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Różańska, Anna. "Classics of Polish Design. Post-War Polish Furniture Design." Annals of WULS, Forestry and Wood Technology 115 (September 26, 2021): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.6370.
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Classics of Polish Design. Post-War Polish Furniture Design the paper presents a review of Polish post-war design in the times of Polish People's Republic: in the 1950s and 1960s. It is the first paper in the series of "Classical Polish Design", presenting the results of research on Polish furniture and the icons of Polish design, carried out within the framework of dissertations in the Department of Wood Technology in the Warsaw University of Life Sciences (SGGW). The paper presents two main trends in Polish post-war design, together with their background. We analysed the development of industrial design and of mass production dedicated for mass users, as well as the education system for industrial designers. We present the concept of furniture for small living spaces and the impact of global trends, availability of new materials and technological solutions on Polish furniture design.
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Siemienska, Renata. "Polish Women and Polish Politics Since World War II." Journal of Women's History 3, no. 1 (1991): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2010.0061.
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Lagno, A., and O. Mikhailova. "“Polish-Polish War”: Reasons and Consequences for the Political System." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 2 (2020): 42–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-2-42-52.
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Borzecki, Jerzy. "The Outbreak of the Polish-Soviet War: A Polish Perspective." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 29, no. 4 (2016): 658–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2016.1232555.
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Bury, Jan. "POLISH CODEBREAKING DURING THE RUSSO-POLISH WAR OF 1919–1920." Cryptologia 28, no. 3 (2004): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0161-110491892872.
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Luxmoore, Jonathan. "Polish Catholicism under Fire." Ethics & International Affairs 1 (March 1987): 161–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1987.tb00520.x.
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Luxmoore reviews the post-World War II history of the Catholic church in Poland, its relations with the communist government, its stand on the Solidarity movement, and its behavior during the period of martial law. Despite the restraining force of totalitarianism, Poland's religiosity evolved swiftly in the forty years after the war, producing a pope and empowering an enduring and peaceful political movement.
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Mazurczak, Jacek. "Wojna polsko-polska a kryzys postindustrialny." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 3 (October 31, 2018): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2011.3.02.
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The author presents the Polish – Polish war issue by using the post-industrial crisis theory. He concentrates on the A. Toffler’s theory of the Second and Third Wave and on the term of Superfight. According to the author, the two sides of Polish – Polish war are the supporters of both the Second Wave and the Liquid Modernity. Polish – Polish war will be increasing while supporters of the Liquid Modernity accept the ideas accurate for the Third Wave.
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Opioła, Wojciech. "Polish discourses concerning the Spanish Civil War. Analysis of the Polish press 1936-2015." Central European Journal of Communication 10, no. 2 (2018): 210–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.10.2(19).4.
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The Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939, as an ideologised and mythologised event, has been and is still used instrumentally within the Polish public discourse. The war was an important subject for the Polish press in the years 1936–1939. The Catholic, national-democratic, and conservative press supported General Franco’s rebellion. The governmental and pro-government press also supported the rebels. The Christian-democratic and peasants’ party press remained neutral. The social democratic, communist, and radical press backed the Spanish Republic — as did liberal-conservative organs such as Wiadomości Literackie. After the Second World War, the Polish communist media created the positive legend of Polish participants in the Spanish Civil War in the International Brigades, labelling Franco’s post-war regime fascist. In contemporary Poland, the same division within the Polish political scene as in 1936–1939 can be observed. Starting in 1990, the Spanish Civil War, as a subject of the Polish political discourse, has been the source of heated disputes, whose participants often present more radical views and narratives. The key issues that entered the canon of Polish political disputes after 1989 the International Brigades of volunteers, religious crimes, the support of fascists and communists for opposite sides of the conflict, are concentrated along the lines of the dispute arising from the debate within pre-war Poland: the clash of the traditional, Catholic world with the communist revolution.
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Mańczak-Wohlfeld, Elżbieta. "English-Polish contrastive grammar at Polish universities." Linguistics Beyond and Within (LingBaW) 2 (December 30, 2016): 126–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/lingbaw.5642.
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Although contrastive studies do not enjoy great prestige among linguists, they have a very long tradition dating back to ca. 1000 A.D. when Ælfric wrote his Grammatica, a grammar of Latin and English. Even then he must have been aware of the fact that the knowledge of one language may be helpful in the process of learning another language (Krzeszowski 1990). Similarly, it seems that throughout the history of mankind teachers of a foreign language must have realized that a native and foreign tongue can be contrasted. However, contrastive linguistics only came into being as a science at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The first works were almost purely theoretical, and it is worth emphasizing that among the first scholars working in the field was Baudouin de Courtenay, a Polish linguist, who published his contrastive grammar of Polish, Russian and Old Church Slavonic in 1912. The outbreak of the Second World War was a milestone in the development of applied contrastive studies since a need to teach foreign languages in the United States arose as a result. The 1960’s is considered a further step in the development of contrastive grammar since a number of projects were initiated both in Europe and in the U.S.A. (Willim, Mańczak-Wohlfeld 1997), which resulted in the introduction of courses in English-Polish contrastive grammar at Polish universities. The aim of the present paper is to characterize and evaluate the courses offered in the English departments of selected Polish universities and to suggest an “ideal” syllabus.
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Guzy-Pasiak, Jolanta. "Polish musical life in Great Britain during the Second World War." Muzyka 64, no. 1 (2019): 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36744/m.249.
