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Journal articles on the topic 'Polish–Lithuanian War'
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1
Makarova, Viktorija. "The Formation of the Image of the Enemy in Lithuanian Media Outlets: The Polish Question." Respectus Philologicus 24, no. 29 (2013): 213–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2013.24.29.18.
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This article analyzes the opposition of Polish and Lithuanian identities as presented in Lithuanian media outlets. It is assumed that an information war is being waged against the Polish cultural minority and that the instigators of this war are achieving their goal, i.e., being Polish bears a negative association in the public consciousness, which also construes Poles as enemies. The article investigates the means by which this negative opinion about the Polish nationality in Lithuania is formed. The conclusions are based on an analysis of four articles and more than 40 headlines published in 2012–2013, and show that the editors of Lithuanian media outlets regularly present news about events in Poland and/or Poles themselves by choosing information that casts aspersions on the country and its inhabitants. The readers of the Lithuanian media are constantly fed the idea that Poles are characteristically nationalistic. Indeed, the media frequently discuss the danger to Lithuanians posed by Poles in Lithuania. This phenomenon can be explained by the Copenhagen School’s Theory of Securitization: a problem that is technical in nature is given the status of an existential threat. Texts often convey the antithesis Poles—Lithuania, in which the first element is given only negative features and the second only positive. Attention is also drawn to the distorted usage of the word “discrimination”: in Lithuanian media outlets it is applied when discussing the stronger member of the conflict.
2
Kozłowska, Joanna. "Echa polsko-litewskich rokowań w Królewcu w 1928 roku w litewskiej i polskiej prasie i dyplomacji." Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 10 (November 15, 2017): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.5746.
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In December 1927, at the Polish-Lithuanian meeting in Geneva the state of war between the two countries was lifted. As a consequence of this meeting, both sides decided to take the necessary measures to establish bilateral relations in the future. The Polish government counted on constructive dialogue, which allowed to sign the agreement on launching the railway transport, postal and telegraph service, transit and local border traffic. The Lithuanian side did not recognize the need to establish the direct relations, and the note of losing Vilnius by Lithuania in 1920 was heard in the comments of Lithuanian diplomats. The Polish-Lithuanian negotiations started on 30 March 1928 in Konigsberg. Their pace aroused keen interest among the diplomatic missions and was extensively commented in the Polish and Lithuanian press. The Polish side greeted the beginning of the negotiations with great hope, counting on normalizing the mutual relations. However, with time it became obvious for the Polish delegation that reaching the agreement suggested by Poland would be impossible because of the unrelenting stance of Lithuanians. Signing an agreement on the local border traffic was the only result of the negotiations.
3
Bubnys, Arūnas. "The View of Lithuanian Statehood Held by the Polish Underground During 1939–1944." Lithuanian Historical Studies 9, no. 1 (2004): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00901004.
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This article investigates the Polish underground’s view of Lithuanian statehood, territorial integrity, and Lithuanian-Polish relations during the Second World War. The concept ‘Polish underground’ is applicable not only to the military organisation, which came to be called the Armia Krajowa (AK) in 1942, but also the secret civil administration, called the Delegation of the Government to the Country. The article investiga tes not only the view of Lithuania held by the Polish underground operating in Lithuania (primarily the Vilnius area) but also the Polish underground’s central leadership in Warsaw as well as the view held by the Polish government-in-exile. The author used Lithuanian and Polish archive documents and works by historians from both countries.
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Sawicki, Mariusz. "United in the Commonwealth. The Participation of Lithuanian troops in the Zborów battle in 1649." Open Political Science 1, no. 1 (2018): 182–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2018-0016.
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AbstractIn 1648, an uprising broke out in Ukraine that belonged to Poland at the time. The war was not successful for the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The Cossacks and Tartars, who were helping them during the war, surrounded Zbaraż, about whose defense everyone knew in the country. King Jan Kazimierz decided to set out to rescue the besieged fortress. It was decided that not only Polish troops, but also soldiers of Lithuania would set out for Ukraine. Not only state armies, but also private regiments set out to fight. The article discusses the problem of the reasons for the participation of Lithuanians in the war, which was not only due to the provisions of the union, but also to be in the king’s party. Therefore, only the branches of magnates who belong to the Jan Kazimierz party joined the Polish army. The king’s army reached Zborów, where the battle ended with treaties. The Polish nobility was not happy with them, but they caused a temporary suspension of the war. Important will also be the international echoes of the battle of Zborow with the greater strength of the Cossacks and Tartars.
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Olkowski, Roman. "STRUGGLE FOR THE SO-CALLED RECLAMATION OF CULTURAL GOODS IN VILNIUS AFTER WORLD WAR II." Muzealnictwo 58, no. 1 (2017): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.2238.
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The article describes the so-called requisition campaign carried out in Vilnius city and region and Kaunas, Lithuania, the aim of which was to recover the cultural heritage which was supposed to stay abroad as a result of the change of borders after World War II for the Polish State and its citizens People connected with the Cultural Department established by the Polish Committee of National Liberation in 1944 at the Office of the Chief Plenipotentiary for Evacuation in the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic. The Cultural Department carried out this activity under the Agreement between the Polish Committee of National Liberation and the Government of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic regarding the evacuation of Polish citizens from Soviet Lithuania and Lithuanian citizens from Poland concerning the mutual repatriation of peoples. The article aims to recall the private collections and most important cultural institutions in Vilnius from the period before 1939 which failed to be transported from Vilnius to Poland, despite the great efforts of many people. However, regardless of the result, the actions described and those who conducted them deserve to be recalled and mentioned in the subject-matter literature.
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BALKELIS, TOMAS. "War, Ethnic Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in Lithuania, 1939–1940." Contemporary European History 16, no. 4 (2007): 461–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307004122.
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AbstractAfter the destruction of the Polish state by the invading Nazi and Soviet armies in the autumn of 1939, about 30,000 Polish nationals fled to eastern Lithuania. This article examines the relationship between population displacement and ethnic rivalry in Lithuania at the onset of the Second World War. As ‘war victims’ in need of help and protection, over time these Polish refugees became increasingly ‘ethnicised’, socially differentiated and isolated from Lithuanian society, and vilified as a potential political threat. Furthermore, the official decision to create a legal category of so-called ‘newcomers’ deprived those Poles who had settled in Vilnius between the wars of citizenship and residence rights in Lithuania. This policy inflated the number of ‘refugees’ to more than 100,000. Various other official measures, such as the creation of camps, forced labour schemes, deportations and repatriations, show how the government manipulated the refugee crisis for its own political purposes.
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Gimžauskas, Edmundas. "The Belorussian Factor in the Genesis of the Modern Lithuanian State, 1915-1917." Lithuanian Historical Studies 6, no. 1 (2001): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00601006.
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The paper is devoted to a relatively recently researched subject – the relations between the Lithuanians and the Belorussians and the role of the latter in the genesis of the Lithuanian state in the early twentieth century. At the start of the First World War in the German-occupied regions there was a chance to re-establish the Republic of the Two Nations for the first time after 1795. However, that was not the German intention. Initially they supported only the illusion of the re-establishment of Lithuanian statehood in the lands of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In this policy there was also some space for the rudiments of the political activity of Lithuanian and Belorussian intellectuals. Since the beginning of the ‘Los von Russland’ Campaign of 1916 it is possible to trace certain open efforts to obtain Lithuanian and Belorussian statehood. In the Lithuanian political struggle formulas of historical and ethnic statehood were applied taking into consideration the practical political manoeuvres of the warring countries. After the declaration of Polish statehood on 5 November 1916 the ethnic model became more important. In the east an ethnic Lithuanian state was to coincide with the historic ‘Lithuania Proper’. That was a basis for more or less constructive relations with the Belorussians, who also preferred to adhere to the historical formula. After the February Revolution, when the Belorussians started requiring the historical statehood of the whole of the GDL, contacts were broken, and they were renewed in the autumn of 1917 after the election of the Lithuanian Council (Taryba).
