenian Reform question and the reasons for Russia's instigation of a Kurdish revolt are also discussed in detail. In chapter three (1914-16) there is a discussion about Russian strategic and military interests in eastern Turkey and the question of the acquisition of Constantinople and the Straits. The wholesale deportation and massacres of Ottoman Armenians by the Young Turk government is examined in depth. Russian political aims towards Turkish Armenia after the latter had been conquered by Russia during the course of the war are discussed. Chapter four examines pre-war Pan-Turanian ideology, its origins and impact on Turkish policy. The intense literary and political propaganda for the unification of all the Turkic people in a single Turanian Empire guided by the Young Turk government receives special attention. The favourable response of the Ottoman War Council towards this union; the military operations to fulfil the objective following the Bolshevik revolution of 1917; and the attempts of the Western powers to use Armenia as a means to forestall this union, are fully discussed. The last chapter (1917-20) analyses Russian Provisional Government and then Soviet Government policy towards the Ottoman Empire and the Armenian question. The leading political events in Transcaucasia from the Russian revolution to the sovietisation of the Republic of Armenia, in November 1920, are analysed in some depth. The collaboration between Soviet Russia and Kemalist Turkey against the Republic of Armenia sheds considerable light on Armenian history.
3
Aydogan, Fatih. "The Influence of The Armenian Diaspora on The American Foreign Policy." Scholar Commons, 2018. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7469.
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After the weakening of Turkish-Armenian relations and intensive American missionary activities, Armenians began to leave their homelands for educational, economic and political reasons. Emigration to the United States intensified in particular in response to the 1915 Techir (Relocation and Resettlement) Law. After achieving political rights in the United States, Armenian immigrants formed groups that began trying to influence U.S. government policy, working to win recognition of the alleged Armenian Genocide, financial assistance for Armenia, and other policies favorable to Armenia. The process that began resolution the alleged Armenia Genocide was removed from the historical dimension and moved to the political dimension and an international policy instrument was created.
In the United States, the Armenian Diaspora strives to influence government policy systematically through diaspora organizations that carefully follow the international scene and advocate for United States foreign policies in favor of Armenia. In this study, the ultimate aims of the Armenia Diaspora over American politics and policy-making, and the activities of the Armenian Lobby will be examined.
4
Sirin, Esil. "The Nagorno-karabakh Conflict And The Armenian Foreign Policy:1988-2007." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12609155/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyses the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the foreign policy of Armenia. It could be claimed that Armenia&rsquos relations with the other countries have been shaped by the Nagorno-Karabakh problem. The thesis demonstrates that because of this conflict, Armenian foreign policy has become more dependent on Russia and the Armenian diaspora in Russia, France and the United States despite its desire to be an independent state. Although Levon Ter-Petrossian and Robert Kocharian have advocated different foreign policies, their actions have been similar due to the impact of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The thesis has six main chapters. The first chapter is the introduction. The second chapter explores history of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In the third chapter the Armenian foreign policy under Levon Ter-Petrossian is examined. The fourth chapter discusses the foreign policy of Robert Kocharian. In the fifth chapter the foreign policies of the Ter-Petrossian and Kocharian are compared. The sixth chapter is the conclusion.
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Abelyan, Armen V. "Russia's national interests in the Transcaucasus and the U.S. policy implications for Armenian national security." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FAbelyan.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Anne L. Clunan, Mikhail Tsypkin. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.109-132). Also available online.
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Onol, Onur. "The evolution of Tsarist policy on the Armenian question in the South Caucasus (1903-1914)." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2014. http://bbktheses.da.ulcc.ac.uk/100/.
