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Journal articles on the topic 'Polish People's Party "Wyzwolenie"'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 5 June 2025

Last updated: 2 August 2025

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1

Dąbrowski, Przemysław. "MYŚL POLITYCZNO-PRAWNA I DZIAŁALNOŚĆ POLSKIEGO STRONNICTWA LUDOWEGO ZIEMI WILEŃSKIEJ W OKRESIE DWUDZIESTOLECIA MIĘDZYWOJENNEGO." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 4 (2016): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.4.09.

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POLITICAL – LEGAL THOUGHT AND ACTIVITY OF POLISH PEOPLE’S PARTY VILNIUS LAND IN PERIOD OF INTERWAR TWO DECADESSummary Polish people’s movement on lands of former Grand Duchy of Lithuania begin forming on this area after first world war. It did not present construction from start almost homogeneous, about one program or compact organizational structure. On Vilnius’s earth acted in years 1918-1939 different groups and institutions at the nature people’s, like: People’s Advices Councils – by found Vilnius department Company of Borderland Guard, Polish People’s Association “Odrodzenie” – to Polish

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Filipiak, Zbigniew. "Stanowiska głównych partii chłopskich w II Rzeczypospolitej na temat zasad parcelowania wielkiej własności w ramach reformy rolnej." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 23, no. 1 (2024): 251–74. https://doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2024.23.01.11.

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The aim of the author of this article is to present the positions of the main peasant parties in the Second Polish Republic on the most important issue for them, which was the agrarian reform. In the 1920s and 1930s this problem grew to the rank of one of the most important, if not the most important, taking into account the social structure and the economic conditions of the young state, where agriculture remained the most important branch of the economy, and the inhabitants of the village dominated among the population. The principles of dividing farms belonging to the category of large prop

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Podgajna, Ewelina. "Slavic national minorities in the political thought of the peasant movement in the interwar period." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 7, no. 1 (2021): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2021.7.1.191-210.

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The peasant movement presented various positions towards the national minorities living in Poland in the interwar period. The attitude towards the Slavic minorities was different, the attitude towards the Jewish minority and the other national groups. In the 1920s, a favorable position towards Slavic minorities was represented by PSL Wyzwolenie, SCh and PSL Lewica, while PSL Piast remained unfavorable. In the 1930s, after the reunification in the SL, politicians and leaders of the party proclaimed the need to make far-reaching changes and reforms in the Eastern Borderlands. The agrarians empha

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FIOŁEK, Damian. "Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe w regionie krakowskim w latach 1945-1946." Historia i Świat 7 (June 30, 2018): 297–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2018.07.25.

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The article presents the research of students at the Siedlce University. The author of the text "Polish People's Party in the Krakow region in 1945-1946" is a student at the Institute of History and International Relations.

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Krzywoszyński, Przemysław. "Z dyskusji nad referendum w Polsce Ludowej." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 61, no. 1 (2009): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2009.1.8.

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In the period of the Polish People's Republic (1944 to 1989), there was a clear disproportion between the practice and the theory of a referendum. Although during the whole period direct elections were held only twice (1946 and 1987), discussions on the chances of holding a referendum had continued all the time. The first referendum that was held was so designed that it allowed the communists to take over power "lawfully." The other election, held shortly before the end of the Polish People's Republic rule, at the time when the political and economic crisis was accelerating, was less successfu

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Mażewski, Lech. "Kościół wobec nowelizacji z 10 lutego 1976 roku Konstytucji PRL (1952)." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 61, no. 1 (2009): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2009.1.9.

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The Church protests against the plans to amend the Polish People's Republic Constitution of 1976 were rather successful, and in consequence the government had partially given up the proposed amendments. In the Church's view, the real problem was not the dominance of the United Polish Workers' Party, but the Soviet influences in Polish People's Republic. It was felt that although, at that particular moment of history, even the authoritarian system and limited independence could be, if reluctantly, accepted, the powers of the government needed to be clearly demarcated and free from ideological o

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ORLEVYCH, Iryna. "SPLIT IN THE RUSSOPHILE CIRCLES AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE RUSSIAN AGRARIAN PARTY." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 36 (2022): 69–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2022-36-69-93.

