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1
Schäfer, Frank L. "The Polish Contribution to the Baden Revolution 1848/49." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 19, no. 2 (2020): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2020.19.02.04.
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This essay examines the work of the Polish freedom fighters in the revolution in southwest German Baden in 1848/49 by identifying the personal connections between the uprisings in Baden and Poznań and identifying Prussia as a common enemy. In particular, the role of the Polish military officer Ludwik Mierosławski as general of the Baden troops is honoured. The goal is thus to determine the exact contribution of Polish fighters in the Baden Revolution and how they interacted with the Baden revolutionaries. Thus, the essay also sheds light on the help of Baden for the Polish fight for freedom in the form of so-called Polish associations. For this purpose, the essay presents the eyewitness accounts of the year 1849 from the perspective of Baden and Polish participants. Methodologically, the article extracts the specific events in Baden and Poznań from the general revolutionary history of the years 1848/49. Chronologically, the essay also looks back at prehistory up to 1815 and offers a look at the life of the revolutionaries after 1849. The events in Baden and Poznań are finally placed in a larger context, especially in the context of the European freedom movements, the international cooperation of the revolutionaries, and Polandʼs striving for independence.
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Kieniewicz, Stefan. "Polish Revolutionaries of the Nineteenth Century and the Catholic Church." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 6 (1990): 147–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001241.
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The subject of my paper lies in a field of studies seldom pursued in Church historiography. Catholic historians in Poland are concerned principally with the study of the Church itself: its spiritual life, organization, political role, and contribution to national life. Much less attention is given to adversaries of the Church; so that, generally speaking, the study of non-Catholic (and non-Christian) trends or sectors in society is currently left to Marxist or liberal scholars. This is a pity.
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Wolff-Powęska, Anna. "Dwie rewolucje." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 38, no. 4 (September 8, 2017): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.38.4.8.
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TWO REVOLUTIONSThe emergence of the notion “conservative revolution” in Polish scientific literature as well as in the public debate leads to a comparison with the conservative revolution in the Republic of Weimar. The representatives of this German intellectual movement in the inter-war period induced ideological climate, which favoured the rise of fascism. Therefore, an analysis of the ideas of the representatives of Polish conservatism may be helpful in seeking an answer to the question why and to what extent Polish rightwing “revolutionaries“ draw inspiration from the German conservative ideology. This also includes the question about the responsibility for the political state of Poland and of Europe.
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Raska, Jan. "Hurrah Revolutionaries: The Polish Canadian Communist Movement, 1918–1948 by Patryk PolecPatryk Polec. Hurrah Revolutionaries: The Polish Canadian Communist Movement, 1918–1948. McGill-Queen's University Press. xxxiv, 302. $34.95." University of Toronto Quarterly 86, no. 3 (August 2017): 228–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/utq.86.3.228.
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COSMA, ELA. "DIPLOMATIC AND MILITARY AGENTS OF THE POLISH EMIGRATION IN THE ROMANIAN PRINCIPALITIES (1833–1849)." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 30 (December 25, 2019): 111–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2019.30.111-140.
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Before the 1848–1849 revolution, the Romanian Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, under Turkish suzerainty and Russian protectorate, hosted a significant number of Poles belonging to both factions of the Polish Great Emigration, Adam Czartoryski’s circle and the democrats. The names and activity of the Poles emigrated in the Romanian Lands during the Peoples’ Spring are less known than those of the Polish Great Emigration in France and England. The study brings to light the diplomatic involvement (1833–1849) of leading characters among the Polish monarchists sent by Czartoryski and Michał Czajkowski in the Romanian national movement promoted by Ion Câmpineanu (1838), as well as their bounds and military support offered to Nicolae Bălcescu and other revolutionaries from Wallachia (1848). Special attention is paid to the activity unfolded by Polish democrats in Moldavia, in order to prepare and trigger an uprising in neighbouring Galicia (1846, 1848). Led by Faustyn Filanowicz, Teofil Wiśniowski, Ioan Loga, the democrats’ main accomplishment was the establishment of the Polish South Legion (1842), with operational basis in Grozeşti (Oituz) and military deployment in southern Moldavia and north-eastern Wallachia (1848). The study case of the Polish emigration in the Romanian Principalities between 1833–1849 reveals useful conclusions regarding the organization of the universal revolution, a phenomenon of world interest for nineteenth century history.
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Sojka-Masztalerz, Helena. "The cult of Adam Mickiewicz in “Soviet paradise” (Lviv 1939–1941)." Oblicza Komunikacji 12 (June 24, 2021): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2083-5345.12.6.
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An ideologization of Mickiewicz began with the arrival of “Soviet paradise” and it was intensified with the Soviet presence in the former Kresy region. Mickiewicz’s politicization primarily served to encourage mass actions: rallies, academies, commemorative exhibitions, and jubilee celebrations. They put effort into placing Mickiewicz in the pantheon of internationalist artists, revolutionaries-democrats, heroes who fight for the freedom of the people, eulogists of Polish-Russian rapprochement. His carefully selected works were used as a propaganda discourse about the “one correct” vision of literature which confirms the strength and timelessness of socialist literature. The most popular linguistic strategy used in the official press (Czerwony Sztandar) was the strategy of apparent praise.
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Plach, Eva. "Hurrah Revolutionaries: The Polish Canadian Communist Movement, 1918–1948 by Patryk PolecHurrah Revolutionaries: The Polish Canadian Communist Movement, 1918–1948, by Patryk Polec. Montreal & Kingston, McGill-Queen's University Press, 2015. xxii, 301 pp. $34.95 Cdn (paper)." Canadian Journal of History 51, no. 2 (January 2016): 392–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.ach.51.2.rev22.