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From the Tsarist confiscation of the properties of the Armenian Church in 1903 to the outbreak of the First World War, relations between Russia and its Armenian subjects gradually changed. This thesis scrutinizes how and why this gradual change took place between 1903 and 1914 by looking at the interaction between the Russian administration and the three political pillars of the Russian Armenians (the Dashnaktsutiun, the Armenian Church, and the Armenian bourgeoisie) as well as Russian foreign policy considerations. The confiscation decree of 1903 triggered an immense reaction by the Russian Armenians against the Russian government, which became part of the revolutionary unrest in the South Caucasus in 1905. The relations began to improve with the arrival of the viceroy of the Caucasus, Illarion I. Vorontsov-Dashkov as a general Tsarist recovery was underway. From 1907 to 1912, the Russian authorities reformulated their relations with the political pillars of the Russian Armenians. In this period, by eliminating the Dashnaktsutiun as a political threat in the South Caucasus and sorting out its differences with the Armenian Church and the Armenian bourgeoisie, the Russian regime had improved its relations with the Russian Armenians. By 1912, there were no serious disagreements between the Russian Armenians and the Tsarist authorities, for whom other threats, such as the pan-Islamist movement in the South Caucasus took precedence. This study also adds the foreign policy dimension to the picture as it became the dominant aspect of the relations between the Russian administration and the Russian Armenians between 1912 and 1914. The changes in the international dynamics, particularly regarding the future of the Ottoman Empire, further solidified the improved relations as Russia decided to become the patron and the defender of Armenians in late 1912.
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Ozbek, Pinar. "Missionaries And Near East Relief Society In The U.s. Foreign Policy Towards The Armenian Question, 1915-1923." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611410/index.pdf.
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This study will attempt to analyze the American Foreign Policy towards Turkey around three basic issues, namely the missionary activities, the Armenian question and the Near East Relief Society (NERS). Therefore, the focus of the study is the interaction of the politics and the religion in the United States case and the influence of this interaction on the American policy towards the Near East before and after the First World War.
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Smith, Nicholas Ross. "EU Normative Socialisation in its Eastern Neighbourhood: Democratisation in Armenia through the European Neighbourhood Policy." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/5332.
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The EU, over time, has garnered international recognition and acclaim as a successful agent of democratisation in third countries. The transitions of Greece, Spain and Portugal in the 1980s coupled with the recent Eastern enlargements of the EU into erstwhile communist space attest to the success of the EU in fostering tangible democratisation. However, as the EU rapidly approaches its institutional capacity, questions remain as to its viability as an agent of democratisation in the post-enlargement setting where the EU can no longer offer full membership as an incentive for political and economic reform. This thesis attempts to examine the viability of the EU as a democratic facilitator in the post-enlargement setting, through examination of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), a policy described by the EU as ‘everything but institutions’. Two mechanisms of normative transfer relative to the ENP were identified in the literature: conditionality, where the EU attaches incentives for successful political and economic reform, and socialisation, a newer notion whereby norms are transferred via interaction through generating close links with domestic actors. It was ascertained that in the context of the ENP, socialisation represented the dominant mechanism for normative change; conditionality was still utilised as a mechanism, however its scope had reduced greatly. To illuminate the phenomenon of EU democratic promotion, the case study of Armenia was chosen, a small but politically intriguing state in the EU’s Eastern Neighbourhood which had experienced (as is the case with the majority of post-Soviet states) stagnation and regression of the democratisation process since independence. Two facets of the EU’s democratisation strategy inherent in the ENP were chosen as empirical research areas: free and fair elections and interaction with domestic civil society organisations (CSOs). Free and fair elections offered evaluation of the conditionality aspects of the ENP through examining the 2008 Armenian presidential election. Interaction with domestic Armenian CSOs presented a rich phenomenon to examine the impact of socialisation in the ENP through utilising a case study examining four democratically minded NGOs. Ultimately, this thesis contends that through the ENP, the EU can no longer effectively wield conditionality as a viable mechanism of normative change and currently lacks the tools or a suitable environment to initialise normative transfers through socialisation. Consequently, it is argued that the EU has had little effect in facilitating democratisation in Armenia since the advent of the ENP.
9
Kouhi-Esfahani, Marzieh. "Iran's regional policy in the South Caucasus : case studies of relations with the Republics of Azerbaijan & Armenia." Thesis, Durham University, 2016. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11870/.
