Academic literature on the topic 'Polish Book Importing Co'

Twórczość naukowa Szymona Askenazego nie doczekała się jeszcze pogłębionych badań nad jej recepcją, z wyjątkiem najbardziej rozpoznawalnej pracy historyka, czyli Księcia Józefa Poniatowskiego. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu wypełnić nieco tę lukę i ukazać, jak kształtowała się recepcja nie mniej ważnej pracy Askenazego, jaką było Przymierze polsko-pruskie. Pierwsze wydanie tego dzieła ukazało się we Lwowie w 1900 r., a drugie w Warszawie w 1901 r. Oba rozeszły się bardzo szybko. Trzecie, i ostatnie dotychczas, wydanie Przymierza ukazało się w Warszawie, Lwowie i Krakowie w 1919 r., a nie, jak często się podaje, w 1918 r. Poszczególne wydania Przymierza wywołały pewien ferment w polskim środowisku historycznym, z uwagi na inną niż dotychczas interpretację opisywanych wydarzeń i wzbudziły w związku z tym spore emocje, zarówno pozytywne, jak i negatywne. Było to zwłaszcza widoczne w pierwszych dekadach XX w. Zdecydowanie inaczej jawią się natomiast losy Przymierza polsko-pruskiego po II wojnie światowej, co związane było z ogólnym spadkiem zainteresowania twórczością Askenazego oraz pewną jego archaicznością i trudnością w odbiorze przez współczesnego czytelnika. Jeszcze większy wpływ na osłabienie recepcji tej pracy miały zarówno wydarzenia 26 Alina Hinc II wojny światowej, jak i przyjęta po 1945 r. w oficjalnej historiografii PRL wykładnia prezentacji dziejów stosunków polsko-pruskich nie tylko w dobie Sejmu Czteroletniego. Wskutek tego zawarta w dziele Askenazego myśl przewodnia, zgodnie z którą głównym zagrożeniem dla niepodległości Polski była Rosja, nie mogła w żaden sposób liczyć na wyeksponowanie jej w obowiązującym wówczas oficjalnym nurcie historiografii. Tym bardziej nie dążono specjalnie do wznowienia tej pracy w czasach PRL-u, chociaż upominał się o to usilnie Jerzy Łojek w latach 70. XX w., będąc w tamtym czasie propagatorem poglądów historycznych Askenazego. Co ciekawe, twórczość Łojka zyskała ostatnio na aktualności i przypomniana została w trzech obszernych tomach przygotowanych przez Marka Kornata. Dzięki temu przywołana została także po raz kolejny, w sposób pośredni, myśl historyczna Askenazego, której admiratorem i spadkobiercą był wspomniany Łojek. Można więc powiedzieć, że poprzez wznowienie jego prac mamy w pewnym sensie do czynienia ze współczesną recepcją Askenazego. About the reception of “Przymierze polsko-pruskie” [Polish-Prussian Alliance] by Szymon Askenazy The academic work of historian Szymon Askenazy and its influence is still waiting to be properly investigated, with the notable exception of his most famous work — Książę Józef Poniatowski [Prince Józef Poniatowski]. This article is an attempt to fill this void and demonstrate the evolution of reception of his equally important work, Przymierze polsko-pruskie. The book was first published in Lviv in the year 1900. Its second edition was published in Warsaw in 1901, and both sold out quickly. The third (and so far — the last) edition was published in Warsaw, Lviv, and Krakow in 1919 — and not in 1918, contrary to a popular claim. Each edition of the work sparked off considerable debates among Polish historians, as its interpretation of the described events was different than those presented before. The book aroused strong emotions — both negative and positive. This was particularly evident in the first decades of the 20th century. After the Second World War, the response to the book changed. This was connected with a general diminished interest in the work of Askenazy, its archaic character and the difficulties it posed to contemporary readers. The recognition of the book was further reduced by the events of the Second World War, and by the new interpretation of the history of Polish-Prussian relations (not only in the time of the Four-Year Sejm) officially adopted in the historiography of the Polish People’s Republic after 1945. As a result, the main idea of Askenazy’s work, according to which Russia remained the primary threat to the independence of Poland, could not have been effectively acknowledged in the official historiography. Thus, there were no efforts to publish another edition of this work in the period of the Polish People’s Republic, even though Jerzy Łojek actively supportedthis idea in the 1970s as the promoter of Askenazy’s historical views at the time. Interestingly, the work of Łojek has recently been revived and published again in three vast volumes prepared by Marek Kornat. Owing to this, the historical thought of Askenazy was brought back to life, however indirectly, by Łojek, who was his great admirer and successor. Therefore, in a way, the new edition of Łojek’s works is a source of modern reception of Askenazy’s writings.