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Naylor, James. "Hurrah Revolutionaries: The Polish Canadian Communist Movement, 1918–1948, by Patryk PolecHurrah Revolutionaries: The Polish Canadian Communist Movement, 1918–1948. Patryk Polec. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2015. Pp. xxii+301, $100 cloth, $34.95 paper." Canadian Historical Review 96, no. 4 (December 2015): 618–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr.96.4.br11.
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Gilley, Christopher. "Reconciling the Irreconcilable? Left-Wing Ukrainian Nationalism and the Soviet Regime." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (May 2019): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.67.
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AbstractThis article examines the attempts by left-wing Ukrainian nationalists to reconcile the seemingly irreconcilable: Ukrainian nationalism and Soviet socialism. It describes how leftist Ukrainian parties active during the Revolution and Civil War in Ukraine 1917–1921 advocated a soviet form of government. Exiled members of the two major Ukrainian parties, the Social Democrats and the Socialist Revolutionaries, then took this position further, arguing in favor of reconciliation with the Bolsheviks and a return to their homeland. After the Entente recognized Polish sovereignty over Eastern Galicia and Soviet Ukraine introduced a policy of Ukrainization in 1923, many West Ukrainian intellectuals took up this call. The Great Famine of 1932–1933 and the Bolsheviks’ purge of Ukrainian Communists and intellectuals all but ended the position. However, it was more the Soviet rejection of the Sovietophiles that ended Ukrainian Sovietophilism than any rejection of the Soviet Union by leftist Ukrainian nationalists. Thus, an examination of the Ukrainian Sovietophiles calls into question the accounts of the relationship between Ukrainian nationalism and the Soviet Union that have common currency in today’s Ukraine.
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Goldin, Semion. "Jews as cosmopolitans, foreigners, revolutionaries. Three images of the Jew in Polish and Russian nationalist ideology at the end of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 17, no. 3 (June 2010): 431–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2010.481941.
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Dudek, Jolanta. "Miłosz Wobec Conrada w Traktacie Moralnym / Miłosz and Conrad in the Treatise on Morality." Ruch Literacki 53, no. 4-5 (July 1, 2012): 489–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10273-012-0031-1.
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Summary It would appear that Czesław Miłosz’s Treatise on Morality - one of whose aims was to “stave off despair” - was largely inspired by the writings of Joseph Conrad. That Miłosz had no wish to draw his readers’ attention to this is perfectly understandable, given Conrad’s particularly low standing in the eyes of communist State censors. This long poem, which extols human freedom and pours scorn on socialist realism (together with its ideological premises), is one of Miłosz’s best known works in his native Poland, where it was published in 1948. The Treatise on Morality may well have been inspired by three of Conrad’s essays that were banned in communist Poland: ‘Autocracy and War’ (1905), ‘A Note on the Polish Problem’ (1916) and ‘The Crime of Partition’ (1919). After the Second World War, translations of these three essays were not available to the general Polish reader until … 1996! Conrad’s writings helped Miłosz to diagnose Poland’s political predicament from a historical perspective and to look for a way out of it without losing all hope. An analysis of the Treatise on Morality shows that only by reconstructing the Conradian atmosphere and context - alluded to in the text - can we fully grasp all the levels of the poet’s irony, which culminates in a final “punchline”. Apart from allusions to The Heart of Darkness and the brutal colonization of the Congo, the fate of post-war Poland is also seen through the optic of those of Conrad’s novels that deal with the subject of depraved revolutionaries: Nostromo (1904), TheSecret Agent (1907) and Under Western Eyes (1911). Conrad’s ideas for ways to fight against bad fortune and despair are suggested not only by his stories Youth (1902) and Typhoon (1903) - and by his novels The Nigger of the “Narcissus” and Lord Jim - but also and above all by his volume of memoirs entitled A Personal Record (1912), in which he relates his yearning for freedom as the young, tragic victim of a foreign empire. In an article entitled ‘Joseph Conrad in Polish Eyes’ and published in 1957 - on the hundredth anniversary of Conrad’s birth - Miłosz writes that, through his writings, Conrad fulfilled the hopes of his father (who gave him the name “Konrad”) and that although “the son did not want to assume a burden that had crushed his father, he had nevertheless become the defender of freedom against the blights of autocracy”
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Heyn, Oliver. "Wrested from Oblivion: General Ludwik Mierosławski’s Strategy Game Rediscovered." Board Game Studies Journal 14, no. 1 (October 1, 2020): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bgs-2020-0002.
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Abstract During the first half of the 19th century, liberal and nationalist uprisings erupted in all corners of Europe. While militant revolutionaries fought against restorative monarchies for more tolerant legislation or even full national independence, their countries slid into turmoil. In this European struggle, which set parts of Germany, Poland, France and Italy aflame, Ludwik Mierosławski (1814–1878) was one of the key insurgents. Besides being a keen partisan of Polish independence, Mierosławski enjoyed thorough military training and proved himself an astute theoretician of military strategy. It might be argued that he was probably one of the most inventive minds of his time, creating among other things an early tank vehicle and a bulletproof knapsack that could be used as a shield. This article brings a hitherto unknown invention of Mierosławski to light: A strategy game depicting military maneuvers on an abstract map. Defying complicated rules and adhering to pure simplicity, the game was both fast-learning and captivating. Moreover, contemporary critics praised its way of introducing players to the fundamentals of strategic thinking and military geography. Several matches were even played at the French military academy at St. Cyr in 1858. The extensive research of this article not only reveals the background of Mierosławski’s invention but also his methods of making the complete game public. The last chapter of this contribution contains a summary of the game rules, enabling the readers to bring this invention to life by themselves. In the end, the study of his game allows us to approach and discover Mierosławski’s ideas and ways of thinking, thereby shedding further light on this complex personality.
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Chagaoutdinova, Olga, Morag Shackerley-Bennett, Wilfredo Candebat Lussón, and Malu Cano Valladares. "Trans Revolutionaries." Public 31, no. 62 (December 1, 2020): 92–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/public_00040_1.