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The aim of this study is to provide a comprehensive understanding of Iran’s foreign policy and behaviour, roots of continuity and factors of change in the regional context of the South Caucasus, using the case studies of its relations with two important neighbouring countries, the Republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan. To offer a picture of regional geopolitical context in which the subject is examined, the study will discuss the importance of South Caucasus in the international system, introducing the existing challenges and opportunities in the region, as well as important regional and international players involved, their goals and policies towards those goals. The study will also provide a review of Iran’s foreign policy in different periods and discuss factors resulting in different approaches undertaken in each period. The implication of these policies will then be examined further in the context of the Middle East, as well as South Caucasus. That is to demonstrate the specific strategies Iran has taken in each of these regions, and to explain differences between the Middle East policies and that of the South Caucasus. Case studies will provide a more detailed picture of how regional policies work and what factors shape the bilateral relations.
10
Petersen, Luke Alan. "An Examination of Integrated Rural Tourism Development in the Goris Region of Armenia." DigitalCommons@USU, 2010. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/607.
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Rural tourism is a popular development tool in both developed and developing countries. However, rural economic development can be problematic when considering the diversity of resources and stakeholder groups. In the Republic of Armenia the current system of tourism development is not benefiting rural communities in the regions. This study seeks to provide a deeper understanding of community dynamics in the rural region of Goris through the study of tourism integration. A novel assessment tool is implemented which provides a systematic qualitative evaluation of stakeholder perceptions through which strengths and weaknesses of the local tourism sector are derived. Data extracted from semi-structured interviews provide a clearer understanding of current conditions that will provide valuable insight for policy and development initiatives that seek to maximize local cooperation and benefit. It is clear from this analysis that local strengths include endogenous natural, human, and historical resources, embedded community valuation of tourism, and complementarity. Local weaknesses are related to accessibility, inadequate infrastructure, information disparity and environmental stewardship. Recommendations are made for follow up, planning and implementation.
11
Danielyan, Hripsime. "National Innovation Systems in two Nordic countries : Sweden and Finland. Lessons learned for the development of effective innovation policy in Armenia." Thesis, Blekinge Tekniska Högskola, Sektionen för management, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:bth-1187.
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Today Armenia strives to build a knowledge-based economy to improve its competitiveness. For this reason, the creation and development of innovation-supporting infrastructure becomes a critical challenge for the next few years. In this regard, the experience of developed countries in the design and implementation of innovation policies can be useful for the creation of National Innovation System (NIS) in Armenia. This thesis work investigates the NIS model in the Nordic countries, specifically in Sweden and Finland, and make conclusion on how the Nordic model of NIS could work in Armenia. For this purpose, a comparative analysis of the NIS models in the Nordic countries, specifically in Sweden and Finland, with the NIS models in Israel and South Korea was conducted. To study the implementation of the Nordic model in transition economies, an example of one of Baltic countries - Estonia, was considered where currently this model of NIS is being implemented. Also, the current situation of NIS in Armenia was studied, and conclusions were made on what lessons can be learned for the development of effective innovation policy in Armenia. An attempt was made to answer the following research questions supporting the purpose of this thesis: 1. What are the specifics of the NIS model in two Nordic countries studied, i.e. in Sweden and Finland (the main features and peculiarities of NIS in Sweden and Finland has been identified through a comparative analysis of the NIS in these countries with the NIS models in two non-Nordic countries, i.e. in Israel and South Korea)? 2. To what extent has the Nordic model of NIS been implemented in Estonia and what are NIS development challenges there? 3. What are NIS development challenges in Armenia? 4. What lessons can be learned for the development of effective innovation policy in Armenia? The theoretical basis for this work originates in scientific articles by Lundvall, Freeman, Metcalfe and many others, research and reports of international organizations and national agencies, official documents and information posted on the websites of governmental organizations. Also, semi-structured interviews were conducted in seven private companies in Armenia to compile firm-level innovation data sets.