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Stanevičiūtė, Rūta. "Lithuanian and Polish musical networking during the Cold War: Political curtains and cultural confrontations." New Sound, no. 54-2 (2019): 44–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/newso1954044s.
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Poland and Lithuania at the end of the Cold War serve as a case study for the theorization of music and politics. In this article, a little-studied field of two neighbouring countries' cultures has been chosen: oppositional musical networking, that in addition resulted in politically and socially engaged collaboration between Polish and Lithuanian musicians since late 1970s. Basing on the concept of a transformative contact (Padraic Kenney 2004), the author reflects on the factors which predetermined the intercommunication of informal communities in mentioned countries in the years of ideological and political constraints and the ways in which such relationships contributed to the cultural and political transformation of societies. Through the interactions of the milieus of the Polish and Lithuanian contemporary music, the participation of the norms and representations of one culture in the field of the other culture is discussed. The author shows that the paradoxical constraints on the informal relations between Lithuanian and Polish musicians were strongly affected by the political relations between the USSR and the Polish People's Republic, especially in the wake of the intensification of political resistance to the imposed Communist regime in Poland.
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Stanevičiūtė, Rūta. "Reception of the Warsaw Autumn Festival in Lithuania: Cultural Discourse and Political Context." Musicology Today 14, no. 1 (2017): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/muso-2017-0006.
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Abstract This article aims to offer a broader understanding of the Lithuanian reception of the Warsaw Autumn festival in relation to the modernisation of national music in Lithuania since the late 1950s – early 1960s. Based on a micro-historical and comparative approach to the network of individuals and events, it is intended to explore the shifts of reception through analysis of musical criticism, composers’ work and discourse, and artistic exchange between the Lithuanian and Polish new music scenes. The author discusses the cultural and political factors which affected the changing role of the Warsaw Autumn festival and its impact on the modernisation processes in Lithuanian music. In addition, the asymmetries of mutual understanding and interests between the Polish and Lithuanian music cultures have been highlighted both during the Cold War and the post-communist transformation periods.
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Pugačiauskas, Virgilijus, and Olga Mastianica-Stankevič. "The Historical Memory of the 1812 War in Lithuania in the 19th and Early 20th Centuries: A Complex Process." Lithuanian Historical Studies 25, no. 1 (2021): 59–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-02501003.
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In historiography, significant attention to the memory culture of the Napoleonic Wars in Europe focuses on issues relating to the memory culture of the Franco-Russian War of 1812; however, the case of Lithuania is not commonly analysed separately, thus this article discusses how assessments of the 1812 war were maintained in the historical memory in Lithuania. The Russian government offered the population in the lands of the former GDL its official version of the historical memory of the 1812 war (of a heroic battle against an invader), which contradicted the version this population considered as ‘its own’, experienced as their support for Napoleon and the new political and social prospects they believed he would bring. The Russian government’s censorship of written literature suppressed the spread of the people’s ‘own’ local historical memory, yet it did not prove to be so effective due to the population’s very limited opportunities to use the printed word. Communicative memory dominated in the land in the first half of the 19th century, becoming the main source testifying to and passing on to subsequent generations the actual multifaceted experiences of the 1812 war, including the chance of liberation from the yoke of the Russian Empire. In the second half of the 19th century, representatives of local Russian imperial government structures and the local Russian intelligentsia, responding to the 1812 war as a Polish struggle for freedom and a symbol of political independence, explained in academic, educational and popular literature that the hopes of the Poles related to Napoleon were actually unfounded: the French emperor had no intentions of restoring the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth within its historical boundaries, but simply wanted to fill his army units with Polish forces. It was highlighted that this expression of Polish support for Napoleon stopped the Russian imperial government’s potential plans to restore the Poles’ former statehood. This so-called regional narrative which appeared in history textbooks and was used by exacting emotional and visual impact in order to influence the political and cultural provisions of the younger generation had a dual purpose. First, to justify the discriminatory policies against individuals of ‘Polish origins’. Second, to ‘block’ the path for using the 1812 war as a historical argument testifying not just to the common historical past and struggle of Poles and Lithuanians but also their possible political future, which was openly expressed in the Polish national discourse of the early 20th century. Over the course of a hundred years, despite the government’s actions, Poles managed to uphold ‘their own’ historical memory about the 1812 war; its meanings were spread in various forms of media such as fictional literature, museum exhibitions and history textbooks, and were used to shape the political and cultural position of the younger generation. In the Lithuanian national discourse on the other hand, the 1812 war, along with the 1830–1831 and 1863–1864 uprisings, was viewed as a matter concerning the Poles and the Polonised nobility, and it was thus a foreign place of historical memory. The 1812 war and assessments of its potential importance to Lithuanians in the Lithuanian national discourse of the early 20th century were one-off cases and fragmented, while their spread among broader layers of society was limited.
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Prokhorenkov, Igor Aleksandrovich. "Military and political print propaganda of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the late 16th–17th centuries: Printers in the royal service." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana, no. 2 (30) (2021): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2021.204.
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During the last five years of the Livonian War the number of new printed anti-Moscow leaflets has been noticeably increased in Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. This phenomenon could be explained by the purposeful policy of Stephen Bathory. The most important vectors of this policy were preserved during the reign of Sigismund III. The article analyzes basic principles of interaction between the royal court and polish-lithuanian printers in the last quarter of the 16th century. Previously polish royal court used only a system of publishing privilege to regulate the work of typographers. Starting from the reign of Stephen Bathory, we could notice the new stage of collaboration between the central authority and typographers. In particular, in 1577 appeared the first mobile state press in Polish history. The role of this typography in the war propaganda of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is examined in article. Another important factor of the history of the Polish political press, which is discussed in papers, is the circumstances of the establishment of the position of «archtypographer» by king Sigismund III Vasa. Numerous personal innovations of Polish monarchs determined the appearance of the system of relations between the state and private printing houses for the next century.
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Chazbijewicz, Selim, Mirlan A. Namatov, and Nurlan A. Namatov. "Khan Jelaleddin and the Tatars at the Battle of Grunwald." Crimean Historical Review, no. 1 (June 2021): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/kio.2021.1.83-94.
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This article is a translation from Polish of the scientific work of the Polish historian of the Crimean Tatar origin Selim Chazbijewicz “Khan Jelaleddin and the Tatars at the Battle of Grunwald”. It examines the role of the Tatar cavalry and the significance of the Battle of Grunwald for Poland and Lithuania. The Tatars played a special role in the military history of Poland and Lithuania in the XII–XIV centuries. Their ubiquitous presence in wars and battles in Eastern Europe was well known to their contemporaries, who perfectly understood that without their military assistance, no belligerent side could claim victory over its opponents. Their decisive role in battles can be explained mainly by their use of nomadic light cavalry, which was practically invincible in those centuries. The Battle of Grunwald took place on July 15, 1410 during the Polish-Lithuanian-Teutonic War. The union of the crown of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, headed by King Vladislav II Jagaila and Grand Duke Vytautas, finally defeated the German-Prussian knights of the Teutonic Order, headed by Grand Master Ulrich von Jungingen. Most of the leaders of the Teutonic Knights were killed or taken prisoner. The Teutonic Order will never regain its former power again, the financial burden of war reparations caused internal conflicts and economic recession in the territories under their control. The battle altered the balance of power in Central and Eastern Europe and heralded the rise of the Polish-Lithuanian alliance as the dominant political and military power in the region.
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Kościelniak, Karol. "Polish accounts of the participation of the Lithuanian armed forces in the battle of Kryżbork/Jakobstadt of 26 July (5 August) 1704." Open Political Science 2, no. 1 (2019): 174–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2019-0016.
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AbstractThe Great Northern War changed not only the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, but also the countries of Central Europe. This war brought many tactical and strategic innovations that could be observed on the battlefields and during the war campaigns. That is why it seems appropriate to recall the battles that took place during the Great Northern War. An example of such a battle is a clash between the Swedish-Lithuanian army and Lithuanian-Russian army, which took place near Kryżbork/Jakobstadt on 26 July (5 August) 1704. In this battle the Lithuanian troops fought on both sides. On the Swedish side they were commanded by Kazimierz Jan Sapieha, and on the Russian side – by Michał Serwacy Wiśniowiecki.