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Photo essay, and accompanying article, exploring the historical and cultural landscape of the Trans community in Havana, Cuba. Models, captured in their domestic setting, allow photographer Olga Chagaoutdinova and writer, Morag Shackerley-Bennett, an intimate insight into an unseen world. The juxtaposition of progressive medical policy and poor legal structure in Cuba has left many of its Trans population unsure not only of their future, but that of Cuban LGBTQ2I+ rights also.
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Kovel, Joel. "Two Spiritual Revolutionaries." Monthly Review 40, no. 8 (January 3, 1989): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-040-08-1989-01_3.
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Puerta, Aránzazu Calderón, and Tomasz Żukowski. "Bohaterki, bojowniczki, przegrane? Hiszpańskie narracje o kobietach zaangażowanych w ruchy lewicowe pierwszej połowy XX wieku." Studia Litteraria et Historica, no. 2 (June 30, 2014): 263–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/slh.2013.011.
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Heroines, fighters or losers? Spanish narrations about women left-wing activists of the first half of the 20th centuryThe Spanish public discussion of the recent years has given rise to new ways of speaking about women in the times of the Second Republic and the Civil War. First, they emphasise the importance of women’s actions and show how women’s public activities change their aspirations, the perception of their own role and their self-esteem. In a word, they change the way they perceive themselves. Second, they show how different gender practices cause differences in the empowerment of male and female citizens, and how they give rise to various types of conflicts and inequalities. Third, they tell the heroic story of the emancipation of women in left-wing movements, which often occurred despite the opposition inside these movements. Fourth, they discover stories of women who worked behind the scenes, but nevertheless contributed to the development of social networks, which made the existence of left-wing organizations possible. All these aspects have been altering the image of the revolution and the history of left-wing movements in general. The narrations in question bring to light previously unnoticed experiences, which might turn out to be interesting in the Polish context. The Spanish scholars showed the clash of women fighting for their emancipation and the dominant left-wing and right-wing gender models. They also investigated how gender roles affected male and female revolutionaries, and how they tried to overcome the patriarchal limitations. Bohaterki, bojowniczki, przegrane? Hiszpańskie narracje o kobietach zaangażowanych w ruchy lewicowe pierwszej połowy XX wiekuHiszpańskie dyskusje ostatnich lat wytworzyły nowe sposoby mówienia o kobietach w II Republice i w czasie wojny domowej. Po pierwsze, podkreślają znaczenie działania kobiet i pokazują, jak aktywność w sferze publicznej zmienia ich aspiracje, rozumienie własnej roli, poczucie wartości, słowem – obraz samych siebie; po drugie, wydobywają niedostrzeganą przez większość lewicowych projektów różnicę między możliwościami upodmiotowienia obywatelki i obywatela z powodu różnicy praktyk dotyczących płci oraz wynikające z tego nierówności i konflikty; po trzecie, opowiadają heroiczną historię emancypacji kobiet wewnątrz ruchów lewicowych, nierzadko wbrew ograniczeniom owych ruchów; po czwarte, sięgają po historie postaci z drugiego planu – kobiet tworzących sieci społeczne, dzięki którym możliwe było działanie lewicowych organizacji. Wszystkie te aspekty zasadniczo zmieniają obraz rewolucji i historii lewicy jako całości. Przedstawione narracje ujawniają tym samym niezauważane dotąd doświadczenia, które mogą okazać się interesujące w polskim kontekście. Hiszpańskie badaczki pokazały zderzenie kobiet walczących o emancypację z modelami płci dominującymi na prawicy i w ruchach lewicowych, uwikłanie rewolucjonistów i rewolucjonistek we wzory gender, wreszcie próby i strategie przezwyciężania patriarchalnych ograniczeń.
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FALLAW, BEN. "The Seduction of Revolution: Anticlerical Campaigns against Confession in Mexico, 1914–1935." Journal of Latin American Studies 45, no. 1 (February 2013): 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x12001216.
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AbstractDuring the Mexican Revolution, male revolutionaries in Mexico repeatedly tried to suppress confession by invoking the trope of the sexually predatory priest menacing weak, superstitious women. Campaigns against the rite resulted from long-standing gender divisions over the Church, fears of Catholic counter-revolution, and male revolutionaries' drive to modernise marriage as companionate and secular but still patriarchal. Although ultimately unsuccessful as policy, attacks on the confession strengthened radical anticlericalism. By equating masculinity with reason, nation and progress while painting femininity as vulnerable, fanatical and potentially treasonous, the campaigns subtly shaped gender roles and helped to consolidate post-revolutionary patriarchy.
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Gannon, Darragh. "Addressing the Irish world: Éamon de Valera's ‘Cuban policy’ as a global case study." Irish Historical Studies 44, no. 165 (May 2020): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2020.4.
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AbstractWriting in Nationalist revolutionaries in Ireland, 1858–1928, Tom Garvin observed that ‘well over 40 per cent, perhaps 50 per cent, had lived outside Ireland for considerable periods … foreign experience was very important in the development of the leaders’. The impact of ‘foreign experience’ on leading nationalist revolutionaries, this article submits, pace Garvin, could have proved influential in the development of the Irish Revolution more widely. Between June 1919 and December 1920, Éamon de Valera toured the United States. From New York City to Salt Lake City, Alabama to Montana, the self-proclaimed president of the Irish republic addressed ‘Ireland’ in hundreds of interviews and speeches. Of these myriad public statements, his Cuban missive, notably, crossed national boundaries. Comparing Ireland's geo-strategic relationship with Great Britain to that of Cuba and the United States, de Valera's argument for an independent Irish republic was made in the Americas. How did de Valera's movement across the U.S. alter his political views of Ireland? How were presentations of de Valera's ‘Cuban policy’ mediated across the ‘Irish world’? How did discourse on the Monroe Doctrine inform Anglo-Irish negotiations between Truce and Treaty? Exploring de Valera's ‘Cuban policy’ as global case study, this article concludes, ultimately, can shift the historiographical significance of ‘foreign experience’ from nationalist revolutionaries in Ireland to the flows and circulation of transnational revolution.