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The present article is the first attempt to provide a comprehensive – as much as the available sources allow – presentation of Polish music in Great Britain during the war, without any claims to completeness. The main institution attracting Poles in London was, practically from the beginning of the war, Polish Hearth, founded by Polish artists, scholars and writers. The Polish Musicians of London association with Tadeusz Jarecki organised classical music concerts and published contemporary works by Polish composers. The organisation was instrumental in the founding of the London Polish String Quartet. The BBC Radio played a huge role in the popularisation of the Polish repertoire and Polish artists, broadcasting complete performances. What became an extremely attractive form of promoting Polish art were the performances of the Anglo-Polish Ballet, founded by Czesław Konarski and Alicja Halama in 1940. The post-war reality meant that most of the scores published at the time were arrangements of soldiers’, historical, folk and popular songs characterised by simple musical means suited to the capabilities of army bands, but conveying the spirit accompanying the soldiers of the Polish Armed Forces during the Second World War. Polish Army Choir established, as the first among such ensembles, on Jerzy Kołaczkowski’s initiative.The author hopes to prompt further studies into the history of migrations of artists and work on monographs on the various composers and performers. Undoubtedly, there is a need to bring this part of our musical culture to light, especially given the fact that interest in Polish music abroad has been growing in recent years.
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Szacka, Barbara. "Polish Remembrance of World War II." International Journal of Sociology 36, no. 4 (2006): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ijs0020-7659360401.
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Kornilova, Oksana. "Polish Camps for Red Army Prisoners of War in the 1919–1924s: Modern Russian-Polish Approaches." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 3 (51) (November 2, 2020): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-51-3-233-246.
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The article discusses modern Russian and Polish historiography, devoted to the organization, functioning and liquidation of Polish camps for the Red Army prisoners of war who were captured during the Soviet-Polish War of 1919–1920. The history of the camps for the Red Army prisoners of war Polish
 authors begin with the creation of German camps in Poland during World War I. After the repatriation the camps continued to contain interned members of anti-Soviet armed groups and members of their families. Without considering the
 methodology of establishing the total number of prisoners and deceased, the author raises the question of interpreting the causes of the Red Army prisoners of war massive loss in Polish captivity. The researchers’ opinions range from the objective impossibility of the Polish authorities to provide prisoners with proper conditions to a targeted policy of destroying the Red Army soldiers by famine, cold, and refusal of medical care.
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Kiper, Daniel. "Polscy imigranci w Stanach Zjednoczonych wobec konfliktu zbrojnego na Kubie w 1898 r. w świetle prasy polonijnej." Studia Historica Gedanensia 12, no. 1 (2021): 306–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23916001hg.21.038.15098.
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[Polish immigrants in the United States and the armed conflict in Cuba in 1898 based on the Polish press in America] This article focuses on the conduct of the soldiers of Polish descent participating in the military action during the American‑Spanish War. The paper begins with the presentation of views on the war expressed in the Polish press published in America and the Polish lands. The main part of the work analyses soldiers’ accounts published in the Polish press released in America and compare them with the media’s depiction of the war presented in the pages of the Polish newspapers and magazines in America. Additionally, the article attempts to establish the motives behind Polish volunteers’ decision to join the American army. It was possible to find the answers to several important research questions such as how the participants of those events perceived themselves as those who fought for the interests of the United States, h
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Yelova, Tetiana. "Debates about the Polish eastern border after World War II in the Polish immigrant circle." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 8 (December 28, 2020): 62–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2020.8.62-71.
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The new geopolitical realities after the World War II saw the revival of the Polish state in a new form. The Republic of Poland appeared on the map of Central Europe, with about half of its territory being the so-called Recovered Territories, while the state borders moved west. The new eastern border of the post-war Poland ran along the Curzon line. The new post-war eastern border of Poland was being negotiated and agreed upon by the Soviet and the Polish authorities starting from 1944 on an annual basis, up to 1948. The last exchange of territories took place in 1951. The debates about the political map of Europe and the new eastern border of Poland, which became a new reality after the World War II, were held both at politicians’ offices and in various media outlets. The most prominent debate about the new Polish eastern border could be found on the pages of the Kultura immigrant periodical. The Polish immigrant public intellectuals Jerzy Giedroyc, Juliusz Mieroszewski, Josef Czapski and other members of the Kultura periodical editorial board were adamant about the need to recognize the Polish borders drawn after the World War II. Such a stance was unacceptable for the Polish Governmentin-Exile based in London and some immigrant circles in the USA. Starting from 1952, the Kultura editorial staff is consistent in its efforts to defend the principle of inviolability of borders drawn after the World War II, urging the Poles to give up on the so-called Polish Kresy (Kresy Wschodnie) and to reconcile with the neighbours on the other side of the new eastern border.
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Dynia, Elżbieta. "International Recognition and the International Law Status of Poland in the 20th Century." Polish Review of International and European Law 9, no. 1 (2020): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/priel.2020.9.1.01.
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The article concerns international recognition of the Polish state established after World War I in the year 1918, the Polish state and the status of Poland in terms of international law during World War II and after its conclusion until the birth of the Third Polish Republic in the year 1989. A study of related issues confirmed the thesis of the identity and continuity of the Polish state by international law since the year 1918, as solidified in Polish international law teachings, and showed that the Third Polish Republic is, under international law, not a new state, but a continuation of both the Second Polish Republic as well as the People’s Republic of Poland.
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Kettler, Mark T. "Designing Empire for the Civilized East: Colonialism, Polish Nationhood, and German War Aims in the First World War." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 6 (2019): 936–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.49.
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AbstractThis article critically reexamines how Germans understood Polish national identity during World War I, and how their perceptions affected German proposals for ruling Polish territory. Recent historiography has emphasized the impact of colonial ideologies and experiences on Germans’ imperial ambitions in Poland. It has portrayed Germans as viewing Poland through a colonial lens, or favoring colonial methods to rule over Polish space. Using the wartime publications of prominent left liberal, Catholic, and conservative thinkers, this article demonstrates that many influential Germans, even those who supported colonialism in Africa, considered Poland to be a civilized nation for which colonial strategies of rule would be wholly inappropriate. These thinkers instead proposed multinational strategies of imperialism in Poland, which relied on collaboration with Polish nationalists. Specifically, they argued that Berlin should establish an autonomous Polish state, and bind it in permanent military and political union with the German Empire. The perception of Poland as a civilized nation ultimately structured Germany’s occupation policy and objectives in Poland throughout the war, much more than stereotypes of Polish primitivity.