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Rakitin, Antоn S. "“Servants of the Tsar”: The Polish-Lithuanian subject Szymon Romejkow and the boyar’s son Vasiliy Shalygin, the informers of Moscow before the Smolensk War (1632–1634)." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2020): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2020.1-2.1.02.
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In 1632, the ceasefire expired, signed between the Moscow State and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in December 1618. Under the terms of this peace agreement, Moscow ceded to the Polish side a number of western territories, including Smolensk, Nevel, Sebezh, as well as the cities of Severia (Trubchevsk, Starodub, Chernihiv, Pochep, Novgorod- Seversky). It should be noted that in the Russian capital, preparations for the upcoming war began already in the late 1620s. In particular, this concerned the collection of data on events in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth through scouts, spies and informants, some of whom acted on the territory of Severia, or rather, on the Russian-Polish borderland. The documentation of the Razryadny Prikaz of the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (Moscow) contains a small set of documents on the activities of two informants from Lithuania: Szymon Romejkow, a nobleman of the country, and the Russian Vasily Shalygin, a son of a boyar. The details of their recruitment to the Russian service are unknown, however, already since 1629 these people had an active correspondence with the Bryansk voivodes, reporting everything that was happening in Poland. Their information turned out to be the most relevant in 1632, when the period of “Interrex” began in the Commonwealth. It was then in Moscow that they considered it necessary to take revenge and to declare war to their neighbour ahead of schedule.
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Jankevičiūtė, Giedrė, and Osvaldas Daugelis. "Collecting Art in the Turmoil of War: Lithuania in 1939–1944." Art History & Criticism 16, no. 1 (2020): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mik-2020-0003.
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SummaryThe article deals with the growth of the art collections of the Lithuanian national and municipal museums during WWII, a period traditionally seen as particularly unfavourable for cultural activities. During this period, the dynamics of Lithuanian museum art collections were maintained by two main sources. The first was caused by nationalist politics, or, more precisely, one of its priorities to support Lithuanian art by acquiring artworks from contemporaries. The exception to this strategy is the attention given to the multicultural art scene of Vilnius, partly Jewish, but especially Polish art, which led to the purchase of Polish artists’ works for the Vilnius Municipal Museum and the Vytautas the Great Museum of Culture in Kaunas, which had the status of a national art collection. The second important source was the nationalisation of private property during the Soviet occupation of 1940–1941. This process enabled the Lithuanian museums to enrich their collections with valuable objets d’art first of all, but also with paintings, sculptures and graphic prints. Due to the nationalisation of manor property, the collections of provincial museums, primarily Šiauliai Aušra and Samogitian Museum Alka in Telšiai, significantly increased. The wave of emigration of Lithuanian citizens to the West at the end of the Second World War was also a favourable factor in expanding museum collections, as both artists and owners of their works left a number of valuables to museums as depositors. On the other hand, some museum valuables were transported from Vilnius to Poland in 1945–1948 by the wave of the so-called repatriation of former Vilnius residents who had Polish citizenship in 1930s. The article systematises previously published data and provides new information in order to reconstruct the dynamics of the growth of Lithuanian museum art collections caused by radical political changes, which took place in the mid 20th century.
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Glabisz, Grzegorz. "“How can we free ourselves from this despotic Moscow oppression?” The attitude of Poznan and Kalisz voivodeships noblemen towards the Russian army actions in the years 1758-1759. Contribution to the history of the Seven Years’ War." Open Military Studies 1, no. 1 (2020): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openms-2020-0111.
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Abstract The aim of the text is to show the attitude of the nobility from the Poznan and Kalisz provinces in the years 1758-1759 during the Seven Years’ War. This area, despite the neutrality of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, became a place of Prussian-Russian fighting. The article is a contribution to reflection on the functioning of the political elites and state structures of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
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Sawicki, Mariusz. "Warfare in Livonia at the beginning of the 18th century in relations of English ambassador Philippe Plantamour from Berlin." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-2-40-46.
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An important element in current historical research is the analysis of diplomatic relations focusing on the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. They show the history of the Polish-Lithuanian state, its internal and foreign policy from a different historical perspective. In 1700, the Great Northern War broke out and changed the political power system in Central and Eastern Europe for the next decades. Diplomats from foreign courts were interested in this war, including Philippe Plantamour, secretary of the British embassy in Berlin. He sent his reports to the British Isles in which he posted information on warfare in Livonia. The aim of the article will be to analyze diplomatic reports that can help us answer the question of how the Great Northern War was seen in London. The method used is a critical analysis of the manuscript. The research will explain what information was included in Philippe Plantamours reports and whether they were true.
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POTULNYTSKYI, Volodymyr, and Heorhii POTULNYTSKYI. "Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the Context of Its Historical Relations with Ukraine in Omeljan Pritsak's Academic Research." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 12 (2019): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2019-12-151-164.
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Analyzing the creative heritage by Omeljan Pritsak on the history of Poland, the authors concludes that the historian began to explore the issues of medieval and early New Poland as early as in the pre-war period, the earliest period of his formation as a scholar, and continued into his American and Ukrainian periods. Based on the number of archival documents and printed works, the authors of the article claims that while in his pre-war period the scholar was engaged in debunking the mythical legends existing in Polish historiography about Hetman Ivan Mazepa and wrote several reviews on the works by Polish historians, in his American period, the scholar wrote a range of papers of historiosophic character. Pritsak concludes that these were the Lithuanians who caused the changes in the leadership elite and the interruption in the historical tradition of Ukraine, and that with the transition of Ukrainian lands from Lithuania to Poland, for the first time since the Kyiv period, Ukrainian territory began to produce its own, conscious political rights and privileges. It was during the Polish times, according to Pritsak, that a new political phenomenon, namely the homeland of Rus, began to emerge. Demythologizing the myths about the destructive nature of the Mongols and the Ukrainian character of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Pritsak characterizes the Ukrainian "registry" Cossacks as a new type of Ukrainian elite. In his lectures written in the American period, the scholar constructs a historiosophical synthesis of syllabic ties in the context of exploring the role played by Poland in Eastern Europe and examines the peculiarities of the economic and socio- political situation of the Ukrainian lands under the Polish domination. In this respect, he estimates the special significance that such phenomena as reformation, counter-reformation, mercantilism, the Magdeburg law, and the creation of Polish literary poetry by Mikołaj Rej and Jan Kochanowski had for the Polish literary language. In his Ukrainian period, Pritsak supplemented Harvard lectures with new material and visions of the Commonwealth in the context of its relations with Ukraine. It substantiates four major groups of problems that caused the fall of the Commonwealth as a state and emphasizes the special role of counter-reformation and the Jesuits, as well as the manorial economy with special functions of magnates and Jews, which, in his opinion, eventually caused the uprising led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Thus, Pritsak examined the history of Poland and the Polish people during three periods of his life: pre-war, American and Ukrainian. The subjects he touched upon in the articles differed, since the scholar set various goals in different periods. It is important to emphasize that almost all research papers on the history of Poland were not conducted by the historian outside the Ukrainian context. Pritsak’s historiosophic vision of the key problems of the history of the old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and of modern Poland is an important contribution to the study of the essential aspects of the common subjects of the Polish and Ukrainian history in Eastern Europe. Keywords research heritage, main trends of research activity, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the myths of Polish historiography, historiosophical synthesis, syllabic ties, mutual relations.
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Szabados, János. "The Habsburg and Transylvanian Aims Related to the Campaign of the Ottomans against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1634)." Prace Historyczne 148, no. 4 (2021): 731–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.048.14024.