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BEISSINGER, MARK R. "The Semblance of Democratic Revolution: Coalitions in Ukraine's Orange Revolution." American Political Science Review 107, no. 3 (July 3, 2013): 574–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000294.
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Using two unusual surveys, this study analyzes participation in the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine, comparing participants with revolution supporters, opponents, counter-revolutionaries, and the apathetic/inactive. As the analysis shows, most revolutionaries were weakly committed to the revolution's democratic master narrative, and the revolution's spectacular mobilizational success was largely due to its mobilization of cultural cleavages and symbolic capital to construct a negative coalition across diverse policy groupings. A contrast is drawn between urban civic revolutions like the Orange Revolution and protracted peasant revolutions. The strategies associated with these revolutionary models affect the roles of revolutionary organization and selective incentives and the character of revolutionary coalitions. As the comparison suggests, postrevolutionary instability may be built into urban civic revolutions due to their reliance on a rapidly convened negative coalition of hundreds of thousands, distinguished by fractured elites, lack of consensus over fundamental policy issues, and weak commitment to democratic ends.
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Strauss, Julia. "Morality, Coercion and State Building by Campaign in the Early PRC: Regime Consolidation and After, 1949–1956." China Quarterly 188 (December 2006): 891–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741006000488.
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The early to mid-1950s are conventionally viewed as a time when China broke sharply with the past and experienced a “golden age” of successful policy implementation and widespread support from the population. This article shows that the period should be seen as neither “golden age” nor precursor for disaster. Rather it should be seen as a period when the Chinese Communist Party's key mechanisms of state reintegration and instruction of the population – the political campaign and “stirring up” via public accusation sessions – were widely disseminated throughout China, with variable results. The campaigns for land reform and the suppression of counter-revolutionaries show that levels of coercion and violence were extremely high in the early 1950s, and the campaign to clean out revolutionaries in 1955 and after suggests some of the limits of mobilizational campaigns.
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Parsi, Trita. "Israel and the Origins of Iran's Arab Option: Dissection of a Strategy Misunderstood." Middle East Journal 60, no. 3 (July 1, 2006): 493–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/60.3.14.
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This article argues that Iran's "Arab option" — the Arab and pro-Palestinian tilt in Iran's foreign policy — did not emerge out of the ideological musings of Iran's Islamic revolutionaries, but out of Iran's new-found position of preeminence in the later years of the Shah's rule. The sustainability of Iran's regional leadership required Arab acceptance and support, which could only be won through a pro-Arab orientation in Iran's foreign policy.
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Manion, Melanie. "Politics and Policy in Post-Mao Cadre Retirement." China Quarterly 129 (March 1992): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000041205.
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Personnel changes in the party and government in communist systems are typically politicized and personalistic. Changes occur as the result of natural death, political error or consolidation of personal power from the top. Cadres able to manoeuver around the vagaries of politics enjoy de facto lifelong tenure. In 1978, the experience in the People's Republic of China (PRC) was no different in that regard: lifelong tenure, barring political error, had existed since the consolidation of power in the 1950s. Purge had been the dominant form of exit from office in the PRC. And because purge had not meant physical liquidation in the Chinese case, veteran revolutionaries had survived and reappeared to dominate the Party and government bureaucracies for decades.
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Grant, Kevin. "British Suffragettes and the Russian Method of Hunger Strike." Comparative Studies in Society and History 53, no. 1 (January 2011): 113–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000642.
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In the spring of 1878 male political prisoners in the Peter and Paul Fortress of St. Petersburg went on hunger strike to protest against the oppressive conditions in which they were held by the tsarist regime. After three days, news of the strike reached the prisoners' families, who appealed for relief to the director of military police, General N. V. Mezentsev. The director dismissed their pleas and reportedly declared of the hunger strikers, “Let them die; I have already ordered coffins for them all.” It was a volatile period of repression and reprisal in the Russian revolutionary movement. The tsarist regime had cracked down on the revolutionary populists, thenarodniki, and the era of terrorism had just begun in St. Petersburg that January, when Vera Zasulich shot and seriously wounded the city's governor. The hunger strikers were among a group of 193 revolutionaries who had been recently tried for treason and sentenced to various forms of punishment, including hard labor and imprisonment in Siberia. In these circumstances the news of Mezentsev's response spread quickly beyond the strikers' families, soon reaching a would-be terrorist and former artillery officer, Sergius Kravchinskii. Kravchinskii killed Mezentsev with a dagger on a city street, then fled Russia and made his way to Great Britain, a haven for Russian revolutionaries since Alexander Herzen had arrived in 1852 and established the first Russian revolutionary press abroad. Kravchinskii likewise wrote against the tsarist regime, under the pen name Sergius Stepniak, and in 1890 he became the editor of a new, London-based periodical,Free Russia. Its first number chronicled a dramatic series of hunger strikes led by female revolutionaries imprisoned at Kara in the Trans-Baikál of eastern Siberia. These strikes had culminated in the death of one woman after she was flogged and in five suicides by female and male political prisoners who, after the death of their comrade, had ended their hunger strikes to eat poison. Having been inspired to terror by his sympathy for revolutionary hunger strikers, Stepniak, like other Russian exiles, believed that the hunger strike would win sympathy and support for Russian revolutionaries in Britain.
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LeoGrande, William M. "From Havana to Miami: U.S. Cuba Policy as a Two-Level Game." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 1 (1998): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166301.