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SZKUDLAREK, Iwona. "The participation of Polish female soldiers in World War I." Scientific Papers of Silesian University of Technology. Organization and Management Series 2021, no. 154 (2021): 319–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.29119/1641-3466.2021.154.24.
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Purpose: The aim of this paper is to outline a history of the participation of Polish female soldiers in the World War I. Its outlines their commitment, struggle, and efforts made to contribute to Poland's military effort during the war. The article describes the legal situation of the military participation of women in Poland, and also deals with their role and place in society. Design/methodology/approach: The aim of the article was to organize, systematize and describe the knowledge about the role and participation of female soldiers of the Polish armed forces during the World War I. The above theoretical goal has been achieved by applying the methods of analysis, synthesis, deduction, induction and inference. Findings: In the course of the work were found results, which testify to historically underestimated contribution of women in war efforts. These, both in reinforcement and in other spheres of hostilities significantly contributed to the end of the war and its final result. Social implications: Publication of the article may contribute to increasing social awareness of the underestimated participation and involvement of female soldiers in military action during the war and of the social and cultural roles they fulfill. Originality/value: The article organizes and systematizes the knowledge about the military service of women in the described period. It is addressed both to people associated with all kinds of uniformed services, management and command, as well as people from the civilian environment
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Wierzejska, Jagoda. "Toward the Idea of Polishness: Implications of 1918 for the Former Eastern Galicia, 1918–1939." Przegląd Humanistyczny 62, no. 4 (463) (2019): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2774.
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The paper analyzes the Polish literary discourse on the former Habsburg province of Galicia, developing after the restoration of Poland’s independence (1918) and the Polish victory in the Polish-Ukrainian War of Eastern Galicia (1918–1919). Before WWI, especially before the epoch of Galician autonomy (1867–1914), the prevailing discourse on the province was imbued by the idea of multi- and transnationalism grounded upon the Habsburg political culture. After the war, when Galicia became a part of the reborn Poland, the discourse pertaining to the region underwent a fundamental change. In the interwar Polish literature, the idea of multi- and transnational Galicia was a subject of specific transfers: sometimes in a continuative, usually, however, in a deconstructive version. Namely, it was disassembled and its components, referring to a revised political context, were ideologically used to strengthen the representation of reality from the exclusive, Polish point of view. The paper focuses on literary representations of the Polish-Ukrainian War of Eastern Galicia. It discusses the stages of the aforementioned disassemblement, from the idea of Polish-Ruthenian “brotherhood” to the vision of Polish-Polish brotherhood, i.e. the homogenous Polish nation, from which the Others (Ukrainians, Jews and Austrians), depicted as enemies, were excluded with no exception. Such a vision prevailed in the Polish literature up until 1939; it has also had its continuations nowadays.
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Murkociński, Mikołaj. "Polska emigracja niepodległościowa w Libanie 1943-1950 na tle uchodźstwa polskiego czasów II wojny światowej." Studia Historyczne 60, no. 1 (237) (2018): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sh.60.2017.01.05.
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Polish Independence Diaspora in Lebanon in the Years 1943-1950 in the Light of Polish Emigration During World War II The aim of this article is to discuss Polish Diaspora in Lebanon in the years 1943-1950 in the light of Polish emigration during World War II. It was Lebanon, where an important immigration center was born, when the Polish government in exile in London lost Soviet recognition in favor of the new communist government based in Warsaw. This was possible due to numerous domestic, as well as international political and social factors, making possible the free development of institutions of Polish Diaspora in Lebanon.
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Ostrowska, Elzbieta. "Filmic Representations of the 'Polish Mother' in Post-Second World War Polish Cinema." European Journal of Women's Studies 5, no. 3-4 (1998): 419–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135050689800500309.
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Sylburska, Aleksandra. "Repatriacja/reemigracja Polaków z Węgier po zakończeniu II wojny światowej." Prace Historyczne 148, no. 2 (2021): 411–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.030.13867.
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The repatriation/re-emigration of Polish people from Hungary after World War II There were many Polish inhabitants in Hungary after the end of the World War II. They were economic emigrants who arrived at the end of the 19th century or refugees who crossed the Polish-Hungarian border in 1939. The goal of Polish representatives in Budapest (diplomats from July 1946) was to organize repatriation/re-emigration which would include both groups. The execution was not easy due to the problems with supplies, lack of money and difficulties to estimate the number of Polish people in Hungary. According to Polish government regime, repatriated people/re-emigrants were to help in rebuilding of the destroyed country, populating it, and developing Recovered Territories, whose status in the first post-war years had not been officially established yet.
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Kamińska-Szmaj, Irena. "Sterowanie pamięcią zbiorową. Propagandowy wielogłos o wojnie polsko-sowieckiej/radzieckiej 1919–1921." Oblicza Komunikacji 9 (October 30, 2018): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2083-5345.9.1.
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Controlling the collective memory. A multitude of propaganda voices on the Polish-Soviet War 1919–1921The author of the article discusses the creation — in three successive historical periods — of the image of the 1919–1920 war between the Second Polish Republic and the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, referred to as the Polish-Soviet War, Polish-Bolshevik War, Polish-Russian War, 1920 War. The name, description and opinion about the war — in the Second Polish Republic, in the Polish People’s Republic and in Poland today — depends on propaganda objectives, current politics and attitude to Poland’s eastern neighbour. The image of the war of 1919–1921 is highly ideologised, as is evidenced by the choice of words and metaphors used to provoke emotions, to provide strong value judgements with regard to the enemy and thus to control society’s behaviour as well as create myths and stereotypes which are kept in the collective memory for a long time. The history of this armed conflict has been and still is written under the pressure of various ideologies and propaganda strategies. The aim of the article is to demonstrate that the image of wars in verbal accounts history textbooks, historical monographs, literary works, oral histories etc. and visual accounts paintings, films etc. depends on the historical context, socio-political determinants as well as the point of view of the individual creating the narrative of a given event. The shaping of collective memory is always accompanied by value judgements, selection of events and strong emotions.