A growing body of scholarship addresses what Indigenous peoples have always known: stories are critically important to who we are and how to be in the world. For Wounaan, an Indigenous people of Panama and Colombia, ancestors’ stories are no longer frequently told. As part of the Wounaan Podpa Nʌm Pömaam (National Wounaan Congress) and Foundation for the Development of Wounaan People’s project on bird guiding, birds and culture, and forest restoration in Panama, we leveraged the publication requirement as political intervention and anticolonial practice in storying worlds. This article is the story of our storying, the telling and crafting of an illustrated story book that honors Wounaan convivial lifeworlds, Wounaan chaain döhigaau nemchaain hoo wënʌʌrrajim/Los niños wounaan, en sus aventuras vieron muchas aves/The Adventures of Wounaan Children and Many Birds. Here, we have used video conference minutes and recordings, voice and text messages, emails, recollections, and a conference co-presentation to show stories as Indigenous method and reality, as epistemological and ontological. We use a narrative form to weave together our collaborative process and polish the many storying decisions on relationality, time, egalitarianism, movement, rivers, embodiment, and verbal poetics through an everyday adventure of siblings and birds. Available as a multimodal illustrated story book in digital audio and print, we conclude by advocating for new media to further storying Indigenous lifeworlds.

"“With Marx against Moscow”: the backstage of editing Karl Marx’s manuscripts about Romanians. In mid-1960s, a book containing unknown manuscripts attributed to Karl Marx was published in Romania. The documents were discovered at the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam by the Polish historian Stanislav Schwann. The sources of the most important notes were reprised from a book written by the French historian Élias Regnault in mid-19th century. For the Romanian communist leadership, the Russian presence in the Romanian Principalities during the first half the 19th century was the most relevant part of the texts signed by Marx. As such, the historical discourse was co-opted in the political plan aimed to emancipation from Soviet authority in Romania. The main Romanian historian involved in the plan for editing Karl Marx’ writings was Andrei Oţetea. As Director of the Institute of History of the Romanian Academy in Bucharest, he received the main mission of maintaining the correspondence with the Institute of Amsterdam. The study aims to establish the evolution of Romanian-Dutch treaties, in order to exploit the manuscripts, as well as the involvement of the historiographical circles. Although the question was treated as a strictly political one, the project experienced several phases influenced in particular by the changes of attitude from the Dutch Institute. Thus, an important objective of the study is to highlight the reactions produced by the Romanians’ intentions to bring to light some important data attributed to Karl Marx Keywords: Andrei Oţetea, Karl Marx manuscripts, Institute of Social History Amsterdam. "