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For thirty years, Cuba was a focal point of the Cold War. Before the demise of the Soviet Union, Cuba’s close ideological and military partnership with the communist superpower posed a challenge to U.S. foreign policy, especially in the Third World (see, e.g., Domínguez 1989). With the end of the Cold War, Cuba retrenched, ending its aid programs for foreign revolutionaries and regimes. Without the Soviet Union’s sponsorship, Cuba could no longer afford the luxury of a global foreign policy exporting revolution. Instead, its diplomats focused on reorienting Cuba’s international economic relations toward Latin America and Europe, building friendly relations with former adversaries.
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Bostaph, Samuel. "Book Review: "The Marginal Revolutionaries: How Austrian Economists Fought the War of Ideas"." Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 23, no. 2 (September 28, 2020): 212–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35297/qjae.010067.
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Janek Wasserman's Marginal Revolutionaries is not so much an intellectual history of Austrian scholarship as a sociological history of a group of scholars who were initially united by geography and eventually were influential in many international research and policy institutions. While the book contains an interesting social narrative of the Austrian school, it falls short in its general economic understanding. A mischaracterization of the Methodenstreit and a serious misunderstanding of Wieser mar the book, as does a politicized ad hominem in the conclusion.
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Adams, Anna. "Missionaries and Revolutionaries: Moravian Perceptions of United States Foreign Policy in Nicaragua, 1926–1933." Missiology: An International Review 15, no. 2 (April 1987): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182968701500204.
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German Moravian missionaries came to Nicaragua's east coast in 1849. They built churches, schools, and hospitals for the native Miskitu, Sumu, and Rama Indians. Their teachings stressed a Christian communal life, frugality, and the importance of work. In 1917 the headquarters of the mission moved to Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. Today most Miskitu Indians are Moravian. Some scholars have blamed the present conflict between Nicaragua's Sandinista government and the east coast Indians on traditional Moravian pro-American political bias. Yet documents in the Moravian Church Archives clearly show that during the period when Sandino was active fighting the U.S. presence in Nicaragua (1926–1933) the American missionaries in Nicaragua were hardly sympathetic with U.S. political goals which often conflicted with the mission's evangelical work.
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Katz, Friedrich. "Mexico, Gilberto Bosques and the Refugees." Americas 57, no. 1 (July 2000): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500030182.
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In the eyes of many North Americans, Mexico is above all a country of immigration from which hundreds of thousands hope to pass across the border to find the promised land in the United States. What these North Americans do not realize is that for thousands of Latin Americans and for many U.S. intellectuals, Mexico after the revolution of 1910-1920 constituted the promised land. People persecuted for their political or religious beliefs—radicals, revolutionaries but liberals as well—could find refuge in Mexico when repressive regimes took over their country.In the 1920s such radical leaders as Víctor Raúl Haya De La Torre, César Augusto Sandino and Julio Antonio Mella found refuge in Mexico. This policy continued for many years even after the Mexican government turned to the right. Thousands of refugees from Latin American military dictatorships in Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay fled to Mexico. The history of that policy of the Mexican government has not yet been written.
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Protasova, O. L., and I. G. Pirozhkova. "Zemstvo Service as the Start of a Public and Political Career (The Example of Representatives of Neo-Populist Parties)." Pravo: istoriya i sovremennost', no. 4(13) (2020): 017–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.17277/pravo.2020.04.pp.017-032.
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Using the examples of biographies of some well-known representatives of the populist parties (socialist-revolutionaries and popular socialists), for the first time, it is shown how the work at zemstvo helped future politicians to determine their ideological orientation, gave practical knowledge of the needs of common people, provided insights into their lifestyle and improved communication skills with the peasant population. The significance of zemstvos as early prototypes of modern civil society institutions and a kind of “school of activism” of public policy actors during the Russian revolutions (1905-1917) is discussed. It is concluded that, owing to the understanding of the specifics of life and the mentality of the “lower classes”, the experience gained by the populists during their work in the zemstvos contributed to the successful development of their further socio-political career.
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Radchenko, Natal'ya Nikolaevna. "ATTITUDE OF THE YAKUT SOCIAL DEMOCRATS AND SOCIALIST REVOLUTIONARIES TOWARDS THE POLICY OF THE RUSSIAN PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT." Manuscript, no. 9 (September 2019): 57–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/manuscript.2019.9.11.
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Youwei, Xu, and Philip Billingsley. "Heroes, Martyrs, and Villains in 1930s Shaanbei: Liu Zhidan and His “Bandit Policy”." Modern China 44, no. 3 (March 14, 2018): 243–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700418757218.
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Although the name of Liu Zhidan is a celebrated one in the history of Chinese Communist organizing, Liu provided little hard information about his strategy for creating a revolutionary base in his native “Shaanbei.” Lacking trained recruits for his movement, he sought to win over as many as possible of the bandits created by the area’s widespread political and environmental disruption that had been ongoing since the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. However, the opprobrium in which bandits were generally held by Chinese people led most of his fellow revolutionaries to reject this approach, with the result that it has been ignored until now. To better understand Liu’s principles for popular mobilization, and also to show the options available to men of violence in the insurrectionary environment of Shaanbei, this article examines his relationship with three local bandit chiefs. Using hitherto overlooked sources together with personal interviews, it concludes that Liu’s success in winning over men like these owed more to his charisma than to their conversion to abstract revolutionary ideals, but that, for him, it was enough if this brought them around to an overall appreciation of the movement’s aims.
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Waitzkin, Howard. "Revolution Now: Teachings from the Global South for Revolutionaries in the Global North." Monthly Review 69, no. 6 (November 2, 2017): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-069-06-2017-10_2.
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We have entered a period of history fraught with danger but also rich with revolutionary potential. It is time to move beyond our illusions that electoral politics and reforms of the capitalist state can achieve the revolutionary changes that we all know are urgently needed. As we begin to reorient our struggles there are important lessons to be learned from the recent history of the global South.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.