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Parafianowicz, Ryszard. "Operational Warfare in War College and War Studies University." Kwartalnik "Bellona" 697, no. 2 (2019): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3624.
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Having own operational warfare based on deeply rooted domestic military culture and positively verified combat cases, being now historical experiences inspiring next generations, is one of the foundations of the armed forces. Polish art of war in the 20th century developed freely in the Second Republic of Poland: it was a period, when the foundations for Polish operational art were established. Poland, in consequence of a betrayal by its western allies, after World War II found itself in the Soviet zone of influences, and this meant breaking up with the achievements of the Second Republic of Poland, including the art of war. Regaining Independence at the break of 1989/1990 was a distinct turning point in the development of the art of war, and meant the necessity to search for new solutions adequate for the challenges stemming from contemporary geopolitical location, as well as from its defense self-sufficiency. This required a new outlook on operational warfare. The following turning point was the membership in North-Atlantic Alliance and the participation of the Polish Armed Forces in stabilization operations in the Balkans, Iraq, and Afghanistan. Both in the Second Republic of Poland and today, military education of command and staff professionals had a significant impact on Polish operational art.
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Chlipała, Michał. "Konspiratorzy w Policji Polskiej i Polskiej Policji Kryminalnej w Krakowie w latach 1939‒1945." Prace Historyczne 147, no. 3 (2020): 597–618. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.20.032.12486.
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Conspirators in the Polish Blue Police and Polish Criminal Police in Kraków during 1939‒1945 The article describes the history of Polish pre-war policemen who were forced to continue their service in the Polish Police in the General Government (the so-called Blue Police), created by German occupying authorities. Many of these policemen, faithful to the oath they had made before the war, worked for the Polish Underground State. In Kraków, the capital of the General Government, in the Autumn of 1939, Polish policemen began to create conspiracy structures, which gradually became one of the most effective Polish intelligence networks. Thanks to them, the Home Army, subordinated to the Polish Government-in-exile in London, could learn the secrets of the Kraków Gestapo and the German police. Despite the enormous efforts of the German counter-intelligence machine and the losses among the conspirators, they worked out the exact structure of the German forces in Kraków, helped the persecuted population and infiltrated secret German institutions. In post-war Poland, many of them experienced persecution at the hands of the communist regime. Most of them preferred to keep their wartime experiences secret. To this day their activities are poorly known, being suppressed by the popular image of a Polish policeman-collaborator created by the media.
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Pietrzak, Jacek. "Przedstawiciele elit społecznych II RP wśród uchodźstwa wojennego w Iranie (1942–1945)." Prace Historyczne 148, no. 2 (2021): 381–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.028.13865.
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Elites of The Second Polish Republic among the war refugees in Iran (1942–1945) During the World War II Iran was an important centre of Polish war refugee communities. Members of Poland’s social elites (intelligentsia and also landed gentry to a certain degree) who had experienced Soviet repressions played a key role in establishing and operating a network of Polish institutions and organisations in Iran. The author focuses on profiles of members of various professional groups and examines their significance in activity of Polish governmental apparatus (social welfare, education) as well as cultural, educational and political organisations.
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Tabaczyński, Stanisław. "Polish archaeology in my lifetime." Antiquity 81, no. 314 (2007): 1074–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00096150.
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Professor Stanisław Tabaczyński, a Member of the Polish Academy of Sciences (PAN) since 1989 and a prominent exponent of theory, field method and interdisciplinary studies, offers us a summary of his personal vision of Polish archaeology since the Second World War.
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Komierzyńska-Orlińska, Eliza. "The Origin of the Polish National Loan Fund and Its Operation on the Polish Lands." Roczniki Nauk Prawnych 28, no. 3 ENGLISH ONLINE VERSION (2019): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rnp.2018.28.3-4en.
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The idea of establishing the Bank of Poland as the central bank of the Second Polish Republic and introducing a new currency appeared shortly after Poland regained its independence. At the beginning of 1919, in the economic circles it was believed that one of the initial steps taken by the government would be to establish a new issuing bank in place of the Polish National Loan Fund, which had appeared on the Polish territory in an emergency situation—during the First World War, and which, contrary to the original (both German and Polish) plans survived for 7 years and was transformed after the war into the first bank of issue in the now independent Polish State.
 The Polish National Loan Fund established by the Germans as an issuing institution by way of the ordinance of December 9, 1916 establishing the Polnische Landes Darlehnskasse was granted the privilege of issuing a new currency, that is a new monetary unit under the name marka polska. The German authorities were guided by various objectives when creating the new issuing institution—first of all, the aim was to limit the area of circulation of the German mark and to create an instrument that would draw in the occupied area of the Polish territory to finance the war, contrary to the assurances of the occupying authorities that the PKKP would be an institution supporting the economy and banking system of the country—the Kingdom of Poland, whose creation was envisaged after the end of World War I.
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Różańska, Anna, Joanna Szymczyk, Ludwika Kujawa, and Karolina Balcerzak. "Classics of Polish Design. Furniture Icons from the Polish People's Republic (PRL)." Annals of WULS, Forestry and Wood Technology 116 (December 30, 2021): 61–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.6648.
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Classics of Polish Design. Furniture Icons from the Polish People's Republic (PRL) presents a review of the best Polish furniture designs from the Polish People's Republic: the 1950s and 1960s. The paper continues the series devoted to the "Classical Polish Design", presenting the results of research on Polish post-war furniture and the icons of Polish design, carried out within the framework of dissertations in the Department of Wood Technology in the Warsaw University of Life Sciences (SGGW). Some of the innovative furniture designs have been analysed in the hereby article. We present a chronologically organised review of designs that aspired to become breakthrough and timeless (design icons), with the author's background and the furniture's style, structure and materials.
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Karolak, Adrian. "Działalność Związku Patriotów Polskich w ZSRS w audycjach rozgłośni imienia Tadeusza Kościuszki." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 8, no. 1 (2017): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3607.