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The activity of the Russophile party restored in the interwar period, which remained true to its own ideological orientations, declaring the longevity of its historical tradition and succession to the pre-war institution, is studied. Competing for influence in the political arena, this party, with its inherent conformism, was able to gain the support of the Polish government and regain control of its societies: Stauropegion, «People’s House», «Halychyna-Ruthenian Matica». The problem of fighting for the right to the «People’s House» – the only society for which government commissioners were ap

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KUNICKI, MIKOŁAJ. "Heroism, Raison d'état, and National Communism: Red Nationalism in the Cinema of People's Poland." Contemporary European History 21, no. 2 (2012): 235–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000136.

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AbstractUsing archival sources, film reviews, interviews, secondary sources and movies, this article examines a Polish nationalist-communist school of directors who supported the Communist Party regime in constructing a new ethos, which consisted of ethnocentric nationalism and authoritarian nation state ideology. It demonstrates how the party state tried to legitimise itself by endorsing popular culture, specifically mainstream cinema. It also argues that National Communism inevitably led to the nationalist-authoritarian fusion, which set up the conditions for a pluralist and polyphonic realm

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Bulakhtin, M. A. "POLITICS OF HISTORICAL MEMORY IN MODERN POLAND." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no. 4 (2019): 449–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-4-449-458.

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The research investigates different approaches to the policy of historical memory in Poland nowadays. The main focus of the paper is the policy of Law and Justice party that represents a conservative wing in Polish politics. The party gave a response to the activities of those historians, political writers and other thinkers who called to explore and openly discuss the shameful pages of Poland’s history, and to strive for its objective assessment in the name of truth, the triumph of universal moral values, as well as for the purpose of learning lessons from the mistakes of the past. Conservati

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Standerski, Dariusz. "Activity of the Regional Polish United Workers’ Party Apparatus in 1970–1989." Central European Economic Journal 8, no. 55 (2021): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ceej-2021-0006.

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Abstract The article aims to verify whether, in the 1980s, there was a significant decrease in the involvement of the regional communist party structures in charge of economic affairs in Poland. The analysis is made on the case of the Warsaw Committee (KW) of the Polish United Workers’ Party (PUWP). Archival documents gathered in the State Archive in Warsaw were used to perform the analysis. The protocols of the meetings of the Executive and Secretariat 1970–1989 were collected, described and analysed. Moreover, the analysis was supplemented by the Statistical Yearbooks of Warsaw (GUS, 1957–19

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Pleskot, Patryk. "The red (un)rule of law. The issue of human rights violations in the military justice system of “People’s” Poland. The case of military district courts (1946–1955)." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 3 (2021): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.3.7.

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The network of Military District Courts, which encircled the Polish People's Republic (also known as People’s Poland) in the first post-war decade, was a fundamental tool for installing communist power and building a new “worker-peasant” system for the party and state decision-makers. Courts served primarily to crack down on political opposition and (declining) armed resistance. Despite their theoretically military nature, the Military District Courts [WSRs] sentenced mainly civilians, and the reasons for sentences lay in political and ideological calculation rather than in real, objective cri

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Irina L., Babich. "The "people's party of the Mountaineers of the Caucasus": ideology, activities and crises." Kavkazologiya 2024, no. 2 (2024): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2024-2-101-127.

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The aim of the article is to consider the history of the creation, ideology and main stages of the activity of one of the main parties of North Caucasians in exile - the “People’s Party of the Cauca-sus Highlanders,” which functioned in Europe from 1926 until the start of World War II. The sources of this article were the documents from the archives of France and Russia, as well as arti-cles by the leaders of this party. The party’s head, a Turkish citizen and the grandson of Imam Shamil - Said, is given special focus, as is the role of Polish politician and military figure Tadeusz Schetzel. T

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Juśko, Paweł. "Z pragmatyki działalności instruktorów szkolenia ideologicznego nauczycieli u schyłku okresu stalinowskiego na przykładzie miasta Tarnowa i powiatu tarnowskiego." Kultura - Przemiany - Edukacja 8 (2020): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/kpe.2020.8.3.