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Aliprantis, Christos. "Transnational Policing after the 1848–1849 Revolutions: The Habsburg Empire in the Mediterranean." European History Quarterly 50, no. 3 (July 2020): 412–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420932489.
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This article investigates the policing measures of the Habsburg Empire against the exiled defeated revolutionaries in the Mediterranean after the 1848–1849 revolutions. The examination of this counter-revolutionary policy reveals the pioneering role Austria played in international policing. It shows, in particular, that Vienna invested more heavily in policing in the Mediterranean after 1848 than it did in other regions, such as Western Europe, due to the multitude of ‘Forty-Eighters’ settled there and the alleged inadequacy of the local polities (e.g., the Ottoman Empire, Greece) to satisfactorily deal with the refugee question themselves. The article explains that Austria made use of a wide array of both official and unofficial techniques to contain these allegedly dangerous political dissidents. These methods ranged from official police collaboration with Greece and the Ottoman Empire to more subtle regional information exchanges with Naples and Russia. However, they also included purely unilateral methods exercised by the Austrian consuls, Austrian Lloyd sailors and ship captains, and ad hoc recruited secret agents to monitor the émigrés at large. Overall, the article argues that Austrian policymakers in the aftermath of 1848 invented new policing formulas and reshaped different pre-existing institutions (e.g., consuls, Austrian Lloyd), channelling them against their opponents in exile. Therefore, apart from surveying early modes of international policing, this study also adds to the discussion about Austrian (and European) state-building and, furthermore, to the more specific discussion of how European states dealt with political dissidents abroad in the nineteenth century.
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Kline, Benjamin. "The National Union of South African Students: a Case-Study of the Plight of Liberalism, 1924–77." Journal of Modern African Studies 23, no. 1 (March 1985): 139–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005655x.
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Liberalism in South Africa has had a history of importence because of its failure to adhere consistently to the belief that when the ‘loss of liberty for non-whites’ occurs, it ‘inevitably meant [the] loss of liberty for whites as well’. Instead, the predominantly English-speaking South Africans who backed this movement have attempted to promote liberal ideals while maintaining their white prerogatives, and have subsequently found the two to be ‘incompatible’.1 As a result, neither the uncompromising Afrikaner Nationalists nor the demanding Africans and revolutionaries have supported liberalism, and those South Africans in the middle have been discouraged by its vacillating nature. The National Union of South African Students is an example of a liberal organisation's inability to solve this dilemma. Initially Nusas concentrated on academic needs, following a ‘students as such’ policy, and then later transformed its ideals into a ‘students in society’ view, becoming socially active in defiance of the Nationalist Government.2
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NAIR, NEETI. "Bhagat Singh as ‘Satyagrahi’: The Limits to Non-violence in Late Colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 3 (May 2009): 649–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x08003491.
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AbstractAmong anti-colonial nationalists, Bhagat Singh and M.K. Gandhi are seen to exemplify absolutely contrasting strategies of resistance. Bhagat Singh is regarded as a violent revolutionary whereas Gandhi is the embodiment of non-violence. This paper argues that Bhagat Singh and his comrades became national heroes not after their murder of a police inspector in Lahore or after throwing bombs in the Legislative Assembly in New Delhi but during their practice of hunger strikes and non-violent civil disobedience within the walls of Lahore's prisons in 1929–30. In fact there was plenty in common in the strategies of resistance employed by both Gandhi and Bhagat Singh. By labelling these revolutionaries ‘murderers’ and ‘terrorists’, the British sought to dismiss their non-violent demands for rights as ‘political prisoners’. The same labels were adopted by Gandhi and his followers. However, the quality of anti-colonial nationalism represented by Bhagat Singh was central to the resolution of many of the divisions that racked pre-partition Punjab.
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LANKINA, TOMILA V., and ALEXANDER LIBMAN. "The Two-Pronged Middle Class: The Old Bourgeoisie, New State-Engineered Middle Class, and Democratic Development." American Political Science Review 115, no. 3 (April 20, 2021): 948–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305542100023x.
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We contribute to research on the democratic role of middle classes. Our paper distinguishes between middle classes emerging autonomously during gradual capitalist development and those fabricated rapidly as part of state-led modernization. To make the case for a conceptual distinction between these groups within one national setting, we employ author-assembled historical district data, survey, and archival materials for pre-Revolutionary Russia and its feudal estates. Our analysis reveals that the bourgeois estate of meshchane covaries with post-communist democratic competitiveness and media freedoms, our proxies of regional democratic variations. We propose two causal pathways explaining the puzzling persistence of social structure despite the Bolsheviks’ leveling ideology and post-communist autocratic consolidation: (a) processes at the juncture of familial channels of human capital transmission and the revolutionaries’ modernization drive and (b) entrepreneurial value transmission outside of state policy. Our findings help refine recent work on political regime orientations of public-sector-dependent societies subjected to authoritarian modernization.
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Савченко, В. А. "The case of "Sophia" and the question of anarchist expropriation." Problems of Political History of Ukraine, no. 14 (June 12, 2019): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/1199.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the events that took place in July 1907 - the anarchists expropriated a large amount of money from the boat «Sofia» in the Black Sea. Considering this event, the author discusses the essence and role of political expropriations during the revolution of the early twentieth century, the peculiarities of the tactics of anarchist groups in Ukraine, the fate of some anarchists and their associations. For the South of Ukraine in 1906-1908 political expropriations were common. The article examinates the robbery of a steamer and a train near Odessa, a bank robbery in Odessa, a robbery of a cash register in Verkhnedneprovsk, carried by anarchists. Such actions were conducted not only by anarchists, but also by Bolsheviks, social revolutionaries and other radicals. The expropriations that were carried out by the Odessa anarchists in July-September 1907 became the last chord of the anarchist practice of «direct actions» that allowed, for some time, to restrain the political horizons of the federation of anarchist-syndicalists and communist anarchists also known as the «Working Group Anarchists in the South» (1907–1910). The theme of the discussion is a question about anarchist expropriation, which some researchers consider only as «criminal gangsterism». The article states that the money that was captured by anarchists, initially, went to purely political actions: the preparation of strikes, the printing of propaganda publications, organizational expenses and the purchase of weapons. After the expropriation on the steamer «Sofia», the anarchists sent part of the money to organize a strike of Odessa sailors and port workers, to organize acts of terror against representatives of the executive and judicial authorities. In the second half of 1907, the anarchist groups showed a tendency for self-provision of revolutionaries – spending money that was captured during the expropriation for personal needs, which led to the disappearance of money, weakening of the activities of anarchist structures, the collapse of anarchist groups. «Money depravity» has become one of the causes of the crisis in the anarchist movement and to the disintegration of individual groups. After a series of high-profile expropriations, the police sent all their forces to search for «malefactors». Many anarchists were arrested, including 14 out of 18 participants in the robbery at Sophia, several people were executed. Chasing of the police led to mass arrests and to the emigration of part of anarchists abroad.