12
Burns, Sarah L. [Verfasser]. "International Forest Policy by International and Transnational Organizations : Case Studies of the World Bank and Forest Certification Organizations in Argentina and Armenia / Sarah L. Burns." Göttingen : Universitätsverlag Göttingen, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1154361365/34.
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Thibos, Cameron Alexander. "Competitive identity formation in the Turkish diaspora." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:70ac978c-75f4-4574-b7a6-1e0fce4a2e84.
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This thesis examines the politics of narrative control, and how it relates to the formation of diasporic consciousness among Turkish migrants in the United States. It asks how Turkish diasporic identity is formed and shaped by discourses that frame Turks, and that interrogate who or what a ‘Turk’ is? This thesis suggests that this process of continual construction and re-construction of diasporic consciousness should be investigated as a matter of competitive identity formation, meaning that there is competition between multiple actors to impose a definition or label on a diasporic group and to achieve broad-based support for that label or definition. This also implies the attribution of specific values, ideas, and political agendas to that group. The thesis examines the roots, motivations and activities of Turkish American activists in Washington DC. Based on an analysis of their political orientations and internal fissures, it focuses on the current political debate over official recognition of the deportations and massacres of Armenians by Ottoman forces as a genocide. It argues that Turkish American activists have coalesced on the defensive around this issue, framing it as a matter critical to the identity of Turks. Their manifold activities to prevent the further institutionalisation of the ‘genocide’ label in American political discourse do not, however, always resonate with the passive majority of Turkish Americans.
14
Baghirova, Nushaba. "La politique sud-caucasienne d'Ankara en 1991-2010 : l'exemple des relations entre la Turquie et l'Arménie." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2019. https://publication-theses.unistra.fr/restreint/theses_doctorat/2019/BAGHIROVA_Nushaba_2019_ED519.pdf.
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Acteur incontournable dans la région du Caucase du Sud, la Turquie est l’un des pays les plus marqués par les mutations géopolitiques survenues dans cette région à la suite à l’éclatement de l’Union soviétique. Elle cherche dès lors à s’affirmer dans cette région qu’elle considère comme sa sphère d’influence naturelle. Cette thèse porte sur l’organisation de la politique étrangère turque dans la région sud-caucasienne et plus spécifiquement sur les relations entre la Turquie et l’Arménie durant la période 1991-2010. L’anomalie des relations bilatérales entre ces deux Etats voisins se caractérise par l’absence de liens diplomatiques et la fermeture des frontières communes. Le processus de rapprochement turco-arménien et la signature des protocoles de Zurich en octobre 2009 ont été choisis comme points centraux de l’analyse de ces relations complexes et multidimensionnelles. Nos réflexions sont organisées autour d’interrogations sur le rôle de la politique étrangère turque dans le processus de rapprochement et les facteurs qui ont influencé la décision d’Ankara en vue de la normalisation de ses relations avec l’Arménie et de la signature des protocoles visant au rapprochement des deux EtatsAs a key player in the South Caucasus region, Turkey is one of the countries which was most affected by the geopolitical changes that have occurred in this region following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Turkey seeks from then on to assert itself in this region that is considered as its sphere of natural influence. This thesis focuses on the organisation of Turkish foreign policy in the South Caucasian region and more specifically on the relations between Turkey and Armenia during the period 1991-2010. The anomaly in the bilateral relations between these two neighbouring states is characterized by the absence of diplomatic relations and the closure of common borders. The process of Turkish-Armenian rapprochement and the signing of the Zurich Protocols in October 2009 were chosen as the central point of the analysis of these complex and multidimensional relations. The main objective is to understand the role of Turkish foreign policy in the rapprochement process and the factors that influenced Ankara's decision to normalize its relations with Armenia and sign the protocols
15
Gevorgyan, Kristine. "Měnová politika Arménské centrální banky." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124905.