Herbert Rosendorfer’s work entitled The Architect of Ruins fits in the postmodern novel trend. Its connections with culture texts include references to literary texts and music pieces. The most important references of the first type seem to be the ones to Jan Potocki’s novel The Saragossa Manuscript. The existence of music compositions in the novel by Rosendorfer, a witter and a musicologist in one person, functions on a number of levels. Here it is worth to mention the concept coined by the Polish scholar Michał Głowiński according to which music may appear in a novel on three levels – when it is an element of the plot, when it constitutes a topic by itself, and when the work of music referred to acquires a symbolic dimension in the context of a music piece. These three literary situations can easily be found in Rosendorfer’s book. What is particularly important and interesting, however, is applying a construction pattern taken from the field of music in a literary work. Such a possibility, i.e., musical elements functioning in in a literary piece, is described in Andrzej Hejmej’s Musicality of a Literary Work. In The Architect of Ruins construction references fit in the specificity of a postmodern novel: as stated by Magdalena Janoszka, Potocki’s The Saragossa Manuscript, which was an important inspiration for Rosendorfer, should be classified as a polyphonic novel. According to Bachtin’s concept, a word does not a exist in an isolated and independent way, but it is an answer to other words written in the past. As a writer and musicologist, Rosendorfer skilfully moves in the field of references to music and literary works – e.g. Mozart’s Don Giovanni and the literary thread of Giacomo Casanova’s Memoirs. In his book, the Austrian writer presents the profiles of musicians – a virtuoso (whom music lovers are desperate to hear live – in vain), an organist performing a truly postmodern Musiquiana, and a vampiric composer stealing every new composition written by his student. This way, in The Architect of Ruins music becomes the material with which the author of the novel co-creates his work as if with literary motifs.

The position of Polish literature in France is strictly marginal and is thus an excellent example of the relationship between the centre of the European book market and its periphery, regulated by dominant languages and characterised by an imbalance in the exchange of cultural goods. Such a situation makes it possible for French publishers to use the peripherality category as a marketing tool in order to draw the attention of potential readers to books from a distant and unfamiliar region. The article attempts to examine whether and how publishers highlight the peripheral nature of Polish literature in the paratexts of published translations. The research corpus consists of books published between 2008 and 2018 by four publishers: Noir sur Blanc, Actes Sud, Mirobole, and Agullo, who are among the most active entities importing Polish literature to France in the studied period.

Summary At the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries, new paradigms emerged regarding the value creation in management and marketing in organizations. They causes also redefining the role of universities as a service organization and participants in the process of higher education (including especially students, lecturers, management). In this context, the current and important research problem appears to be the impact of new generations of students, exhibiting different attitudes and purchasing behaviors from on the image of a modern university. A particular challenge for the higher education organization is therefore the problem not only of creating and delivering the expected value as part of the education service, but the issue of shaping positive educational experiences with the active participation of actors in the entire education cycle. The aim of the article is to identify the attitudes and behavior of the young generation of students at Polish universities and to diagnose their potential in the process of co-creating the value of an educational service. By adopting the paradigm of co-creating a service based on variables such as co-production, relationships and experience, we can determine the possibilities of formulating the strategy and image of Polish universities. In particular we focus on chances of implementing the co-creating concept of an educational service at a higher level from a student's perspective. The article reviews secondary research based on foreign and polish literature and — on this basis — indicates different behavioral students styles and their readiness to participate in co-creating the educational service at the university. The diagnosis and final conclusions refer to the results of studies carried out in 2017 at selected polish economic universities, in the field of management, and published by Polish researchers in reputable scientific journals and books.

István Csillag - Péter Mihályi: Kettős kötés: A stabilizáció és a reformok 18 hónapja [Double Bandage: The 18 Months of Stabilisation and Reforms] (Budapest: Globális Tudás Alapítvány, 2006, 144 pp.) Reviewed by Zoltán Ádám; Marco Buti - Daniele Franco: Fiscal Policy in Economic and Monetary Union. Theory, Evidence and Institutions (Cheltenham/UK - Northampton/MA/USA: Edward Elgar Publishing Co., 2005, 320 pp.) Reviewed by László Csaba; Piotr Jaworski - Tomasz Mickiewicz (eds): Polish EU Accession in Comparative Perspective: Macroeconomics, Finance and the Government (School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College of London, 2006, 171 pp.) Reviewed by András Bakács; Is FDI Based R&D Really Growing in Developing Countries? The World Investment Report 2005. Reviewed by Zoltán Pogátsa

The article introduces the state of the Polish press since 1989 when started the Round Table Talks which led to the liquidation of the Press-Book-Movement Workers' Publishing Co-operative, the activities of the liquidation committee of the Press-Book-Movement Workers' Publishing Co-operative caused a great deal of controversy. Moreover, the research paper also points out some information about the press market including the publisher companies, their newspapers, and magazines. The changes in the press market after the emergence of Internet are one of the main aspects of the research object.