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Vorontsov, V. S. "LEAFLETS OF THE KAMA AND PERM SOCIAL-DEMOCRATIC ORGANIZATIONS OF THE PERIOD OF THE FIRST RUSSIAN REVOLUTION OF 1905-1907." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 30, no. 4 (August 25, 2020): 695–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2020-30-4-695-717.
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The presented publication includes an introductory article and campaign materials from the period of the first Russian revolution, published by the Kama and Perm social-democratic organizations. The published documents were found during the analysis of a private house in Sarapul and transferred for storage to the Udmurt Institute of history, language and literature of the Udmurt Federal Research Center UB RAS. The find includes 10 leaflets and a flying leaf published by printing, as well as handwritten notes (separate pages) with text about the actions of workers during the armed uprising against the police and army units. The leaflets are written in plain, understandable language, with a pronounced focus on target groups (urban residents, workers, soldiers, recruits, students). They contain information explaining the actions of the government and revolutionaries, call for an armed uprising, demand the convocation of the all-Russian Constituent Assembly and the boycott of elections to the State Duma, and tell about significant regional events. Leaflets of regional social-democratic organizations are an important source for studying the history of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907.
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Stogov, D. I. "The“Ukrainian Question” in the Newspaper “Yuzhny Kray” (March – October 1917)." Rusin, no. 62 (2020): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/62/5.
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The article analyses the editorial policy of the newspaper “Yuzhny Kray”, which had a significant circulation in Kharkiv. The subject of the study is the newspaper’s publications from March to October 1917, i.e. during the Provisional Government. Among other issues put on the agenda by the revolutionary wave, the Ukrainian question can be singled out in particular. In modern conditions, when Russian-Ukrainian relations are subject to serious tests, it is important to refer to the crucial events of 1917. The author focuses on the plots related to the spread of the Ukrainian language and culture, the dialogue of Russian and Ukrainian cultures in the Kharkiv province, which had a very diverse ethnic composition. Of particular interest are the issues related to the teaching of the Ukrainian language in the Kharkiv province. In addition, the author analyses the articles about the Ukrainian Central Rada, some events (all-Ukrainian Peasant Congress, Congress of Ukrainian socialists-revolutionaries, Kiev Congress of Ukrainian Lawyers, etc.), newspaper publications concerning the reaction of the authorities and social groups to the problem of Ukrainism. The athour concludes that the newspaper “Yuzhny Kray” reflected primarily the views of the liberal intelligentsia and followed the policy of the Provisional Government on the Ukrainian issue, generally supporting the idea of creating national and cultural autonomy of the Ukrainian people, but criticizing the the Central Rada policy of federalization and demanding guarantees for national minorities in the territory of the would-be Ukrainian autonomy.
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Krakovskiy, Konstantin. "The problem of involvement of civil servants in Masonic societies during the Empire (XVIII – early XX century)." Vestnik of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2020, no. 4 (December 11, 2020): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/2071-8284-2020-4-37-45.
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The article is devoted to the history of the emergence and activity of secret Masonic lodges in Russia in the XVIII – early XX century and the involvement of civil servants in them – representatives of the political elite and ordinary officials, civil and military bureaucracy, Metropolitan and provincial. The participation of thetop police officials in Masonic lodges and, on the contrary, the involvement of representatives of the first generation of Russian revolutionaries – the Decembrists in Masonic organizationsis shown particularly. The influence of the West (first of all, England and France) in the formation and activity of Masonic lodges is exposed.Data on the number of Masonic lodges in the Russian Empire in different periods of its history are given. The author shows the state’s attitude to the activities of these «nonpublic organizations», the metamorphosis of politics and the reasons for frequent changes in the political course towards Freemasons. The influence of Masonic lodges on political decision-making is analyzed. The phenomenon of a very active introduction of masons into public and state institutions in the era of Russian revolutions at the beginning of the twentieth century is studied, and their wide presence in the first revolutionary government of Russia, which appeared during the February Revolution of 1917.
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ORBACH, DANNY. "The Military-Adventurous Complex: Officers, adventurers, and Japanese expansion in East Asia, 1884–1937." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 2 (August 13, 2018): 339–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000543.
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AbstractJapanese imperialism was one of the most important driving forces in the history of modern East Asia. One influential group of actors at the grassroots level were the so-called ‘continental adventurers’ (tairiku rōnin)—Japanese nationals who travelled in Korea and China on the lookout for adventures and employment opportunities. Some of them worked part time for the army as spies, translators, and agents for special operations. These adventurers have been studied before as agents of Japanese imperialism, but existing accounts fail to present a convincing model of the mechanism that made their activities effective. The goal of this article is to fill this gap.This mechanism, which I shall hereafter call ‘the military-adventurous complex’, was a lobby of officers, continental adventurers, businessmen, politicians, criminal elements as well as Chinese, Manchurian, and Mongolian revolutionaries. The interests of these contingents were unique but nevertheless intertwining. Despite its decentralized character, the military-adventurous complex had a significant impact on Japanese foreign policy over an extended period. In this article, we shall explore the contours, structure, and modus operandi of that complex, its ambivalent relationship with the Japanese state, as well as several examples of its operations in the early twentieth century. Finally, we shall dwell on the ramifications of the complex on the development of Japanese imperialism.