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The article concerns the organization of mass ideological training of teachers in People's Poland in the years 1949-1956. It includes a section related to the activity of poviat ideological training instructors of teachers who were an extremely important link in this process, carried out by the Polish Teachers' Union. The study focuses on the practical side of their activity, consisting primarily in the organization, management and supervision of the work of ideological training teams in schools. This topic is presented based on the example of the activities of the instructors of the city of T

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Orzełek, Ariel. "Two Sources for the Views and Mentality of the Catholic Intelligentsia at the Threshold of People’s Poland." Res Historica 56 (December 21, 2023): 1395–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2023.56.1395-1433.

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The text presents two sources concerning the political views and mentality of the Polish Catholic intelligentsia in the first years of the People's Republic of Poland. The first is a memorandum from the „Dziś i Jutro” group to Władysław Gomułka, presenting its political aspirations and concepts, aiming to create a co-governing Catholic party in Poland. The second is a study of the situation in the country, addressed to the Polish authorities in exile, with an emphasis on the views of lay Catholics disillusioned with insurrectionist and anti-Russian concepts. These documents allow one to unders

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Curp, T. David. "The Politics of Ethnic Cleansing: The P.P.R., The P.Z.Z. and Wielkopolska's Nationalist Revolution, 1944–1946." Nationalities Papers 29, no. 4 (2001): 575–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120102101.

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“… all of society is caught up in a hatred of Germany … [this] creates a serious possibility of uniting all of society into one entire national front.”Władysław GomułkaThree costly revolutions began in Poland between spring 1944 and summer 1946. The first two were primarily state-sponsored political and socioeconomic revolutions initiated by a minority comprising the Moscow-appointed and -controlled Polish Workers' Party (Polska Partia Robotnicza, P.P.R.) and their allies. Although they dominated the commanding heights of regional and national politics and administration, the P.P.R. and its su

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SEREDIUK, Mariia. "FROM INDEPENDISTS SLOGANS TO NORMALIZATION: THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF VOLODYMYR TSELEVYCH (1931–1939)." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 32 (2019): 274–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2019-32-274-283.

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The author provides an analysis of the organizational and political work of a well-known figure of the Ukrainian National Democratic Alliance (UNDO). Specific examples show the struggle of one of the leaders of Ukrainian national democracy for raising the national consciousness of Galician Ukrainians, establishing in the public mind the idea of the unity and statehood of Ukrainian lands, and also highlight the contribution to the normalization of Polish-Ukrainian relations in the second half of the 1930s. The study demonstrated that Volodymyr Tselevych not only joined the Central Committee o

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Guseletov, Boris. "Political transformations in Poland: will a change of government lead to a change of course?" Science. Culture. Society 30, no. 1 (2024): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2024.30.1.7.

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The article examines the consequences of the change of the Polish government, headed by the right-wing Euro-skeptical Law and Justice party, which has led this country since October 2015. The article presents an analysis of the results of the parliamentary elections in Poland, held on October 15, 2023, in which the PiS won a formal victory, which, however failed to form a majority coalition. As a result, the ruling alliance, which received the right to form a government, was made up of the pre-election association of the parties Civic Coalition, which included the Civic Platform parties led by

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Melnyk, Andriy. "The influence of social democrats on the formation and development of ukrainian political and legal thought in Galicia during the period of the proclamation and decline of the ZUNR (1918-1923)." Visnik Nacional’nogo universitetu «Lvivska politehnika». Seria: Uridicni nauki 11, no. 41 (2024): 207–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/law2024.41.207.

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This article is devoted to the analysis of the influence of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party (USDP) on the formation and development of political and legal opinion in Galicia during the period of the proclamation and decline of the ZUNR (1918-1923). The role and place of iconic Ukrainian social democrats in the socio-political life of the region and the peculiarities of the evolution of the USDP to the political course of the ZUNR, the Polish state through the prism of the short period of Ukrainian power and the specifics of the occupation regime are highlighted. It was found that during

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Cioffi, Kathleen. "Communism with a Theatrical Face: STS and the Polish October of 1956." Theatre Survey 35, no. 2 (1994): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400002763.