From Nature to Culture… and Back? On the Book Biopolityka męskości The paper is a review of the co-authorship book entitled Biopolityka męskości [Biopolitics of Manhood]. The author notices that this scientific monograph locates the Polish masculinities studies on the new field of biopolitics, immunisation and tanatopolitics, giving a hope to elaborate an alternative methodology of studies on literature and culture of this range. The author appreciates researchers’ achievements and suggests a few contexts expanding their reflections. Both the prior conference and subjective publication, in author’s opinion, open the new chapter of the Polish men’s studies.

From Nature to Culture… and Back? On the Book Biopolityka męskości The paper is a review of the co-authorship book entitled Biopolityka męskości [Biopolitics of Manhood]. The author notices that this scientific monograph locates the Polish masculinities studies on the new field of biopolitics, immunisation and tanatopolitics, giving a hope to elaborate an alternative methodology of studies on literature and culture of this range. The author appreciates researchers’ achievements and suggests a few contexts expanding their reflections. Both the prior conference and subjective publication, in author’s opinion, open the new chapter of the Polish men’s studies.

Offering a critical examination of the nature of co-produced research, this important new book draws on materials and case studies from the ESRC funded project ‘Imagine – connecting communities through research’. Outlining a community development approach to co-production, which privileges community agency, the editors link with wider debates about the role of universities within communities. With policy makers in mind, contributors discuss in clear and accessible language what co-production between community groups and academics can achieve. The book will be valuable for practitioners within community contexts, and researchers interested in working with communities, activists, and artists.

Social investment policies have enjoyed prominence during recent welfare reforms across the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) world, and yet there is insufficient long-term strategy for their success. Reviewing labour market, family and education policies, this book analyses the emergence of social investment policies in both Europe and East Asia. Adopting a life course perspective and examining both public and private investments, the book addresses key contemporary policy issues including care, learning, work, social mobility and inequalities. Providing original observations, the book explores the roads and barriers towards effective social investment policies, derives practical social policy implications and highlights important lessons for future policymaking.

A community school differs from other public schools in important ways: it is generally open most of the time, governed by a partnership between the school system and a community agency, and offers a broad array of health and social services. It often has an extended day before and after school, features parent involvement programs, and works for community enrichment. How should such a school be structured? How can its success be measured? Community Schools in Action: Lessons from a Decade of Practice presents the Children's Aid Society's (CAS) approach to creating community schools for the 21st century. CAS began this work more than a decade ago and today operates thirteen such schools in three low-income areas of New York City. Through a technical assistance center operated by CAS, hundreds of other schools across the country and the world are adapting this model. Based on their own experiences working with community schools, the contributors to the volume supply invaluable information about the selected program components. They describe how and why CAS started its community school initiative and explain how CAS community schools are organized, integrated with the school system, sustained, and evaluated. The book also includes several contributions from experts outside of CAS: a city superintendent, an architect, and the director of the Coalition for Community Schools. Co-editors Joy Dryfoos, an authority on community schools, and Jane Quinn, CAS's Assistant Executive Director of Community Schools, have teamed up with freelance writer Carol Barkin to provide commentary linking the various components together. For those interested in transforming their schools into effective child- and family-centered institutions, this book provides a detailed road map. For those concerned with educational and social policy, the book offers a unique example of research-based action that has significant implications for our society.