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Appraising the activity of the Union of Polish Patriots on the basis of radio broadcasts in Polish, one can come to two conclusions. First, the Union of Polish Patriots was an organization dealing with Poles and Jews staying on the territory of the Soviet Union. After the severance of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union the aforementioned organization undermined the legitimacy of the Polish government in London. It was also responsible for passing an ideological declaration, which consisted of theses relating to the post-war borders of Poland. It should be noted however, that all postulates the declaration included (inter alia the subject matter of the post-war Polish-Soviet demarcation) were in fact solutions proposed by the USSR’s authorities. The board of the Union of Polish Patriots organized in war conditions both cultural and educational life for hundreds of thousands of Polish citizens. They were provided with material being to the greatest extent possible and thanks to it countless compatriots lived through that traumatic period. Broadcasts of the Tadeusz Kosciuszko Polishlanguage radio station never misrepresented actions of the Union of Polish Patriots. It arose from the fact that the radio station was functioning and acting as propaganda of its authorities, that is the USSR.
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Wróbel, Piotr. "Polish-Ukrainian Relations during World War II." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 1 (2012): 213–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411398910.
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After the fall of communism in 1989–1991, Poland and Ukraine could have become partners in international, economic, and cultural fields. Yet despite many positive achievements, the contemporary Polish-Ukrainian cooperation did not fully develop. Among many reasons that slow down the Polish-Ukrainian rapprochement, historical memories seem to be especially detrimental. The remembrances of World War II are the most destructive. Both Poles and Ukrainians understand that the only way to change this situation is to study and discuss the common history. A list of works on Polish-Ukrainian relations during World War II is long. Yet most of these publications offer broad pictures and present Polish-Ukrainian relations in general or in particular regions, such as Volhynia (Wołyń) or Eastern Galicia. This microstudy, devoted to the town of Boryslav (Borysław) in the years 1939 to 1945, tries to show how the conflicts were born, how they became embedded in human memory, and, finally, how they were transformed into historical stereotypes. The text concentrates on the crucial moments of World War II in Boryslav and describes how Poles and Ukrainians reacted differently to the consecutive challenges and how these various reactions shaped their relationship. The article ends with a conclusion that the five years of the war tore apart the Poles and Ukrainians of Boryslav and the post-1945 iron Polish-Soviet border divided the both sides and created a situation in which World War II attitudes froze for a long time.
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Zemskyi, Yurii, and Valerii Diachok. "Ukraine in the Strategic Plans of Polish Politicians at the End of World War I." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-1.
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The article analyses the content of the strategies used by leading Polish politicians for the revival of Polish statehood. Those strategies were adjusted by leading Polish politicians in accordance with major shifts in international relations on the eve and during World War I. Polish politicians defended their national interests, with regard to the sentiment and demands of the war-time and post-war Polish society. Sometimes they lacked the political will to make unpopular decisions, nevertheless balanced from the standpoint of historical justice. The authors of the article analyse the Polish historiography, namely a certain tradition, ac-cording to which the process of the revival of the Polish national state of the early 20th century is presented in somewhat glowing terms, with elements of exaggeration. The nature and causes of pro-Russian aspirations of the National-Democratic Party headed by Roman Dmowski as well as Germanophilia of Social Democrats headed by Józef Piłsudski are explained. The positions of the mentioned political leaders and their differences are highlighted. J. Piłsudski and R. Dmowski shared a common goal which consisted in the revival of an independent Polish state. However, their strategic calculations for how to achieve it focused on the opposite sides of the conflict in World War I. Since Ukraine became a field of clash of competitive forces at that time, the Ukrainian question was an indispensable component of the plans of Polish politicians. The article shows the place and role of Ukraine in the leading concepts of Polish politicians. The importance of flexibility of tactical actions in the field of international relations is justified as a prerequisite for the maximum realization of strategic national interests. This historical experience is enlightening and encourages us to look more closely at the essence of past events, to analyse them and compare the behaviour of our politicians with the actions of competing national forces. Keywords: World War I, Ukraine, Roman Dmowski, Józef Piłsudski, strategies, Entente, Central Powers.
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Fleming, Michael. "First to Fight: The Polish War 1939." Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 13, no. 3 (2019): 457–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2019.1697101.
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Bartkowski, Z. "POLISH METEOROLOGY IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR." Weather 47, no. 4 (1992): 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1477-8696.1992.tb05794.x.
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Polonsky, Antony. "Brandeis conference on inter‐war Polish Jewry." Soviet Jewish Affairs 16, no. 2 (1986): 63–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501678608577538.
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Salisbury, Christopher G. "The "Polish Problem" - American War-Time Perspectives." Australian Journal of Politics and History 46, no. 2 (2000): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00090.
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SOBOLEWSKI, JAROSŁAW. "The history of the production and application of veterinary medications and biological preparations in Poland from the nineteenth century to 1945." Medycyna Weterynaryjna 75, no. 02 (2019): 6231–2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.21521/mw.6231.
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The year 1899 can be regarded as the beginning of the production of medications for animals in the Polish territories, for it was then that biological preparations made at the Department of Hygiene of the Jagiellonian University in Kraków were first mentioned by the press. The interwar period saw the development of not only the veterinary and bioveterinary industry, but also legislation that regulated its functioning. Although very advanced for those times, those laws were also susceptible to different interpretations and could easily be circumvented. In 1939, there were 33 Polish companies producing synthetic preparations and 6 producing serums and vaccines. One serious problem of the Polish pharmaceutical industry was the deficiency of domestic investment capital. The foreign ownership of the pharmaceutical industry amounted to 30%. Polish serums and vaccines for humans and animals fully covered the country’s needs and represented the strongest branch of the domestic pharmaceutical industry (in 1939, the Polish production of medicines met 3/4 of domestic demand). The development of industrial pharmacy in Poland was stopped by the outbreak of the Second World War. Many buildings were destroyed already at the beginning of the war in 1939. Post-war years showed that the foundations of the Polish pharmaceutical industry (including its veterinary branch) were solid. Polish pharmaceutical companies mostly recovered and sometimes even expanded their productive potential after the war.