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In 1634 the Ottoman Emperor, Murad IV (r. 1623–1640), decided to lead a campaign against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. He wanted to request military support from the Prince of Transylvania, György Rákóczi I (r. 1630–1648), but the prince tried to avoid it, because at that time he had been struggling with his political enemies, who endangered his rule in Transylvania. In the same year, the Habsburgs sent an ambassador (Johann Rudolf von Puchheim) to Constantinople, who tried to dissuade the Sublime Porte from leading a military campaign against the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. The idea of that mediation came from the former Vizier of Buda and at that time, the commander of the Ottoman army, Pasha Murteza, because he did not want this war either. Prince Rákóczi, Puchheim, Trzebiński (Aleksander, the Polish envoy) and Murteza all wanted to stall for time in relation to that campaign. In this article, the author investigates the aims and the problem-solving strategies of the Habsburg, the Transylvanian, the Polish and also the Ottoman elite in that situation. The war against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth did not take place in the end, because Murad IV began a campaign against the Safavid Empire.
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Łach, Wiesław. "Działania wojenne gen. Żeligowskiego wobec Litwy. Próby rozstrzygnięcia konfliktu przez ligę narodów." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 2 (2021): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6863.
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The situation after World War I was far from stabilizing, and the area of the Vilnius region became the subject of a conflict that for many years cast a shadow on Polish-Lithuanian relations. One should look at this conflict from the perspective of one hundred years, remembering that it turned into an antagonism so sharp and fierce that it even aroused the amazement of bystanders. The taken up topic has been presented in many aspects: events in August and September 1920 preceding the occupation of Vilnius, the position of General Lucjan Żeligowski to this situation, warfare (called "rebellion"), the establishment of Central Lithuania and an attempt to sanction the situation in the League of Nations forum. This paper is about a military and political activities of occupation of Vilnius and its neighboring areas by the Poland in October 1920. The originator of this undertaking was Józef Piłsudski. He admitted to it after years, exactly on the 24th and 25th of August 1923 during the lectures in the hall of the Grand Theater in Vilnius. Polish-Lithuanian relations in the analyzed years should be considered far from accepted international standards. Both Poles and Lithuanians can be held responsible in point of above facts. Awareness of these events is extremely important for both nations for mutual understanding and agreement.
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Godek, Sławomir. "PRAWO I SĄDY NA LITWIE W 1812 ROKU W ŚWIETLE „DZIENNIKA CZYNNOŚCI TYMCZASOWEGO RZĄDU LITEWSKIEGO”." Zeszyty Prawnicze 14, no. 2 (2016): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2014.14.2.02.
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THE LAW AND THE COURTS IN LITHUANIA IN 1812 IN THE LIGHT OF THE OFFICIAL JOURNAL OF THE ACTIVITIES OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF LITHUANIASummaryAt the very beginning of his Russian campaign of 1812 Napoleon created a somewhat complicated structure for the new administration of Lithuania. A key element in it was the Commission of the Provisional Government of Lithuania, a surrogate Lithuanian government. Virgilijus Pugačiauskas has recently published the Commission’s official journal, Dziennik czynności Komisji Tymczasowego Rządu Litwy, for the period from 2 July 1812 to 30 July 1813 from the manuscript. In the light of this invaluable resource, we can see the Commission’s efforts to build a new administration and revenue services, create a Lithuanian army, and ensure supplies for Napoleon’s forces. One of the important tasks undertaken by the Commission was to restore the judiciary, which had been disorganised by the war, and to ensure the normal administration of justice and the restoration of full power to the Statute of Lithuania, which had been in use under the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and had already been partially supplanted by Russian law following the Partitions of Poland-Lithuania. An act which was of fundamental importance in this respect was the institution of a set of regulations for the judiciary Prawidła dla sądownictwa, adopted by the Commission on 29 July, 1812. Under this act the courts were temporarily to resume their activities only in criminal cases, on the grounds of Lithuanian law and using Polish as the official language. The Commission reserved the right to approve death sentences and – as may be seen from the minutes – actually used this power. The contents of the protocols indicate that the courts actually resumed operations in early August 1812. In October 1812 the Commission adopted a measure on the new organisation of the Vilnius municipal courts.
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Sliesoriūnas, Gintautas. "LIETUVOS RESPUBLIKONŲ SUVAŽIAVIMAI VILNIUJE 1701 M.: BANDYMAI ĮTVIRTINTI ANTISAPIEGINIO JUDĖJIMO IŠKOVOTĄ VALDŽIĄ." Lietuvos Didžioji Kunigaikštystė Visuomenė. Kasdienybės istorija, T. 4 (October 8, 2018): 246–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/10.33918/xviiiastudijos/t.4/a11.
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The article analyses two conventions of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania republicans, aristocracy and nobility that won the power in Lithuania at the end of 1700, which took place in Vilnius in 1701. First of the conventions in Vilnius took place 0n May 2–14, 1701. The second convention in Vilnius started meetings in same year, from July 23 through to August 12, 1701. The article discusses documents that were approved in these conventions, location of the gatherings and their significance in the sequence of republican conventions in 1698–1703. The analysis is focused on the influence of the conventions in establishing a new form of republican confederate governance in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, also assessing the international and military context of the conventions. The conventions of the republicans of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, having gathered for two meetings in Vilnius in 1701, were the most important political events in the life of Lithuanian state. In the course of these conventions the supreme Lithuanian state power of the time, the nature of which was quite special – close to confederate, decided on the most important issues, facing the new authority, established after the victory by the republicans against the Sapiehas, the aristocrats of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania who by the end of the seventeenth century had reached the status of hegemons. These conventions at the capital of Lithuania were extraordinary events that attracted key politicians of the time and some active nobility, which would not participate in great numbers but still were more actively than at other forums, such as inaugurations and sessions of the Lithuanian Tribunal. Republican conventions were initiated in 1698 and ended in 1703. Both 1701 conventions held their meetings in Vilnius alongside the Vilnius sessions of the Lithuanian Tribunal. First of the conventions took place at the eve of the Sejm of the Republic, and the second one soon after the Sejm, thus problems discussed in the conventions were closely related to the agenda of the Sejm of the Polish and Lithuanian state. Keywords: Grand Duchy of Lithuania, eighteenth century, Great Northern War, Lithuanian Civil War, the Sapiehas, August II, confederation, republicans, Vilnius.
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Kalishchuk, O. "Ukrainian-Lithuanian-Polish Experience of the «War in War»: Attempt of Comparative Analysis." Ukraïnsʹkij ìstoričnij žurnal, no. 3 (October 29, 2018): 92–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/uhj2018.03.092.
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Barbasiewicz, Olga. "Konsul Sugihara Chiune a polscy Żydzi w Kownie w okresie 1939–1940." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 36 (February 18, 2022): 167–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2010.010.
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Consul Sugihara Chiune and the Polish Jews in Kaunas, Lithuania in 1939–1940The main subject of this article is the life and career of Sugihara Chiune, viewed in the context of the fate of European Jews during their stay in the Lithuanian capital, Kaunas, while they were escaping from Nazi-occupied Europe in 1939 and 1940. The author investigates how the Japanese consul helped them obtain visas and thus saved their lives. She also deals with his private and professional life, including the turns of his diplomatic career in pre-war Lithuania, and his views on crucial issues involving his activities connected with saving the Polish Jews – even at the risk of his own life and the life of his family. Sugihara continued to issue transit visas even after he was forbidden to do so by his superiors from the Japanese Foreign Ministry. Thus the war influenced his later life as a diplomat, not always in a beneficial way. However, today Consul Sugihara is considered a hero and is commemorated in many ways, both in his native Japan and in Lithuania.
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Gierowska-Kałłaur, Joanna. "GERMAN POLICIES WITH RESPECT TO LANDS OF FORMER POLISH-LITHUANIAN COMMNWEALTH IN WORLD WAR I ERA. PRO-LITHUANIAN AND PRO-BELARUSIAN, OR DIRECTED AGAINST POLISH ASPIRATIONS?" Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 142 (2019): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.142.1.