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Communism was not always hated and feared by everyone in Eastern Europe. At a certain moment in recent post-war history, a group of influential intellectuals in Poland—now a place where even ex-communist politicians are careful to swear their allegiance to free markets—wanted to reform but still keep a Communist system. That moment was the Polish October, named for the month in 1956 when Wladyslaw Gomulka, a man who believed in a “Polish road to socialism,” took power as First Secretary of the Communist Party. Just as the Czechs in 1968 believed in “socialism with a human face,” the Poles in 1

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Vermeersch, Peter. "Nationalism and political competition in Central Europe: The case of Poland." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 1 (2013): 128–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.747499.

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To explain nationalist politics in Poland, researchers and observers have sometimes speculated about the dispositions of the electorate, popular sentiments, public fears for the loss of sovereignty, the people's historically ingrained preference for nationalist rhetoric, and their feelings of discontent about the economy. This article argues that hypotheses about the existence of nationalist sentiments within the electorate have tended to eclipse an important question about the main producers of nationalist rhetoric: Why do certain mainstream parties at certain points in time decide to frame t

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Antypova, Olena. "The 1956 Hungarian Revolution Echoes in Poland." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 30 (November 1, 2021): 342–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2021.30.342.

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The article highlights the reaction of Polish society and government to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. It is emphasized that the history of Poland and Hungary was closely intertwined in 1956 and reflected in the course of political events of that time. Poznan workers' uprising in June 1956 caused a great resonance in Hungary and the Hungarian authorities intended to use the events in Poznan as a pretext for resolving the political crisis in Hungary. Hungarian protesters, expressing solidarity with the Polish people and supporting change in Poland, demanded a "Hungarian path to socialism". T

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Nemchaninov, D. G. "США, Полония и внутриполитические процессы в Польше в 1946–1947 гг." Вестник гуманитарного образования, № 2(34) (22 серпня 2024): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.24.022.

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The article examines American policy in relation to domestic political processes in Poland in 1946–1947. The article examines the main motives and methods of Washington's policy during the referendum in June 1946 and the elections in January 1947, as well as further tactics used to change the political course of Warsaw. The author pays attention to the influence of the activities of the Polish diaspora in the USA on these processes. The study found that the main place on the agenda of American policy in the Polish direction during this period was the holding of free elections in order to ensur

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Woycicki, Kazimierz. "Germany Democratic Republic and Polish National Republic political polices." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 20 (2025): 137–40. https://doi.org/10.61903/gr.2006.212.

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The Soviet regime needed to establish security structures in the satellite states. Due to the weak satellite communist parties (further weakened by Stalin’s repression), the Soviet regime had no confidence in its allies. In Poland, there was a widespread public opposition and the extremely weak Communist government; hence, the Soviet mistrust is understandable. East Germany was a defeated and hated enemy. It only regained statehood and partial independence in 1949, although the foundations of its security structures had already been laid after 1945. Between 1944 and 1953, the security services

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Szczygieł, Tomasz. "Kwestia „ochrony” wolności sumienia i wyznania w toku prac nad kodyfikacją prawa karnego Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej 1949-1969." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 19, no. 2 (2020): 423–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2020.19.02.21.

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The paper presents the development of criminal law regulations regarding the protection of freedom of conscience and religion in the Polish People's Republic in 1949–1969. The presented analysis shows the real intentions of these regulations. The communist party wanted to control religious associations in terms of their potential impact on public opinion. There is no doubt that the analyzed regulations were an expression of the struggle of the communist authorities with the only independent institution after 1944, which was the Catholic Church. The work also highlights the problem of the ostra

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Machniak, Arkadiusz. "Polityczne oraz ideologiczne motywacje działalności Romana Kisiela, pseudonim „Sęp”, „Dźwignia”. Studium przypadku." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 1 (2021): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.1.4.