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Franz, Maciej. "Stanislaviv in the face of the Polish-Soviet War 1939 Polish Garrison – Soviet Garrison." Open Military Studies 1, no. 1 (2020): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openms-2020-0107.
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Abstract In 1921-1939 Stanyslaviv was one the bigger polish garrisons. The approach of the war the reason for leaving the town by polish troops. In September of 1939 the garrison in Stanyslaviv was rather small, consisting of small logistic units. Until now the historians have been interested in the face of this particular garrison in those few September days of 1939th. This is an attempt to showcase the most important events that happened while the polish troops were stationed in town and were still trying to provide peace and safety it and its people.
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Zawadzka, Anna. "Wojna polsko-polska na terenie Izraela." Studia Litteraria et Historica, no. 1 (December 31, 2012): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/slh.2012.004.
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The Polish – Polish war on the territory of IsraelThe text deconstructs a documentary film Betar by Robert Kaczmarek and Piotr Gontarczyk. The author carries out the analysis adopting two approaches. Firstly, she confronts the factographic side of the film against other sources reporting the events presented in the film. The author also proves that although it has pretensions to being a historiographic work, Betar is, in fact, constructed on the founding myths of the Israeli Zionism. Secondly, she analyses the film as the authors’ viewpoint on Polish fascism and Polish anti-Semitism concealed under the guise of objectifying narrative of a documentary. Seen from such a perspective, Betar perfectly fits into the Polish historical politics. Discussing the issue of Jews in Poland in the pre-war and war times, the film disregards the context of dominance and abuse, that is the majority-minority context; and what is more, it neutralises the Polish anti-Semitism presenting it as equal to the right-wing Zionism as well as an answer to Jewish nationalism.
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Telvak, Viktoria. ""DEADLY ENEMY OF THE POLISH PEOPLE": IMAGES OF MYKHAILO HRUSHEVSKY IN POLISH JOURNALISM." Problems of humanities. History, no. 5/47 (March 27, 2021): 294–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2312-2595.5/47.217813.
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Summary. The purpose of the publication is to clarify the dynamics of assessments of M. Hrushevsky’s socio-political activities in the pages of Polish periodicals of the early twentieth century. The methodological basis is an interdisciplinary approach. Special emphasis is placed on the structural-functional systematic analysis of historiographical facts and the method of critical analysis of documentary material. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the attempt to comprehensively analyse the Polish Hrushevsky studies in terms of the reaction of its representatives to the socio-political initiatives of a prominent Ukrainian historian. Conclusions. The conducted historiographical analysis showed that Polish journalism was unconditionally critical towards M. Hrushevsky’s numerous cultural and public initiatives. None of the scientist’s attempts to gain more rights for Ukrainians in Eastern Galicia were met with sympathy. We would like to note that Polish publicists of all parties united in a consistent denial of the arguments of the Lviv professor. Instead, we can note a clear change in tone in the discussion with M. Hrushevsky. Thus, the balanced critical writings at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries were replaced in the last pre-war years by the demonstrative profanation of his suggestions for the normalization of Polish-Ukrainian relations. At the same time, the image of the scholar in the pages of Polish periodicals became more and more demonised. All these actions were components of the general ideological attack of Polish intellectuals on modern Ukrainians, that in the last years of the Great War turned into an armed conflict.
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Łazowska, Bożena. "Polish statistical research during the Second World War." Wiadomości Statystyczne. The Polish Statistician 62, no. 4 (2017): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0894.
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The aim of this article is to present the research conducted by the Polish statisticians within 1939—1945. The paper was prepared on the basis of the query in the Central Statistical Archive of CSO and the State Archive of the Capital City of Warsaw, as well as German statistical sources, reports, memoirs, chronicles, press articles, biographies and historical monographs. It presents the work of the Polish statisticians employed by the Statistical Office of General Government in Cracow and the underground statistical research conducted mainly by the Institute of Social Economy under the name of the Central Welfare Council in Warsaw, including especially the effort of Ludwik Landau and Jan Piekalkiewicz. Also, the illegal statistical education and activity of the Government of the Republic of Poland in exile relating to the statistics were discussed. The study shows that under the Nazi occupation Polish statisticians conducted underground statistical research mainly in Cracow and Warsaw and their results were delivered to the structures of the Polish Underground State and to the Polish Government in exile in London.
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Reczyńska, Anna. "Sprawy polskie w Kanadzie w czasie I wojny światoweJ." Studia Migracyjne – Przegląd Polonijny 46, no. 2 (176) (2020): 227–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25444972smpp.20.019.12335.
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Polish Issues in Canada During World War I The article presents the impact of World War I on Polish immigrants in Canada, the position of the Polish ethnic group in this country and the efforts of persons of Polish descent in regard to recruitment for the Polish Army in North America. Poles, who were subjects of Germany or the Austro-Hungarian Empire were treated as enemy aliens. Those people were forced to register and report to the police on a regular basis and some of them were interned in labour camps during the war. Some were released from the camps after an intervention of Polish organizations and priests. Soldiers of Polish descent, volunteers and recruits also fought in the Canadian Expeditionary Forces in Europe. Over 20,000 Polish volunteers from the US (including over 200 from Canada) enrolled in a training camp formed in Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario on the border with the US. The problems with the organization and functioning of the camp, and opinions on Polish volunteers shaped the attitude of many Canadians towards the Polish diaspora and the newly established Polish state. Keywords: World War I, Polish Diaspora in Canada, Niagara-on-the-Lake camp, Haller’s Army, Colonel Arthur D’Orr LePan Streszczenie Artykuł przedstawia kilka przykładów obrazujących oddziaływanie wydarzeń I wojny światowej na żyjących w Kanadzie polskich imigrantów, pozycję polskiej grupy etnicznej w tym kraju oraz na aktywność osób polskiego pochodzenia na rzecz rekrutacji do wojska polskiego w Ameryce Północnej. Polaków, którzy byli poddanymi Niemiec lub monarchii austro-wegierskiej traktowano jak przedstawicieli państw wrogich. Mieli obowiązek rejestracji i regularnego zgłaszania się na policję a niektórzy zostali internowani w stworzonych w czasie wojny obozach pracy. Część z nich była z tych obozów zwolniona po interwencji polskich organizacji i polskich duchownych. Żołnierze polskiego pochodzenia, zarówno ochotnicy jak i poborowi, znaleźli się także w oddziałach Kanadyjskich Sił Ekspedycyjnych walczących w Europie. Ponad 20 tys. polskich ochotników z USA (w tym ponad 200 z Kanady) zgłosiło się też do obozu szkoleniowego utworzonego w Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario, przy granicy z USA. Problemy z organizacją i funkcjonowaniem tego obozu oraz opinie o polskich ochotnikach, kształtowały nastawienie wielu Kanadyjczyków do polskiej grupy etnicznej i nowotworzonego Państwa Polskiego.