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The Germans did not fight the Great War to liberate anyone. Their goal was to expand Germany's borders. This paper seeks to develop an old thesis of Franz Fischer about the expansionist nature of the German war objectives through the examination of yet unknown primary sources found, for the most part, in archives in Vilnius. As Fischer demonstrated, Bethmann-Hollweg planned to push away Russia as far as possible from the German borders, and to abolish Petrograd’s hold over non-Russian vassal peoples already in September 1914. Berlin intended to establish a Central European economic union operating de facto under German leadership, although with preservation of the external equality of its members. It seems that this plan was maintained through the war. The Bethmann-Hollweg peace terms, transmitted to Wilson in January 1918, stipulated, among other things, that the lands of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth should be included in the German economic and military sphere of influence.
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Petreikis, Tomas. "The Publishing of International Multilingual Lithuanian Periodicals (1904–1940)." Knygotyra 72 (July 9, 2019): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2019.72.27.
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During 1904–1940, a total of 26 periodicals were published in Lithuania and in foreign countries in which the Lithuanian language was used alongside others. The demand for multilingual periodicals had emerged during the first part of the 20th c. as new cultural, economic, and political conditions took shape in Eastern and Central Europe. For the governments and businesses of Lithuania, Germany, Latvia, and Poland, the development of economic relations was of the biggest importance, and this process was to be stimulated using the multilingual publications that were being released in these countries. Also, particular importance was granted to the political cooperation of the Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania). Cultural relations, on the other hand, were less expressed in the multilingual periodicals and not characterized by commercial success. For propaganda purposes, a considerable number of multilingual publications were released by Germany during the First World War. Apart from Lithuanian, these multilingual publications were marked by the use of German, English, Polish, French, Latvian, and Russian languages; among the rarer instances were Belarusian, Yiddish, and Estonian texts. The emergence of multilingual periodicals and the presence of the Lithuanian language in these publications reflected the international recognition of the Lithuanian nation and its state. It represented an understanding of multiculturalism and peculiar needs within the society and resembled the dialogue occurring across the political, economic, and cultural dimensions.
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Feldman, Dmitry. "«…Let them be under Our Majesty highest rule»: Documents on Taking the Oath and Entry into the Russian Citizenship of Grodno Jews in 1656." Judaic-Slavic Journal, no. 1 (2) (2019): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3364.2019.1.4.1.
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The article is based on the documents of the Razryadny Department (Razryadny prikaz) from the Russian State Archives of Ancient Acts dealing with the problem of taking the oath to Tsar and Grand Duke Alexey Mikhailovich and entry into the Russian citizenship of Grodno Jews (the Grand Duchy of Lithuania) during the Russian-Polish War 1654–1667.As the documents demonstrate,taking the oath to the Russian monarch by Lithuanian Jews and, accordingly, their entry into the Russian citizenship did not involve their conversion to Christianity.
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KOWALSKA-STUS, Hanna. "POLISH HISTORIANS’ ASSESSMENTS OF THE GREAT NORTHERN WAR." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 4 (27) (2021): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2021-4-71-81.
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Polish historical science, largely concentrated on the Partitions of Poland, tends to look at both past and future from this perspective. Most Polish historians interpret the Great (Third) Northern War as a prologue to Poland falling into political dependence on Russia and the subsequent partitions of Poland. However, as this article points out, analysis of Polish historiography reveals a variety of approaches to the subject. Thus, some historians paint a broad panorama of the interactions and interests of European powers. Others focus on the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth’ history, viewing the Northern War in the context of Swedish expansion in Eastern Europe, since the 17th-century Swedish Deluge. This article sets itself the task of acquainting the reader with research works that adhere to historical truth, tend to objectivity and seek non-simplified analysis of complex historical processes. An accompanying goal is to draw attention to the fact that history as a science is often subject to foreign policy pressures.
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Drozdowski, Mariusz R. "Political Reasons for Khmelnitsky Uprising from the Perspective of the Polish-Lithuanian Nobility." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 4 (2021): 1149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.407.
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The article discusses the political reasons for Khmelnytsky uprising in the opinions of the nobility of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The outbreak of the Cossack insurrection led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky at the beginning of 1648, which immediately involved broad strata of the Ukrainian society and quickly transformed into a national liberation war, caused terror among noblemen. An additional factor influencing the mood of the nobility was the growing awareness of Khmelnytsky’s political ambitions, whose realization posed a deadly threat to the current political system of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. This article is largely devoted to discussing the views of the nobility on the subject of political motives encouraging the Cossacks to armed resistance against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which fundamentally influenced its assessment of the nature of the uprising. Detailed analysis of correspondence, seimiks’ resolutions (lauda) and instructions as well as certain fictional and journalistic sources is provided. The article emphasizes that there was a conviction among the nobility of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth of the political motives of the Cossack uprising. This conviction was mainly based on the news about Khmelnytsky’s aspirations to separate Ukraine and to build an independent state entity referred to as the Russian Principality. Understanding by the gentry of the emancipatory aspirations of the insurgents had a huge impact on the nature of the Commonwealth policy the towards events in Ukraine in the second half of the seventeenth century.
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Kochegarov, Kirill. "Russian-Polish projects on joining or exchanging of military forces to struggle against Turkey and Crimea in 1660s – 1680s: genesis, history, reasons for failure." Open Military Studies 1, no. 1 (2020): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openms-2020-0110.
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Abstract The paper deals with the history of unsuccessful Russian-Polish military cooperation in the 1660s – 1680s. For approximately twenty years Moscow and Warsaw had been trying to join their military forces against, at first rebellious Ukrainian Cossacks and Crimean Tatars, and then against the Turks too. But all negotiations and attempts to realize plans of military cooperation by joining forces failed because of several reasons. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, hoping firstly to bring to obedience hetman Peter Doroshenko with Russian support, then tried to recapture invaded by Ottomans Podolia and appropriately wanted Russian troops to be moved there, not between Dnepr and Dniester, as it had been agreed before. Another thing that didn’t satisfy the Polish-Lithuanian side was a parity basis of joining troops (later of mutual exchanging of units), fixed in the text of alliance of December 1667. The Polish-Lithuanian army was becoming weaker because of long wars with Turks, Tatars, Cossacks and therefore needed military support, mainly infantry and artillery, more than Muscovite Russia, which had a more numerous army. That’s why Polish commanders tried to receive under their command Russian units without sending any soldiers and officers of the Commonwealth to the Muscovite army. So Russia finally refused to join its forces with the Polish-Lithuanian army and the new alliance of 1686 stipulated that each signatory was to wage war independently.
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Anisimov, M. Yu. "РОССИЙСКИЕ ПЛАНЫ УСИЛЕНИЯ РЕЧИ ПОСПОЛИТОЙ В 1746 г.: ПОЛЬСКАЯ МИССИЯ М. ЛИВЕНА И М.Н. ВОЛКОНСКОГО". Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 2, № 4 (2020): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2020-2-4-79-92.
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In 1746 in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth the next seym (parliament) on which the Polish Royal Court decided to pass the decision on increase in the Polish army limited during Great Northern war had to be called. Strengthening of Prussia was one of the main reasons of emergence of this plan. It threatened with power annexation of the western Polish territories by Berlin. In St. Petersburg where Elizabeth Petrovna’s government was also anxious with growth of power of Prussia, decided to support the Polish plans and to turn Poland into the ally of Russia in anti-Prussian fi ght. For training of the Polish magnates and to clarifi cation of opportunities of the organization of the pro-Russian party, the Russian emissaries M. Liewen and M.N. Volkonsky were sent to Poland. On return to Russia emissaries reported that, despite fears of Prussia, Poles are not ready to take any steps provoking it, including increase in army. Also emissaries presented candidacies of the magnates capable to be active supporters of Russia. From now on the Russian Court, having refused the idea of strengthening of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, did not lose sight of an internal political situation in Poland any more and supported the infl uential group of princes Czartoryski’s which was guided by rapprochement with Russia.
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Muchowski, Piotr. "Z badań Ananiasza Zajączkowskiego nad folklorem karaimskim." Almanach Karaimski 3 (December 30, 2014): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33229/ak.2014.3.08.