Justice Across Ages is a book about how we should respond to inequalities between people at different stages of their lives. Age structures our social institutions, relationships, obligations, and entitlements. There is an age for voting, an age for working, and an age when one is expected (and sometimes required) to retire. Each stage of life also corresponds to specific forms of social risks and vulnerabilities. As a result, inequalities between age groups and generations are numerous and multidimensional. And yet, political theorists have spared little time thinking about how we should respond to these disparities. Are they akin to those patterned on gender or race? Or is there something relevantly distinctive about them that mitigates the need for concern? These questions and others are answered in this book and a theory of justice between co-existing generations is proposed. Age structures our lives and societies. It shapes social institutions, roles, and relationships, as well as how we assign obligations and entitlements within them. There is an age for schooling, an age for voting, an age for working, and an age when one is expected (and sometimes required) to retire. Each life-stage also brings its characteristic opportunities and vulnerabilities, which spawn multidimensional inequalities between young and old. How should we respond to these age-related inequalities? Are they unfair in the same way that gender or racial inequalities often are? Or is there something distinctive about age that should mitigate ethical concern? Justice Across Ages addresses these and related questions, offering an ambitious theory of justice between age groups. Written at the intersection of philosophy and public policy, the book sets forth ethical principles to guide a fair distribution of goods like jobs, healthcare, income, and political power among persons at different stages of their life. Drawing on a range of practical cases, the book deploys normative tools to distinguish objectionable instances of inequalities from acceptable ones and in so doing, critically assesses a range of policy remedies. At a time where young people are starkly under-represented in legislatures and subject to disproportionally high unemployment rates, the book moves from foundational theory to the specific policy reforms needed today. As moral and political philosophers have noted, it can be tempting to assume that age-based inequalities are morally trouble free, since over the course of a complete life, a person moves through each age groups. Yet, Justice Across Ages argues that we should resist this assumption. In particular, we should regard with suspicion commonplace and widely tolerated forms of age-based social hierarchy, such as the infantilization of young adults and older citizens, the political marginalization of teenagers and young adults, the exploitation of young workers through precarious contracts and unpaid internships, and the spatial segregation of elderly persons. If we ever are to live in a society where people are treated as equals, we must pay vigilant attention to how age membership can alter our social standing. This position carries important implications for how we should think about the political and moral value of equality, design our social and political institutions, and conduct ourselves in a range of contexts that includes families, workplaces, and schools.

Muslim American City studies how Muslim Americans test the boundaries of American pluralism as a model for secular inclusion. This ethnographic work focuses on the perspectives of both Muslims and non-Muslims in Hamtramck, Michigan, a small city situated within the larger metro Detroit region that has one of the highest concentrations of Muslim residents of any US city. Once famous as a center of Polish American life, Hamtramck’s now has a population that is at least 40 percent Muslim. Drawing attention to Muslim American expressions of religious and cultural identity in civic life—particularly in response to discrimination and gender stereotyping—the book questions the popular assumption that the religiosity of Muslim minorities hinders their capacity for full citizenship in secular societies, a viewpoint that has long played into hackneyed arguments about the supposed incompatibility between Islam and democracy. The study approaches the incorporation of Yemeni, Bangladeshi, and African American Muslim groups in Hamtramck as a social, spatial, and material process that also involves well-established Polish Catholic, African American Christian, and other non-Muslim Hamtramck residents. Extending theory on group identity, boundary formation, gender, and space-making, the book examines how Hamtramck residents mutually reconfigure symbolic divides in public debates and everyday exchanges, including and excluding others based on moral identifications or distinctions across race, ethnicity, and religion. The various negotiations of public space examined in this text advance the book’s main argument: that Muslim and non-Muslim co-residents expand the boundaries of belonging together, by engaging in social and material exchanges across lines of difference.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

AbstractIn 2017, the Connecting Austria project was internationally unique with respect to the special consideration of the infrastructure and traffic perspective as well as the special consideration of investigating an urban truck platooning use case with traffic-light-controlled intersections before and after motorway entrances. The three main target groups of the project were: (1) road operators/infrastructure providers, (2) logistics operators and (3) C-ITS industry. Especially for those target groups and policy maker faced one central question at that point in time —“How can safe truck platooning reduce CO$$_{2}$$ 2 -emissions and how can this help to strengthen the stakeholders’ role in their market or political environment?”. Cooperative, connected and automated mobility shape the future of road transport. Thereby, truck platooning represents an important application case in the transport logistics domain. In this chapter, the research and evaluation results presented in this book are discussed along the following three fundamental pillars: (1) traffic safety and legal issues, (2) sustainability and (3) truck platooning deployment. Finally, limitations and cultural blind spots experienced within international workshops and discussions in the context of the Connecting Austria project are reflected.