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Rydel, Jan. "Generał Reinhard Gehlen i jego raport o polskim podziemiu." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.005.13798.
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General Reinhard Gehlen and his report on the Polish underground The article presents the brilliant military career of Wehrmacht officer Reinhard Gehlen, who led the intelligence of the German land forces on the eastern front from 1942 to 1945. He developed this intelligence and became Germany’s best expert in the Soviet Army, which made it easier for him to establish close cooperation with the CIA after the war and become head of West German Intelligence (BND ). During the war, General Gehlen’s intelligence was, among other things, involved in the development of the Polish resistance movement. For this reason, when in the last weeks of the war, the German leadership considered the creation of a major Nazi resistance movement after the Third Reich’s capitulation, Gehlen presented an extensive one in April 1945, The final report under the title Militärische und nachrichtendienstliche Kräfte im Gesamtrahmen der Polnischen Widerstandsbewegung [Military and Intelligence Forces within the overall framework of the Polish Resistance], because he considered the Polish underground to be the best resistance movement in Europe. The report contains, among others, positive opinions about the will to survive and the resistance of the Polish society, high professional evaluations of the Polish underground army and even words of admiration for the activities of Polish military intelligence.
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Kodin, E. V., and I. I. Rodionov. "Repatriation of Polish Prisoners of War from Camps of Central Russia (1921–1922)." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 1 (2021): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.105.
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The problem of prisoners of war of the Polish-Soviet war of 1919–1920 remains one of the most debatable issues in modern historiography. This topic is poorly studied in both domestic and foreign (especially Polish) historiography. The article deals with the process and mechanism of repatriating Polish prisoners from camps in Central Russia in 1921–1922. The authors note that the discussion of repatriation began at the end of 1919. Negotiations ended with the signing of a repatriation agreement between the RSFSR, the Ukrainian SSR, and Poland on February 24, 1921. In accordance with the developed normative documentation, Polish prisoners of war were subjected to sanitary treatment (baths, haircuts) before being sent; they were given underwear and uniforms; they were provided with food for the period of their journey; and they were fully paid. Sick prisoners of war were sent in special trains or in separate ambulances accompanied by medical personnel. The first echelons with Polish prisoners of war began “leaving” for Poland in March 1921. Mass repatriation was completed by the autumn of the same year. In the future, repatriation concerned only individuals and would be of a personal nature. In total, almost 35 000 prisoners of war were sent to Poland.
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Uczkiewicz, Dominika. "Dekret Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej o odpowiedzialności karnej za zbrodnie wojenne z dnia 30 marca 1943 roku." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no. 2 (2019): 79–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.2.4.
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On 30 March 1943 the Decree of the President of the Polish Republic on Criminal Liability for War Crimes, the first normative act setting down the legal basis for persecution of war criminals issued by one of the Allies during the Second World War, was proclaimed. The promulgation of the decree can be considered as the turning point in the Polish government-in-exile’s policy towards the problem of the prosecution and punishment of Nazi criminals, which started in autumn 1939. After the announcement of the draft decree, developed by the Polish minister of justice, professor of state law, Wacław Komarnicki and by an international lawyer, professor of criminal law, Stefan Glaser in the spring of 1942, a fierce discussion on the legal act’s concept broke out in the Polish government and lasted until November 1942. Although all Polish politicians agreed on the need to define the principles of individual criminal liability for war crimes, the proposal to promulgate criminal legislation with retroactive effect aroused much controversy. However, as the course of these debates shows, the critical point was not the mere fact of violating the lex retro non agit principle. The scepticism of some Polish politicians towards this idea resulted from purely pragmatic reasons and was caused by lack of support from the American and British governments for the proposal to define legal frames for the future trials of war criminals this attitude changed only in spring 1945. This article presents the genesis and provisions of the Decree of the President of the Polish Republic on Criminal Liability for War Crimes of 30 March 1943 in the context of international debates on international criminal law and individual liability for war crimes. It argues that the legislative works on the decree and its proclamation in March 1943 mark an important point in the process of shaping the concept of prosecution and punishment of war criminals during the Second World War.
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Pociecha, Józef. "Demographic picture of the Polish lands before the outbreak of the First World War." Wiadomości Statystyczne. The Polish Statistician 64, no. 7 (2019): 56–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.7599.
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In 2018, Statistics Poland, the publisher of statistical yearbooks celebrated its100th anniversary. The purpose of this work is to present a book which is the immediate predecessor of the Polish statistical yearbooks. The work, published in 1915, entitled ”Polish Statistics”, was elaborated by Adam Krzyżanowski and Kazimierz Władysław Kumaniecki, eminent Polish statisticians and economists. Based on this work, we can reconstruct the demographic picture of the Polish lands before the outbreak of the First World War, which initiates the analysis of the process of independence restoration through demo-graphic and socio-economic situation of the country. The number of population on historical Polish lands around the year 1910 is shown. At the same time, the estimates of the number of Polish population on these lands with the information on the scale of emigration and vital statistics is presented. Such information contributes to the knowledge of the history of the rebirth of Polish independence and the history of statistics.