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My thesis titled The Monetary Policy of the Central Bank of Armenia starts with characteristics of Armenia, where I focus on economic attributes of the country, international conflicts and their effects on Armenia, population development, poverty and corruption. The second part is focused on economic development of Armenia, the country's employment rate, particular items of the balance of payments and international trade. Furthermore, this part also consists of information related to the development of Armenian currency and the country's foreign debt. The third, significant part of my thesis deals with the Central Bank of Armenia and Armenia's financial system, concentrating mainly on history and the present of the subject central bank. Later in this part, I inquire into Armenia's monetary policy, where I focus on its applied transmission mechanisms and the CBA's instruments.The final part of this thesis is about what effects the CBA has on Armenia's economic development. I look into effects of monetary policy on price level development and meeting the inflation objectives. The conclusion part summarizes and gathers all pieces of information I have obtained by studying numerous literature resources and conducting personal interviews with several representatives of the Armenian banking system.This part also summarizes benefits of the CBA and its effects on economic development of Armenia, credibility evaluation and effectiveness in the objectives.
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Aune, François. "Recherches sur la politique orientale de l’empire romain tardif : Rome, le royaume de Grande Armenie et l’Iran Sassanide dans la seconde moitie du IVeme siecle ap. J.-C." Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040168.
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A une date mal fixée au cours des années 380, mais généralement placée en 387, l’empereur Théodose, princeps depuis 379, abandonne officiellement les quatre cinquième de l’Arménie aux Perses sassanides. C’est un acte sans précédent : depuis plus de quatre siècles, la plupart de ses prédécesseurs avaient tout mis en œuvre pour maintenir le royaume caucasien dans la sphère d’influence romaine ou, à défaut, neutre face à un Etat iranien menaçant ou jugé comme tel. Dorénavant, la présence de l’Empire y est limitée à une bande de terre étroite située le long de ses frontières orientales et qui s’étend, du nord au sud, de l’extrémité orientale du Pont (Pontus en anglais) à la pointe septentrionale de la Syrie. Le cœur du pays et ses régions les plus importantes d’un point de vue historique et stratégique sont aux mains du grand rival oriental. Comment expliquer ce quasi retrait romain qui établit une situation qui perdurera jusqu’au début du 6ème siècle, une longueur inédite pour un accord entre les deux parties ? L’objectif de notre étude est de répondre à cette interrogation, en distinguant notamment les prémices de cette politique de repli à partir de la seconde moitié du 4ème siècleAt an uncertain date in the 380's A.D. yet generally set in 387, Emperor Theodose, princeps since 379, officially abandons four fifths of Armenia to the benefit of the Sassanide Persian people. This had never happened before since for over four centuries, most his predecessors had managed to maintain the Caucasian kingdom into the Roman sphere of influence , or even to keep it neutral to a threatening -or considered as such - Iranian state. Now the presence of the Empire is limited to a narrow strip of land located along its oriental borders that stretches over from the eastern end of the Pontus to the northern end of Syria. The heart of the land and its most important regions from a historical and strategical point of view belong to the great opponent from the east. How can we explain this Roman quasi-withdrawal which lead to a situation that will last to the beginning of the 6th century – a period of time for an agreement between the two parties that had never been seen before in history ?Our study aims at answering this question, by identifying more particularly the beginnings of such a withdrawal policy from the second half of the 4th century
17
Gasimova, Esmira. "La politique étrangère de l'Azerbaïdjan entre grandes puissances et puissances régionales (1993-2003)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG014.