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This article deals with Professor Ananiasz Zajączkowski’s work on the folklore of the Polish-Lithuanian Karaites before the First World War. Ananiasz Zajączkowski authored several articles in which he edited and/or described manuscripts in the Karaite language. These manuscripts, which included works on fortune-telling, magic and herbalism, originated in late 19th-century Lithuania. The article describes the genesis of works on Karaite folklore and challenges Ananiasz Zajączkowski’s thesis regarding the origins of the Turkic peoples. It quotes a number of Hebrew manuscripts kept in Karaite collections and proves that most of the works have been translated into the Karaite language.
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Kapliyev, Alexey A. "The Formation of Authorities of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Lithuania and Belarus on the Example of the People’s Commissariat for Health Care at the Beginning of 1919." Lithuanian Historical Studies 24, no. 1 (2020): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-02401003.
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The article presents an analysis of the formation and activity of the People’s Commissariat for Health Care of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Lithuania and Belarus at the beginning of 1919. The basic structure of the Commissariat was worked out on the basis of various sources. It was found that, due to the outbreak of the 1919–1921 Polish-Soviet war, the efficiency of the Commissariat during its time in Vilnius was limited. The relative stabilisation of the health-care management system was achieved after the Commissariat was evacuated to Minsk, and later to Bobruisk, away from the front line. It has been proven that at the beginning of the Polish-Soviet war, military and civil medical care was combined in a single system, and all medical professionals in the Lithuanian-Belarusian Soviet Republic were required to do military service. The worsening of the military situation for the Red Army in Lithuania and Belarus determined the split of the Health Care Commissariat into two separate divisions: the field division for medical care for Soviet troops near the front line, and the civil division for helping civilians.
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Korybut-Marciniak, Maria, and Karolina Studnicka-Mariańczyk. "Zielnik Marii Twardowskiej (1858–1907) jako pretekst do szkicu biograficznego kresowej botaniczki." Kwartalnik Historii Nauki i Techniki, no. 3 (2021): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/0023589xkhnt.21.020.14181.
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Maria Twardowska’s (1858–1907) Herbarium as a Pretext for a Biographical Sketch of the Borderland Botanist The article presents the figure of Maria Twardowska née Skirmunt (1858–1907), researcher of the Lithuanian flora, promoter of natural science, author of articles on botany, and social activist. Twardowska was one of the first women to conduct independent research on the Polish/Lithuanian flora. She published in ‘Wszechświat’ and ‘Pamiętnik Fizjograficzny’. She kept scientific contacts with Polish botanists – Edward Janczewski, Józef Rostafiński, Władysław Dybowski, and Antoni Rehman. She is the author of the herbarium, which was in the collection of the Poznań Society of Friends of Sciences until the Second World War.
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Budrys, Eduardas. "Who is a Lithuanian? In Search of Władysław Mickiewicz’s Motherland." Bibliotheca Lituana 6 (December 20, 2019): 14–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/bibllita.2018.vi.2.
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Władysław Mickiewicz (1838–1926) was one of most active members of the Polish-Lithuanian diaspora: biographer, journalist, librarian, translator, political, social activist, and prolific publicist. Despite all this, he was mainly known as a son and a follower of his father, the great poet Adam Mickiewicz. The lives of these two men intertwined in many ways: both of their youth years were marked by great rebellions, and both had missed them, both having spent most of their adult lives in Paris, writing and dreaming about their motherland. However, while for Adam the motherland was the land of his childhood and youth, for Władysław, it was not that easy to define. For him, Lithuania, Poland, and his great Father had formed a certain ideal – an ideal to live for. Władysław Mickiewicz was a servant of this ideal all his life, constantly pre-serving, popularizing, and sometimes interpreting it – the legacy of his father. These ideals of an eternal Union between Poland and Lithuania, of an archaic Lithuanian Arcadia somewhere in a secluded part of the world, looked so natural in the Romantic days of the poet. It had grown less and less clear at the second part of the 19th century, and especially during the turbulent years of the First World War and the beginning of the interbellum, which brought such a sharp division between Polish and Lithuanian identities, making old ideals appear strange and antiquated. Yet despite this, Władysław Mickiewicz never renounced them. This article explores his life, writings, and the interpretations of the works of his father with the hope of finding his true motherland.
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Franczak, Grzegorz. "Polotia recepta. Mapa Księstwa Połockiego – teksty i preteksty sporu o władzę." Kultura polskiego humanizmu końca XVI wieku 23, no. 2 (59) (2021): 97–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843844te.21.005.13439.
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Polotia recepta. A Map of the Principality of Polatsk: Texts and Pretexts of thePower Dispute This study discusses an important aspect of a political message conveyed by Stanisław Pachołowiecki’s map, published in 1580 by G.B Cavalieri’s printing house in Rome as part of The Atlas of the Principality of Polatsk – Descriptio Ducatus Polocensis. The message in question is one of the paratexts, presenting a detailed historical note on Polatsk and the Principality. The main goal of the study is to prove a double hypothesis, first that the note on Polatsk was a key argument legitimising the rule of Stephen Báthory – contested by Tsar Ivan the Terrible – not only over the small territory under dispute but over the whole Great Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and second, that the decision to aim the first Polish-Lithuanian military offensive in the 1577–1582 war at Polatsk was motivated by political rather than military or strategic considerations. In section I, preliminary assumptions, theses and research methods are presented. Then, in section II, the context of the propaganda campaign, as Pachołowiecki’s map ideological framework, is introduced. This is followed by a critical analysis of the historical note, based on Polish and Ruthenian-Lithuanian sources (III.1). The next section (III.2) demonstrates that Polatsk held a central place in the Muscovite political discourse. Having proclaimed himself a heir to the throne of the Great Duchy and to the crown of Poland, Ivan the Terrible seized the land of Polatsk, and the efficient Muscovite diplomacy started to assert the tsar’s alleged dynastic claim to Lithuania and Poland. In this way, the manipulated history of the “recovered Polatsk”, Polotia recepta, argued to be a historical part of Lithuania, can be seen as a reply to the Muscovite discourse of power drawing on dynastic claims to a non-existent duchy, and the key matter is the legitimisation of elective monarchy as opposed to hereditary one. Having discussed the theatrical and iconic form of the Polish triumph over Ivan the Terrible (III.3), the author highlights the long life of the political myth of the Polatsk statehood and its sign ificance for today’s Belarusian identity discourse.
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Kucheruk, Oleksandr. "The Establishment of National States and Formation of the State Border between the Ukrainian National Republic And the Republic Of Lithuania in 1918The Establishment of National States and Formation of the State Border between the Ukrainian National Republic And the Republic Of Lithuania in 1918." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-5.
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The article deals with the establishment of national states and formation of the state border between the Ukrainian National Republic and the Republic of Lithuania. In late 1917, a need to end the war and conclude a peace treaty was obvious, which resulted in the first negotiations between representatives of the Bolshevik government and Germany, joined by Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey. The Ukrainian National Republic also got a chance to become an actor of European politics and participated in the peace negotiations in Brest-Lytovsk. The system of the Brest-Lytovsk peace treaties legalized the separation between Russia and its national entities, recognized the independence of the Ukrainian National Republic as well as Lithuania and Latvia. The details of the negotiations remain unknown, but in the context of the establishment of relations with great powers and new nation-states, the Ukrainian-Lithuanian contacts were not in the foreground, although remained relevant. In the summer of 1918, Lithuania was preparing to become a full-fledged monarchy and the final establishment of state borders was postponed. In October 1918, the Ministry of Military Affairs of the Ukrainian State established a commission dealing with the issue of the border line between Ukraine and Lithuania. However, the plans were not meant to be realized due to the revolution in Germany, the anti-Hetman uprising in Ukraine, the restoration of the republic, the next wave of the Russian aggression against the newly formed states and the Polish invasion against Ukraine and Lithuania. Consequently, the western territories of the Ukrainian National Republic as well as the Lithuanian capital Vilnius with the Vilnius Region came under the control of Poland. Thus, the delineated Ukrainian-Lithuanian border remained on paper and on new maps of Europe. Keywords: Ukrainian-Lithuanian border, monarchy, revolution, peace negotiations in Brest-Lytovsk.