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Dembińska, Edyta, and Krzysztof Rutkowski. "The Beginnings of Psychoanalysis in Poland Before the First World War." Psychoanalysis and History 23, no. 3 (2021): 325–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/pah.2021.0397.
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So far, the origins of Polish psychoanalysis have remained in historical obscurity. Today few people remember that at the start of the twentieth century psychoanalysis sparked a debate and divided physicians, psychologists and pedagogues into its followers and opponents in partitioned Poland. The debate about psychoanalysis played out with the most dynamism in the scientific community of Polish neurologists and psychiatrists, where most of the first Polish psychoanalysts were based: Ludwig Jekels, Stefan Borowiecki, Jan Nelken, Herman Nunberg and Karol de Beaurain. Their efforts to popularize psychoanalytic therapy resulted in the entire scientific session being devoted to psychoanalysis at the Second Congress of Neurologists, Psychiatrists and Psychologists in Krakow in 1912. This paper illustrates the profiles of individuals who were involved in the popularization of Polish psychoanalytic thought and demonstrates a variety of reactions provoked by psychoanalytic ideas in scientific circles. It also sets out to piece together the development of Polish psychoanalysis as a whole before the First World War, suggesting that this first wave of interest might in some ways amount to a historically overlooked pre-war Polish school.
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BARYNKIN, Artyom, and Irina NOVIKOVA. "World War I in Contemporary Polish Historical Memory." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 1 (17) (2019): 104–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2019-1-104-112.
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In the Polish historical memory, the World War I has been overshadowed by the events of 1918. Restoring Polish independence has come to the fore in scientific and public discourse. Narratives on this issue are particularly important to understand how national identity is built in Poland, what elements it consists of, and to what extent it is associated with specific historical events. The article is an attempt to examine Polish interpretations of the War’s final stage, on the basis, primarily, of 2018 commemorative events.
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Bilobrovets, Olga. "THE FIRST WORLD WAR IN THE HISTORICAL MEMORY OF UKRAINE AND POLAND: CHANGING APPROACHES AND DISCOURSE." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 9 (December 25, 2021): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112014.
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The purpose of this study is to analyze the research on the First World War, specifically focusing on changing topics and new discourses, clarifying the place and role of the Great War in the historical memory of Ukrainian and Polish peoples over the centuries and analyzing the means of its actualization and memorialization. The research methodology is based on comparative studies aiming to shed light on convergence and divergence in the historical memory of the First World War in Ukraine and Poland over the past hundred years. The historical-analytical method is employed to characterize the Ukrainian and Polish historiography on the Great War and analyze the information space to identify current trends in representing war events, new discourses, and commemorative practices. The scientific novelty. The study highlights new approaches to the study of the First World War by historians and demonstrates the growth of its role and importance in the historical memory of Ukraine and Poland in the first decades of the XXI century. Conclusions. The First World War, though being an epoch-making event in the history of mankind for decades, was considered a "forgotten" war and received little attention in the historical research of Ukrainian and Polish scholars. In Soviet historiography, it was positioned as the war of the imperialists and did not arouse much interest. Polish historians mainly focused on studying the solution to the Polish issue during the war, the activities of Polish socialist political parties, and the revival of Polish statehood. Only in the late 90's of the twentieth century, a number of studies on the Great War appeared in Poland and Ukraine, with topics of research and discourses revealing such global phenomena as refugees, showing economic, social, and cultural aspects of the war, clarifying the personal, emotional, and psychological level of its perception by the population of warring countries. On the 100th anniversary of the beginning and end of the Great War, the popularization of knowledge about the war was intensified through the creation of special programs, documentaries and feature films, a series of interviews, TV and radio programs with famous historians discussing the main events and consequences of the war, reflecting on its lessons and prevention of future military conflicts. In Poland, the jubilee anniversaries of the war facilitated the resumption of activities to perpetuate the memory of the war participants through the installation of monuments, memorials, and the creation of museum exhibits.
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Ryba, Mieczysław. "Kościół katolicki na Kresach południowo-wschodnich wobec odzyskiwania przez Polskę niepodległości." Teka Komisji Historycznej 15 (2018): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/teka.2018.15-3.
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The article by Mieczysław Ryba describes the process of escalation of national conflicts in Eastern Galicia and a deepening religious conflict in this region. The author concludes that during the struggle for Polish independence throughout World War I, the Roman Catholic church had a clearly pro-Polish stance. The Uniate church, in turn, became a foundation for Ukrainian national movement with its explicitly anti-Polish sympathies. The rise of the Polish-Ukrainian conflict increased anti-Polish phobias and disagreements among Galician Uniates. The Armenian church, led by archbishop Józef Teodorowicz, a widely recognized Polish patriot, was one of the eastern churches with an unequivocally pro-Polish attitude.
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Miazga, Mikalai M. "Problems of the Polish-Soviet war of 1919–1920 and the Riga Treaty in reflection of the RCP(b) Central Committee Politburo minutes of meetings." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (May 3, 2021): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2021-2-7-16.
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The role of the problems of the Polish-Soviet war and the Riga Treaty in the activities of the Politburo of the RCP(b) Central Committee is revealed. It is established that in 1919 this problem occupied an insignificant place in the work of the Politburo, the Polish-Soviet confrontation was given a secondary role against the background of the struggle of the Bolsheviks with the White Movement. The protocols of the Politburo of 1920 reflect the growing importance of the Polish front for Soviet Russia. But even in these circumstances, the issues of the Polish-Soviet war did not become dominant in the activities of the Politburo. It paid the greatest attention to the issues of propaganda work and the preparation and progress of peace negotiations with Poland in the summer and autumn of 1920. The materials of the Politburo meetings confirm that it was this party body that made decisions on key issues of Polish-Soviet relations, which were then implemented by Soviet diplomacy. The Belarusian question during the Polish-Soviet war was considered by the Politburo very rarely and only in the context of Soviet Russia’s achievement of its foreign policy goals.