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Roman Kisiel was born in 1916 in the small village of Bystrowice near Jarosław. Before the outbreak of World War II, he worked as a merchant. He also served in the Polish Army. During the war, Kisiel was active in the armed underground against the Nazi Germans who occupied Poland. He was the commander of an armed detachment that also defended the Polish population against attacks by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army troops. He continued his political and underground activities after the end of World War II. For many years he was involved in the Polish People's Party. After 1945, as an independence

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KOSTYSHYN, Roman. "SOCIO-POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF VOLODYMYR KOKHAN IN THE HISTORIOGRAPHICAL DISCOURSE." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-177-188.

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The state of research of socio-political activities of Volodymyr Kokhan by Ukrainian and Polish scholars - a well-known Ukrainian politician, ambassador (deputy) to the Polish Sejm, public figure - was analyzed. The research, mostly memoir, partially covers the following issues: V. Kokhan's participation in World War І, the establishment of the West Ukrainian People's Republic (WUNR); membership in the Ukrainian Military Organization (UMO), the Ukrainian Party of National Labor (UPNL); social activities; the 1928 election campaign and parliamentary activities; organizational activities in the

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Żukowski, Antoni. "Czy dłużnikom żyje się dzisiaj lepiej niż żyło im się za PRL? Uwagi na tle zmian przepisów Kodeksu postępowania cywilnego dotyczących przedmiotowych ograniczeń egzekucji." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 22, no. 2 (2023): 527–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2023.22.02.23.

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The paper aims to show what changes have taken place in the Polish civil procedure with regard to the so-called subjective limitations on judicial enforcement, and how these changes have affected the way enforcement proceedings are conducted and how they affected the passive party to the enforcement proceedings – the debtor. The paper presents the origin of the introduction of subjective limitations on judicial enforcement to the Polish civil procedure, which occurred in 1932 within the scope of the Ordinance of the President of the Republic of Poland of 27 October 1932 – the Law on Judicial E

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Футала, Василь, та Володимир Кемінь. "Проблема Східної Галичини в міжнародній політиці (1919–1923): порівняльний аналіз доробку українських і польських істориків". Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University Series History, № 52 (22 червня 2025): 137–45. https://doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2025-52-137-145.

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The aim of the study is to conduct a historiographical analysis of the works of Ukrainian and Polish historians dedicated to the international aspects of the Eastern Galicia issue in 1919–1923, and to outline the directions for further study of the topic. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of historicism, systematics, objectivity, as well as methods of historiographical analysis and synthesis. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that a comparative analysis of the achievements of Ukrainian and Polish historians in studying the issue of the state affiliation of Easter

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Wichmanowski, Marcin. "Budowanie tożsamości chłopów w myśli politycznej i działalności Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego Piast." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 21, no. 1 (2023): 297–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2023.1.19.

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Over the centuries the identity of the peasants has evolved. It was largely influenced by the experiences of generations, shaped by history, socio-economic and political situation; it changed under the influence of the conditions in which they lived. The peasants' belonging to a specific community constituted the basis of their values and had a significant impact in all possible relationships. Identity – the authenticity of peasants was perpetuated in their long and quaint history, in the very difficult and peculiar existence of this social class. It was shaped in the course of centuries of ha

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PRYKHODKO, Mykola. "Crystalization of the people's democratic movement in the Polish lands at the end of the 19th century-first quarter of the 20th century in the prism of the party press." Humanities science current issues, no. 51 (2022): 67–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2308-4863/51-9.

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Janusz, Łętowski. "The Present-Day Problems of Administration." "Droit Polonais Contemporain / Polish Contemporary Law" 81-84 (December 31, 1989): 15–30. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4071805.

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Jarząbek, Wanda. "Wokół koncepcji okrągłego stołu – dyplomacja RFN patrzy na przemiany w Polsce 1988–1989." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 32 (December 5, 2024): 177–91. https://doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2024.32.08.