This chapter looks at 29 book reviews. The first set of books discusses hasidism in Poland; the history of the Jewish population in lower Silesia after the Second World War; the Jewish communities in eastern Poland and the USSR; Jewish emancipation in Poland; and the memoirs of Holocaust survivors. The second set of books examine the Holocaust experience and its consequences; the ethical challenge of Auschwitz and Hiroshima; the history of the Jews of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth in the eleventh to eighteenth centuries; and Russia's first modern Jews. The third set of books assesses the Kishinev pogrom of 1903; the history of feldshers in general and Jewish feldshers in particular; the diplomacy of Lucien Wolf; the Berlin Jewish community; the aspects of Jewish art; magic, mysticism, and hasidism; and the Jewish presence in Polish literature. The fourth set of books explores the depictions of Jews by Polish artists, both Christian and Jewish; the history of co-operation between the Polish government and the New Zionist Organization; and the origins of Zionism.

This chapter describes on the Kraków Festival of Jewish Culture, founded in 1988 by Jewish intellectuals Janusz Makuch and Krzysztof Gierat. The public embrace of Jewish culture in Poland had its roots in the anti-communist dissident movements of the 1960s and 1970s and developed steadily after the success of Solidarność in 1980 opened up new cultural and intellectual freedoms that were only partially stifled by the imposition of martial law in 1981. The pervasiveness of underground networks forced some relaxation of official strictures, too. Many taboos remained in place, but from the early 1980s on, with official sanction that at times verged on co-option, books on Jewish topics were published, research on Jewish subjects was carried out, and exhibitions, concerts, and performances on Jewish themes were held with increasing frequency. The Kraków festival was a milestone in this process and throughout the 1990s served as an important, continuing catalyst, changing and developing as overall conditions in post-communist Poland evolved.

This chapter discusses Isaac ben Abraham of Troki (c. 1533–c.1594), one of the outstanding members of the sixteenth-century Karaite community in Lithuania, if not its most prominent intellectual. His major work, the Ḥizuk emunah (Strengthening of Faith), occupies a particular place in the history of Christian–Jewish polemics. Isaac’s book, written in old age, was a result of certain interreligious disputations. He decided to systematize the conclusions in one book, hoping that in future the book might serve his co-religionists as a ‘ḥizuk emunah’, as he called it in an allusion to Isaiah 35: 3. The book itself consists of two parts. In the first part, which consists of fifty chapters, he deals at length with the Christian interpretation of the Hebrew Bible, focusing on all those passages that were traditionally read as prooftexts for the Christian dogma. The second part, which is much shorter although it consists of 100 chapters, contains a thorough discussion of the large number of New Testament texts that refer to the Hebrew Bible.

This chapter explores The Rottenbergs who Lived near the River Bug, which was written by two cousins, Irena Kowalska and Ida Merżan. Their grandfathers, Chaim and Szmul Rottenberg, were brothers and co-owners of Skrychiczyn, an estate on the River Bug. The bulk of the book, some 158 pages, were written by Kowalska, and the remaining fifty-three pages were the work of her cousin Merżan. Kowalska uses archival material to describe the history of the family. In addition, she provides interesting details about the history of the town of Dubienka, the importance of the River Bug to the area and the family, and the main events that determined the fate of the large, extended Rottenberg clan. Merżan concentrates on reminiscences of family celebrations of Jewish festivals.