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Nagielski, Mirosław. "Diariusz wojny smoleńskiej Władysława IV (1633-1634)." Studia Polsko-Ukraińskie 8 (April 16, 2021): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2451-2958spu.8.5.
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Władysław IV Smolensk campaign is well described both in historical works and sources including diaries of Mikhail Borisovich Shein. One of these diaries now kept Riksarkivet in Stockholm describes military activities from the coming of relief force organized by Władysław IV in September 1633 to the Treaty of Polyanovka signed in June 1634. It contains previously unknown information about battles of Smolensk, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth troops march, complex relationships between hetmans, difficulties of army provisioning, officers and soldiers of various types of units. Thanks to the documents from the theatre of war we are able to reconstruct the structure of the officer cadre of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Muscovite forces. Also noteworthy are relations of Registered Cossacks comprised special units of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth that came to present in front of the king. The Diary mainly describes military activities until the surrender of Shein, leaving little space to describe the struggle on the Biała in spring 1634. That event is described in every detail in the diary of John Moskorzewski.
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Tricoire, Damien. "To Fight, or Not to Fight: Piotr Skarga, the Catholic Ideal of Christian Soldier, and the Reformation of Polish Nobility (around 1600)." Journal of Jesuit Studies 4, no. 4 (2017): 624–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00404005.
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Piotr Skarga was the leading Jesuit in Poland–Lithuania around 1600. In 1606, he published a catechism for soldiers: Żołnierskie nabożeństwo (The soldier’s piety), a book which is commonly said to have been inspired by a catechism by another Jesuit, Antonio Possevino’s Il soldato christiano (1569). The aim of this article is to compare the two books and to address the following questions: to what extent and in what way was Possevino’s view of soldiers adaptable to Polish-Lithuanian realities? Can we identify a common discourse on soldiers and war in both texts, although they were not written at the same time nor in the same cultural and social context? Or did the strategy of accommodation lead to major differences between the texts, making it difficult to speak of a common Jesuit view on soldiers and war?
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Ślęczka, Tomasz. "Kazimierz Sarnecki o wojnie. Relacje magnackiego rezydenta z lat 1691–1696." Oblicza Komunikacji 8 (August 10, 2018): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2083-5345.8.8.
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Supporting materials on Polish history for graduates have been examined from the statistic side. Counting was not the individual parts of speech, but the word-forming bases of autosemantic words. In the material studied, relatively high frequency of concepts connected with the phenomenon of war was observed. Common concepts are war, fighting, army. On the other hand, related to the notion of war, rare words form long lists in the layer of hapax legomena. It allows to interpret some historical narrations intended for high school students as focused on the phenomenon of war. Kazimierz Sarnecki, the courtier of the Lithuanian magnate, Karol Stanisław Radziwiłł, prepared for his master written reports from the court of Jan III Sobieski, at which he stayed between 1691 and 1696, with a few interruptions. They consist of a systematically kept diary and longer epistolary relations. Sarnecki writes in them about the matters that interested his patron the king’s health, court life, government appointments, war affairs, he rarely mentions himself. The subject of my interest is the way in which Sarnecki recounts Sobieski’s Moldovan expedition of 1691 in which he participated himself, the subsequent Polish-Tatar struggles in Podolia, battles on the other fronts of the Holy League, and the Nine Years’ War these events he knows only vicariously. He describes the Moldovan expedition completely. Just as authors of the official war diaries, he lists the stages of the march, the grouping of troops, in the reports of battles you can see the professionalism. He informs very vaguely about the killed, accentuates only losses, incurred by the forces from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. He emphasizes active participation of Lithuanian troops in the fighting. He does not hide the difficulties with supplies, although he does not shift the blame on Sobieski. He will also repeat — as other authors of the war memories did — a rumour about a miraculous event during the campaign. He limits relations about nature to its impact on warfare; similarly he looks at the buildings he passes through the prism of their military utility. War reports from later times 1692–1696 are different. The civil matters dominate, while the battles with the Tatars or battles in Western Europe Sarnecki mentions irregularly and perfunctorily
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Krawczuk, Wojciech. "Z nadzieją na powrót – perspektywa badań nad uchodźcami ze Skandynawii w Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów za panowania Zygmunta III." Prace Historyczne 148, no. 2 (2021): 277–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.021.13858.
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Hoping for a return: The perspectives in research on refugees from Scandinavia in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during the reign of Sigismund III After the Swedish Civil War of 1598 hundreds of exiles left their home country and fled to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, hoping for the protection of king Sigismund. Composition of this group and ways the refugees were helped are known thanks to the conducted research. The king could not support exiles too openly because of the gentry’s reluctance to strangers, but they received general salary and small privileges. However, many actions of this group are still unexplored. One can especially mention their participation in the construction of the Royal Fleet, activity of this group in Gdańsk (Danzig), and other actions carried out by the exiles in support of the Polish branch of House of Vasa.
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Balkelis, Tomas. "A Dirty War: The Armed Polish-Lithuanian Conflict and its Impact on Nation-Making in Lithuania, 1919–23." Acta Poloniae Historica 121 (August 19, 2020): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/aph.2020.121.11.
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Nawrot, Dariusz. "Początki żandarmerii wojskowej na ziemiach polskich." Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy 21, no. 1 (2020): 12–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32089/wbh.phw.2020.1(271).0001.
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The article presents the beginnings of military police in the Polish territory, which are closely related to the Napoleonic era. It was then that French solutions in terms of internal security formations were adopted. The creation of military police formation, first in the liberated from Russian rule Lithuania, was closely connected with the events of the War of 1812. The failure of the plans to fight a decisive battle at the borders of Russia and the slackness of the Great Army, caused by weather breakdown and inadequate provisions, soon resulted in the disintegration of discipline, an unprecedented number of marauders, and ordinary banditry spreading at an alarming rate. The areas through which Napoleonic troops had marched were completely devastated. In this situation Napoleon, seeking a solution to the problems with ensuring peace at the rear, in his order of July 1st, 1812 appointing the authorities of the liberated Lithuania also commanded the formation of Lithuanian military police. The article discusses the organization of this formation and its participation in the campaign as well as attempts to create similar military police formation in the lands of the Duchy of Warsaw at the turn of 1812 and 1813, when they were threatened by the offensive of the victorious Russian army. It has been emphasized that successive gendarmerie and military police formations created in the Polish territory referred to the traditions of these units.
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Davies, Brian. "Patrick Gordon and the Chudnov-Slobodishche Campaign, 1660." Russian History 45, no. 1 (2018): 52–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04501003.
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The Chudnov-Slobodishche Campaign in 1660 was one of the bloodiest in the Thirteen Years’ War and resulted in the destruction of an entire Muscovite field army of 32,000 and the defection of Hetman Iurii Khmel’nyts’ky to the Poles. Patrick Gordon was a participant in this campaign, as a Captain Lieutenant of dragoons in the Polish army—he was then just 25 years old and had entered Polish service only a year before. Gordon’s account of the campaign, in folios 53–93 v. of the second volume of his diary, provides valuable details about both Polish-Lithuanian and Muscovite military technique at this stage of the war. It also relates the circumstances under which Gordon, after helping to destroy a Muscovite army, left Polish service and managed to enter the service of the tsar. 1
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Bohun, Tomasz. "Exchange of Captives Within the Framework of the Truce of Deulino." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2019): 175–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.2.15.
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Introduction. The article investigates the issue of the exchange of captives between Russia and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth after the Truce of Deulino conclusion on December 1 (11), 1618. This truce marked the end of the Time of Troubles in the Moscow State and established peaceful relations between Russia and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth for 14 years. The author analyzes the circumstances of the exchange of captives, and also highlights main problems arising in the course of implementing the agreements. Materials. The study uses unpublished documents of the Ambassadorial Prikaz: record lists, petitions, lists of contract records stored in the form of columns and books in the Russian State Archive of Ancient Documents in funds No. 79 “Relations with Poland” and No. 141 “Prikaz Affairs of Old Years”. Results. The Truce of Deulino provided the solution of two urgent issues: transfer of seven border cities and their uezds with subsequent delimitation of the border and exchange of captives. Over the course of time, the first agreements were reached only partly. Admittedly, castles smoothly passed to the Polish-Lithuanian possession, but because of mutual claims the border at the Trubchevsk-Novgorod-Seversk-Bryansk and the Vitebsk-Toropets lines became the part of the Treaty of Polyanovka (1634), which put an end to the Smolensk war. There were problems with the exchange of captives as well, which occurred more than three months later. However, the only culprit here was the Polish-Lithuanian side.