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Niniejszy tekst ma przede wszystkim na celu pokazanie sposobu patrzenia na dokonujące się w Polsce zmiany przez dyplomatów bońskich akredytowanych Warszawie oraz zastanowienie się nad ich wpływem na politykę RFN wobec PRL. Przytoczenie treści raportów i ich analiza pozwala też popatrzeć na okres przemian w Polsce oczami osób, które miały do nich mniej emocjonalny stosunek niż wielu Polaków. Ambasada w formie depesz i notatek okresowych przesyłała informacje zbierane w rozmowach z uczestnikami ówczesnych wydarzeń ze strony rządowej, opozycyjnej oraz Kościelnej, a także z mediów i rozmów z innym

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Halian, Taras, and Ruslan Deliatynskyi. "Father Stepan Gorodetsky (1853-1928): historical portrait." Good Parson: scientific bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk Academy of John Chrysostom. Theology. Philosophy. History, no. 15 (December 14, 2020): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.52761/2522-1558.2020.15.11.

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The aim of the article is a comprehensive, as complete as possible, objective coverage of the historical portrait of Fr. S. Gorodetsky in the form of his biographical essay based on the analysis of a whole set of unpublished sources. Research methodology: based on scientific principles of objectivity and historicism, specific scientific methods of periodization (to identify stages of the priest's life in the context of historical epochs of Galicia under the rule of different states), comparative analysis (to study and compare information from different sources), biographies (to clarify certain

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Śleszyński, Wojciech. "Od internacjonalnej do własnej historii – mniejszość białoruska w Polsce." Acta Baltico-Slavica 41 (December 29, 2017): 190–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/abs.2017.013.

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From international history to one’s own history – Belorusian minority in PolandAfter World War II the Belarusians who did not leave Poland could gain upward mobility only if they avoided displaying their national and cultural distinctiveness. Belarusians made a political choice which coincided with a vision of history and thus accepted a historical narrative spread by communist circles. The narrative constructed by the Belarusian minority was consistent with the officially proclaimed state ideological narrative. It contained mostly the history of the Communist Party of Western Belarus and desc

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Sulyak, Sergey G. "Julian Yavorsky - a scholar, social and political activist of Carpathian Rus." Rusin, no. 68 (2022): 70–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/68/5.

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Julian A. Yavorsky (1873-1937) was a Carpatho-Russian scholar, social and political activist, son of a Greek Catholic priest. He graduated from Chernivtsi University in 1896. In 1903, he defended his doctoral dissertation “The Life of Peter and Fevronia of Murom as a Monument of Old Russian Narrative Literature” at the University of Vienna under the supervision of Vatroslav Jagic. After returning to Galicia, he taught in Polish gymnasiums. Since school, he participated in the Russian movement of Galicia. For his convictions, Yavorsky was expelled from the Drohobych, Sambir, and Lviv gymnasiums

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Wójcik, Zbigniew, Michał Boraczyński, and Tomasz Boraczyński. "EDUKACYJNO WYCHOWAWCZA DZIAŁALNOŚĆ KLUBÓW I SEKCJI ZAPAŚNICZYCH W POLSKIM REGIONIE WARMIA I MAZURY (1945 – 1989)." Уманська старовина, no. 8 (December 30, 2021): 94–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2519-2035.8.2021.249944.

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Słowa kluczowe: edukacja, zapasy, współpraca, region, Obwód Kaliningradzki. Streszczenie Wkrótce po zakończeniu działań wojennych (1945) utworzono w Okręgu Mazurskim pierwsze placówki oświatowe i rozpoczął się proces edukacyjno-wychowawczy. Po przekształceniu okręgu w województwo olsztyńskie przybył na Warmię ppor. Zenon Rydziński i jako oficer-zapaśnik propagował na modnych wówczas festynach i zawodach pokazowych walory uprawianej niegdyś dyscypliny sportowej. Po utworzeniu w Olsztynie Okręgowego Związku Zapaśniczego szkolenie prowadzono także w powstających spontanicznie klubach

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Boyko, Ihor. "LIFE PATH, SCIENTIFIC-PEDAGOGICAL AND PUBLIC ACTIVITY OF VOLODYMYR SOKURENKO (TO THE 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF HIS BIRTH)." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law 72, no. 72 (2021): 158–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2021.72.158.