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La présente étude est consacrée à la politique étrangère de l'Azerbaïdjan entre grandes puissances et puissances régionales. Ce pays du Caucase du Sud accédant à l'indépendance en 1991 affirme sa singularité, entre confrontation et coopération avec ses voisins proches ou lointains. La question centrale est donc de savoir comment l'Azerbaïdjan peut justifier et éventuellement renforcer sa présence sur l'échiquier international alors qu'il se trouve au cœur des grands enjeux géopolitiques et économiques. Sa position le place au centre des rivalités entre des puissances telles que la Russie, l'Iran et la Turquie et, au-delà de son voisinage immédiat les États-Unis et l'Union européenne. Le pays est contraint à une politique étrangère équilibrée afin de ne pas s'aliéner les partenaires de l'ouest comme de l'est. Il tente également de tirer profit de l'exploitation des hydrocarbures de la Caspienne en vue de résoudre la question cruciale du conflit du Haut-KarabakhThis thesis deals with the Azerbaijan policy between great powers and regional powers. Since its independence in 1991 the country of South Caucasus asserted its singularity. It sometimes confronts, sometimes cooperates with its neighbors. The key question is, therefore, how Azerbaijan can justify and possibly strengthen its presence on the international stage as it stands at the heart of great geopolitical and economic issues. Because of its location it is the center of rivalries between powers such as Russia, Iran and Turkey or the United States and the European Union. The country is compelled to a balanced foreign policy not to lose the support of either western or eastern partners. Baku also attempts to use the exploitation of Caspian oil in order resolve the crucial issue of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh
18
Mnatsakanyan, Piruz. "Kultura języka ormiańskiego w dawnej Polsce." Praca doktorska, 2015. https://ruj.uj.edu.pl/xmlui/handle/item/278052.
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"La politica ecclesiastica dell'Imperatore Maurizio (582-602) in Armenia/The ecclesiastical policy of the Emperor Maurice (582-602) in Armenia." Université catholique de Louvain, 2008. http://edoc.bib.ucl.ac.be:81/ETD-db/collection/available/BelnUcetd-05202008-224759/.
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Currie, Erin. "Jak etnická lobby ovlivňují politiku: případ uznání arménské genocidy ve Spojených státech." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-398858.
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This thesis seeks to examine the characteristics of the Turkish Lobby in the United States and the strategies it has utilized in its approach to countering the Armenian Lobby's efforts at official Recognition of the Armenian Genocide. While the Armenian Lobby and its approach to Genocide Recognition in the United States has been well-documented, the organizational structure of the Turkish Lobby and its approach to counter Genocide Recognition has been less explored. The Turkish Lobby consists of various Turkish-American organizations with close ties to Ankara, as well as professional lobbying and public relations firms contracted by the Turkish government for millions of dollars annually. The variety of actors that compose the Turkish Lobby is a reflection of Turkey's multi-pronged approach to preventing Genocide Recognition. This seeks to examine the primary strategies the Turkish Lobby has employed to counter Genocide Recognition, as well as its strengths and weaknesses according to indicators of effective ethnic group lobbying. Two case studies are presented in order to gain a better understanding of the characteristics of the Turkish Lobby and the strategies it employed to prevent two House Resolutions calling for Genocide Recognition. The findings show that the Turkish Lobby fulfills several...
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Motúzová, Diana. "Využívání ekonomických mechanismů v zahraniční politice Ruské federace: případ Arménie." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-406206.
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The thesis analyses Russian economic statecraft in relation to Armenia. The thesis is focused on two areas, namely the Russian response to the foreign policy orientation of Armenia and its significant internal political changes. The aim of the thesis is to compare the extent to which Russia uses economic mechanisms on both levels. The thesis draws on Baldwin's concept of economic statecraft, focusing on the Russian "carrot and stick" policy. In the foreign policy area, the economic tools that Russia used in attempt to influence Armenia's decision in its dilemma between European and Eurasian integration are analysed. In the internal policy area, the thesis is focused on major events from 2015 to 2018, which to some extent also affected the Russian side. Positive incentives and coercive methods applied by Russia during this period are also examined. An analysis of the Russian "carrot and stick" policy has pointed out that Moscow is more strongly involved in foreign policy of Armenia if it feels an immediate threat to its interests. Russia applies positive incentives in situations when it needs to reduce internal tensions in Armenia, which may also be directed against Moscow. If there are major internal political changes in this South Caucasus republic, yet without serious foreign policy implications,...