In conclusion, the book reflects on what these different developments mean for international law. It describes an emerging “transnational legal order” promoting policy and practice in the absence of a binding regulatory instrument. It presents and addresses concerns and caveats over business enterprises incorporating rights versus co-opting rights. It is argued that self-regulation is a misnomer in that constituencies outside the corporation co-create conditions for enforcement. Information and activism that raised awareness concerning the adverse human rights impacts associated with particular business practices and have prompted change in many instances, at minimum the creation of a corporate code or policy that incorporates reference to human rights and speaks to responsibility. Less well articulated is accountability to victims of rights violations and access to remedy. Ensuring policies that are in place are put into practice and corporate performance is consistent with responsibility to respect remains a challenge. Mandating information can aid and accelerate efforts to ensure business enterprises take the responsibility to respect human rights seriously—a “smart mix” of strategies will be required, and we must appreciate that soft law and social pressure are an important part of the mix.

The Conclusion sums up the major arguments of the book and gives an outlook on the decade following the postwar struggles. Polish nationalism had not managed to incite the masses in 1918. Until 1921, the state frontiers in Central Europe were fixed, but they ran through ethnically mixed borderlands. All Central European nation states had ethnic minorities living within and co-nationals living beyond their respective borders. As a result of the enmities brought by the Central European Civil War, a collective postwar security system failed to materialize. Internal and external conflicts were simmering on. Even the fight of the Polish Second Republic for its survival did not unite the nation. Following the border struggles, the political elites were more estranged than ever. Their feud resulted in the assassination of the Prime Minister by a right-wing extremist in 1922 and a left-dominated coup d’état in 1926, which established an authoritarian regime.

This chapter explores the international transmedial phenomenon, The Witcher, which began life as a 1986 Polish short story, ‘Wiedźmin’ (The Witcher) by Andrzej Sapowski, but has become a paradigm of the intercultural communication facilitated by the digital age, including not only translated fiction, but also fan fiction and fan translations, a videogame trilogy and a film. The chapter highlights the new opportunities that digital cultures offer translated literatures, regardless of national origin, and the challenges they present to existing translation studies theory, dominated by the circulation of high literature in book form. It also notes, however, how even internationally co-owned genre franchises, old considerations of national cultural diplomacy, narrative and identity remain.

There is an old saying that history is about revolution and evolution. This book considered history in the context of disruptive and incremental change within energy systems. In doing so, the research advances new tools and theory-building, while emphasizing broader lessons, particularly for policymakers, regarding the strategic management of energy transitions. This chapter discusses key insights from the study. It also identifies avenues for further research. There is no set formula for a country to shift to low carbon energy (or, for that matter, to undertake any energy transition). Whether transitions emerge or are driven, there is room for strategic management. • Focusing events, like oil shocks, can provide an opportunity for the rapid mobilization of an energy transition, despite differences in views. Such windows of opportunity, however, have a limited shelf life. Common tensions between competing interests will re-emerge and can undermine progress. Here, cross-sectoral collaboration and learning can provide important traction amidst a transition for meeting longer term objectives. • Least-cost economics can play a role in energy decision-making, yet policymakers should recognize that this approach does not adequately reflect all important objectives, costs or benefits. Co-benefits, including the flexibility to adapt in otherwise irreversible decisions, may matter for a society in an energy transition. Such benefits can be difficult to value in planning and analysis, but warrant scrutiny. Here, analysts and decision-makers can be pivotal by ensuring that viable options which add important value are not crowded out. • It is clear from the preceding pages that governments have a role to play in the energy playing field, even if government is not the driving force. The fundamental importance of energy, the widely entrenched nature of such systems, and the intersecting aspects of energy-related challenges with other public priorities reinforce this point. Here, public actors and policy can be instrumental in bridging gaps at critical junctures in a way that no other individuals may adequately address. • Societal views about ways to govern natural resources will factor in whether an energy transition depends on markets, government, or other means.