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Dąbrowski, Przemysław. "MYŚL POLITYCZNO-PRAWNA I DZIAŁALNOŚĆ POLSKIEGO STRONNICTWA LUDOWEGO ZIEMI WILEŃSKIEJ W OKRESIE DWUDZIESTOLECIA MIĘDZYWOJENNEGO." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 4 (2016): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.4.09.
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POLITICAL – LEGAL THOUGHT AND ACTIVITY OF POLISH PEOPLE’S PARTY VILNIUS LAND IN PERIOD OF INTERWAR TWO DECADESSummary Polish people’s movement on lands of former Grand Duchy of Lithuania begin forming on this area after first world war. It did not present construction from start almost homogeneous, about one program or compact organizational structure. On Vilnius’s earth acted in years 1918-1939 different groups and institutions at the nature people’s, like: People’s Advices Councils – by found Vilnius department Company of Borderland Guard, Polish People’s Association “Odrodzenie” – to Polish People’s Party “Wyzwolenie” transformed next (then in June 1922 year, organization has accepted name of Polish People’s Party “Wyzwolenie” Vilnius and Novgorod Land), Borderland Peasant Party, Independent Peasant Party or Polish Party of People’s Vilnius Land. Party has played significant and in period of functioning prominent role only Middle Lithuania. Activity of group has been limited after 1922 year, by the reason of its secession of foremost representative surely. However, meanings not crossing out, that has played this party on Vilnius Land, it belongs to ascertain, that it presented certain counterweight for other political parties many times, mainly leftist, defending same interest of Vilnius Land and take care of its fate. It concerned program of party on principle of federation solution of attitude relation Polish – Lithuanian, but next autonomy. It appeal about decentralization of state also, and as most fast conducting of rural reform and correction of condition of vital urban population, through braving abuse.
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Mirsky, Stanislav. "Мемуары М. Мархоцкого и документы Архива тушинских наемников". Canadian-American Slavic Studies 48, № 1-2 (2014): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04801006.
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One of the main sources about Russia’s “Time of Troubles” are the memoirs of foreign observers. One of them is Polish Captain Mikołaj Scibor Marchocki’s History of the Muscovite War. Marchocki participated in and commented on many events of the “Troubles.” In this article, the author analyzes the original text of History of the Muscovite War as well as all later copies and published versions. He traces the history of the text and cross-checks the information contained in it with documents produced by other Polish and Lithuanian mercenaries. The author makes a strong case for a new scholarly edition of Marchocki’s important memoirs.
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Kaczorowski, Włodzimierz. "The 400th anniversary of the death of Stanisław Żółkiewski, Hetman and Great Crown Chancellor, Senator of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 18, no. 4 (2021): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.3438.
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In the period of Nobles’ Democracy, the art of war of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth attained the highest level, making a real phenomenon in the then Europe. It owed its development, among others, to outstanding Hetmans of the Crown and Lithuania, victors in many battles, leaders surrounded by fame and admiration, genuine patriots. In the hall of fame of Grand Hetmans, Field Hetmans and Lithuanian Hetmans, a most prominent place is taken by Stanisław Żółkiewski (1747-1620).On 13 June 2019, Members of Parliament passed an occasional resolution dedicating the year 2020 to Stanisław Żółkiewski. The resolution reads, among others, “Stanisław Żółkiewski always put the good of Poland above his own benefits, stood faithfully on the side of successive kings, also in internal conflicts, despite the critical opinion of Sigismund III’s politics. He advocated religious tolerance and easing conflicts. […] The Seym of the Republic of Poland, upon acknowledging the great contributions of Stanisław Żółkiewski,creator of the victory of Klushino and a conqueror of Moscow, tenacious defender of the Mother Country for which he sacrificed his life, establishes the year 2020, which marks the occasion of the 400th anniversary of his death, the Year of Hetman Stanisław Żółkiewski.”
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Kononenko, Viktor M., and Olesya V. Pritulina. "ON SOME HISTORICAL ASPECTS OF INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA, THE UKRAINE AND POLAND." Historical Search 1, no. 4 (2020): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2020-1-4-37-44.
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The article substantiates the conditions of Russia’s revival as a world power. The necessity of conducting social and humanitarian research and allocating budget funds for these purposes is reinforced. Considerable attention is paid to the problems in Russian-Ukrainian relations, related primarily to unification of Russia and the Ukraine during the Pereyaslavl Rada of 1654, which were not focused on in Soviet history and which has been given excessive attention in the recent history of the Ukraine, which ultimately contributed to worsening of relations between the two former fraternal republics. The article indicated the reasons why the Ukrainian landowners, despite severe oppression for national and religious reasons on the part of the Polish szlachta, did not very much seek to separate from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and constantly betrayed Russia in its war with the Polish-Lithuanian state, including that for the Ukraine itself. Some forms of executions that the Poles applied to the rebelled Cossacks and peasants of the Ukraine are indicated, as well as some liberties of the Polish szlachta, which were so attractive to the Ukrainian landowners. The article shows the assessment of the Kobzar T.G. Shevchenko, which was given by him to the leader of the national liberation war of the Ukrainian people Bogdan Khmelnytsky, as well as his assessment of the decisions of the Pereyaslavl Rada.
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ARKUSHA, Olena. "«Do you require our responsibility to gentry times?». Ukrainian intellectuals’ of the 19th – the beginning of the 20th century opinions about the role of the heritage of the polish-lithuanian commonwealth in the creation of modern ukrainian nation." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 11 (2018): 27–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2018-11-27-55.
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European historiography changed considerably during the nineteenth century. Formation of historical source study as a separate science, on the one hand, and awareness of the connection between the historical narrative of the past with political interests, on the other hand, gave impetus to the writing of historical works on national history, the so-called grand narratives. They relied on historical sources, but chose what served the actual political interests, and ignored or interpreted otherwise what they did not fit. The territorial organization of living space has become a priority task of national development in the nineteenth century, and the recognition of land, borders, and people as own should have been historically grounded. The difficulty for Ukrainians was that the traces of Ukrainian-Russ statehood were lost in ancient times, while the neighbors, primarily Russians and Poles, tried to draw both the territory and the past of Ukraine into their own concepts of the creation of modern nation. The creation of the Ukrainian grand narrative was influenced by external factors: the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the collapse of its once unified political, cultural and intellectual space, and the policy of the Russian authorities, aimed to separate «Little Rus’» from western civilization. Russian censorship successfully removed memory of Polish-Ukrainian ties from historical works and replaced it with the image of the invading Poles. The traumatic, post-war experience, idealization of images of Cossack soldiers was the favorable ground for this. As a result, in Ukrainian historical grand narrative the «Polish-Lithuanian» period was interpreted as an external occupation, a break in the «correct» history of Ukraine. The whole complex of everyday life, cultural and political influences of Ukrainians in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth remained beyond history. Its main content was recognized by the Polish-Ukrainian conflicts. The views on the legacy of the Commonwealth in the Ukrainian society of the nineteenth century can also be analyzed from the perspective of the intellectual biographies of their creators and take into account the experience of relations with the Poles, the private image and repression of the Russian government. An unbiased rethinking by professional historians of the past of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from the point of view of the interactions of various cultural spaces in the nineteenth century was not a matter of time. Keywords Ukrainian-Polish relations in the nineteenth century, Ukrainian-Russian relations in the nineteenth century, Ukrainian historiography of the nineteenth century, intellectual biography, cultural and intellectual heritage of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.