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The life path, scientific-pedagogical and public activity of Volodymyr Sokurenko – a prominent Ukrainian jurist, doctor of law, professor, talented teacher of the Lviv Law School of Franko University are analyzed. It is found out that after graduating from a seven-year school in Zaporizhia, V. Sokurenko entered the Zaporizhia Aviation Technical School, where he studied two courses until 1937. 1/10/1937 he was enrolled as a cadet of the 2nd school of aircraft technicians named after All-Union Lenin Komsomol. In 1938, this school was renamed the Volga Military Aviation School, which he graduated

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Patryk, Krupiński. ""Za wolność naszą i waszą". Sejmowa lewica przeciw dyskryminacji narodowościowej 1919-1926." Facta Ficta. Journal of Theory, Narrative & Media 2 (12) 2023 (March 26, 2024). https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10879774.

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"For our freedom and yours." The parliamentary left against national discrimination 1919-1926 The The Second Polish Republic emerged as a result of the collapse of the existing European political order. It was an incredibly ambitious project, considering the 123 years of polish statelessness and the division of polish territories among three european powers. The regaining of independence was accompanied by an outburst of enthusiasm and patriotism. However, it also marked the beginning of internal political struggles as each faction pursued its own ambitious vision for newly reborn Poland. The

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KALYNYAK, Lev. "STRONNICTWO LUDOWE: PROBLEMS OF FORMING THE ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE OF THE PARTY IN THE GALICIAN COUNTIES OF WESTERN UKRAINE (1931–1935)." Наукові зошити історичного факультету Львівського університету / Proceedings of History Faculty of Lviv University, no. 25 (November 10, 2024). https://doi.org/10.30970/fhi.2024.25.4532.

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The article examines the challenges associated with establishing the organizational network of the largest Polish political party in the region, the Stronnictwo Ludowe (hereafter referred to as SL). This party, which was founded in March 1931, opposed the existing government and primarily represented the interests of the Polish ethnic peasantry. Its formation followed a prolonged period of integration within the Polish peasant movement, beginning after the parliamentary elections of 1928. The key factors that drove this unification included the government’s neglect of the political interests o

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Mitrofanov, Nikita V. "Kokoshkin on the national question and autonomy in the Russian Empire in the early XX century." Current Issues of the State and Law, 2025, 208–18. https://doi.org/10.20310/2587-9340-2025-9-2-208-218.

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In the teachings of F.F. Kokoshkin the problem of the national question and autonomy in Russia in the early XX century in the conditions of building a constitutional state was quite acute. F.F. Kokoshkin was not only a theoretician of Russian constitutionalism, but also a practitioner who tried to implement his ideas in lawmaking, being a member of the Constitutional Democratic Party. F.F. Kokoshkin considered certain restrictions regularly imposed by the Russian Empire on the Grand Duchy of Finland and its internal policy, the interaction of the Russian state with the autonomies, participated

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Kolasa, Robert. "MIEJSCE ŚWIECKICH KATOLIKÓW W ŻYCIU PUBLICZNYM POLSKI LUDOWEJ W ŚWIETLE PUBLICYSTYKI BOLESŁAWA PIASECKIEGO Z LAT 1945-1979." Zeszyty Naukowe Wyższej Szkoły Kadr Menedżerskich 13 (2024) (October 22, 2024). https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13970333.

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<strong>Streszczenie</strong>: Artykuł dotyczy powojennej publicystki Bolesława Piaseckiego związanej z jego wizją roli, jaką mieli odegrać świeccy katolicy w systemie politycznym Polski Ludowej. Celem tych działań była próba włączenia katolików w budowę nowego ustroju politycznego. Aby w ten sposób stworzyć nowy nurt dwubiegunowego socjalizmu opartego na marksizmie i katolickiej nauce społecznej. Była to bardzo śmiała koncepcja, która wyrażała się, w tak zwanym potrójnym zaangażowaniu: patriotycznym, socjalistycznym i katolickim. Problem w realizacji tego po

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