In his book The Long Truce (Spence Publishing, 2001) the late A. J. Conyers argues that tolerance, as practiced in western democracies, is not a public virtue; it is a political strat- egy employed to establish power and guarantee profits. Tolerance, of course, seemed to be a reasonable response to the religious wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but tolerance based upon indifference to all values except political power and materialism relegated ultimate questions of meaning to private life. Conyers offers another model for tolerance based upon values and resources already resident in pre-Reformation Christianity. In this paper, we consider Conyer’s case against the modern, secular form of tolerance and its current practice. We examine his attempt to reclaim the practice of Christian tolerance based upon humility, hospitality and the “powerful fact” of the incarnation. Furthermore, we bring the late Conyers into dialog with Fethullah Gülen, a Muslim scholar, prolific writer and the source of inspiration for a transnational civil society movement. We explore how both Conyers and Gülen interpret their scriptures in order to fashion a theology and politi- cal ideology conducive to peaceful co-existence. Finally, because Gülen’s identity has been formed within the Sufi tradition, we reflect on the spiritual resources within Sufi spirituality that make dialog and toleration key values for him. Conyers locates various values, practices and convictions in the Christian message that pave the way for authentic toleration. These include humility, trust, reconciliation, the interrelat- edness of all things, the paradox of power--that is, that strength is found in weakness and greatness in service—hope, the inherent goodness of creation, and interfaith dialog. Conyers refers to this latter practice as developing “the listening heart” and “the open soul.” In his writings and oral addresses, Gülen prefers the term hoshgoru (literally, “good view”) to “tolerance.” Conceptually, the former term indicates actions of the heart and the mind that include empathy, inquisitiveness, reflection, consideration of the dialog partner’s context, and respect for their positions. The term “tolerance” does not capture the notion of hoshgoru. Elsewhere, Gülen finds even the concept of hoshgoru insufficient, and employs terms with more depth in interfaith relations, such as respect and an appreciation of the positions of your dialog partner. The resources Gülen references in the context of dialog and empathic acceptance include the Qur’an, the prophetic tradition, especially lives of the companions of the Prophet, the works of great Muslim scholars and Sufi masters, and finally, the history of Islamic civilization. Among his Qur’anic references, Gülen alludes to verses that tell the believers to represent hu- mility, peace and security, trustworthiness, compassion and forgiveness (The Qur’an, 25:63, 25:72, 28:55, 45:14, 17:84), to avoid armed conflicts and prefer peace (4:128), to maintain cordial relationships with the “people of the book,” and to avoid argumentation (29:46). But perhaps the most important references of Gülen with respect to interfaith relations are his readings of those verses that allow Muslims to fight others. Gülen positions these verses in historical context to point out one by one that their applicability is conditioned upon active hostility. In other words, in Gülen’s view, nowhere in the Qur’an does God allow fighting based on differences of faith. An important factor for Gülen’s embracing views of empathic acceptance and respect is his view of the inherent value of the human. Gülen’s message is essentially that every human person exists as a piece of art created by the Compassionate God, reflecting aspects of His compassion. He highlights love as the raison d’etre of the universe. “Love is the very reason of existence, and the most important bond among beings,” Gülen comments. A failure to approach fellow humans with love, therefore, implies a deficiency in our love of God and of those who are beloved to God. The lack of love for fellow human beings implies a lack of respect for this monumental work of art by God. Ultimately, to remain indifferent to the conditions and suffering of fellow human beings implies indifference to God himself. While advocating love of human beings as a pillar of human relations, Gülen maintains a balance. He distinguishes between the love of fellow human beings and our attitude toward some of their qualities or actions. Our love for a human being who inflicts suffering upon others does not mean that we remain silent toward his violent actions. On the contrary, our very love for that human being as a human being, as well as our love of those who suffer, necessitate that we participate actively in the elimination of suffering. In the end we argue that strong resonances are found in the notion of authentic toleration based on humility advocated by Conyers and the notion of hoshgoru in the writings of Gülen.