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Waddell, D. A. G. "British Neutrality and Spanish—American Independence: The Problem of Foreign Enlistment." Journal of Latin American Studies 19, no. 1 (May 1987): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00017119.
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Throughout the Spanish–American wars of independence Britain's policy was to observe a strict neutrality between Spain and the colonial revolutionaries. This did not reflect an indifferent detachment or a commitment to even-handed justice, but was rather dictated by the pursuit of Britain's own interests, which necessitated the maintenance of good relations both with Spain and with Spanish America. During the period of the Peninsular War of 1808–14 Spain was a vital ally against Napoleon, and after the war was over she remained an important element in the European collective security system that Lord Castlereagh, the British Foreign Secretary, constructed to prevent the re-emergence of French dominance. Accordingly Britain refused requests from the revolutionary regimes in South America to recognise their independence or to help them to defend it against the mother country. At the same time Britain declined to assist her Spanish ally in recovering control over the rebellious territories, as she had no desire to imperil the important commerical links she was developing with the emergent states of Spanish America. Both parties continued to try to enlist British assistance, and both of them at times complained of breaches of neutrality by British officials. But for several years Britain walked her tightrope very successfully.
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Wang, Jingbin. "No Lost Chance in China: The False Realism of American Foreign Service Officers, 1943-1945." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 17, no. 2 (2010): 118–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656110x532014.
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AbstractThis article reexamines the question of whether a chance was lost for the U.S. government to develop relations with Mao's China in the 1940s. I focus on John S. Service and John Paton Davies, seeking along the way to illuminate the ideological roots of the Truman administration's nonrecognition policy toward China. I argue that proponents of the “lost chance” thesis have misapplied the concept of realism in diplomacy, since realism is primarily concerned with power and security, not ideology such as democracy. These proponents overlook the assumptions on which American diplomats and leaders operated. The China Hands assumed that the Chinese Communists were social democrats, not revolutionaries controlled by Stalin. Dean Acheson embraced Davies's assumption that Mao would reassert nationalism upon assuming power and might still be drawn away from Moscow toward Washington. Far from being realists, they were deeply ideological. They disagreed with their domestic rivals within a liberal consensus. None of them had the intention of recognizing a Communist government in China. This study reveals how unspoken shared assumptions shaped not only the dynamics of American policymaking toward China during World War II and in its aftermath, but also the work of many historians who have written about the “lost chance.”
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Korolev, V. I. "Panislamist and Pantyurkist Motion of Crimean Tatars at the Beginning of XX Century." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 3 (November 27, 2019): 308–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-3-308-316.
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A problem which is examined in the article before was not the article of scientific illumination. It served reason of appeal of author to the archived sources which are first entered in a scientific turn. Actuality of the article consists in that displays of panislamizm and pantyurkizm, having deep roots in the past, in one or another degree take place and now. Research is based on the documents of the Record Office of Republic Crimea, which were at one time geared-up Department of police and his Crimean structures. An author comes in to the conclusion, that in Crimea, as well as in other regions of the Russian empire, where a moslem population lived compact, panislamist and pantyurkist motion was got by development. This motion was headed the representatives of intelligentsia, well-off and influential persons. One of them was IsmaelGasprinskiy, leader of pantyurkist motion of all-russian scale. Panislamizm in Crimea was organizationally designed as organizations of «Conscience». This structure can be considered the first national political party of Crimean Tatars. Crimean pantyurkists and panislamists had regular connections with the centers of Russian, Turkish, Romanian moslem motions. The fact of organization of group of the Crimean national revolutionaries in the capital of Turkey deserves attention. It is the important certificate of the close interlacing revolutionary and panislamist activity.
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Sohail Imran Khan and Rohat Zada. "Factor Influencing Consumers on Beguiling Craze of Online Shopping: A Study of Attitude in Nagpur City of Maharashtra (India)." Restaurant Business 118, no. 11 (November 15, 2019): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/rb.v118i11.9941.
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Evolution of technology has completely revolutionaries’ day to day life of common man. Technology has penetrated in our life like anything. These days everybody is using technology for their benefit’s and marketers are no an exception to it. They are using technology to reach to the customers. Days are far gone when people used to line up in stores to purchase the general product. These days, more and more individuals lean toward online shopping, which is presently a pattern of style and fashion. Nagpur, the center city of the country and world-famous for its oranges is advancing towards computerized explosion that makes high significance on the assessment of the present acknowledgment level of online shopping by the youngsters. In this way, understanding the by and a large state of customer's attitude towards web-based shopping is significant for the Nagpurians. In this study, 143 respondents took part in the survey. Respondents were selected through simple random technique. Data was analyzed using SPSS Version 22. This study found that online shopping is very common in this young generation of Nagpur. Major reason for Nagpurains to do online shopping is that it saves a lot of time. However, consumer those who do not shop online is only because of online fraud, lack of personal touch and no return policy. Nagpur consumers do prescribe online shopping as an elective path for shopping.
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GEIFMAN, ANNA. "THE EXPOSURE OF AZEF, A MODERN "JUDAS": FACTS AND LEGENDS." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 31, no. 1 (1997): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023997x00023.
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Abstract<title> Summary </title> Many intricate details about the Azef affair remain unclear, but until new evidence is found, it is possible to challenge at least one currently accepted legend associated with it, namely, the revolutionaries' claim that Lopukhin helped them to expose Azef out of an altruistic love of truth. There are serious reasons to believe that the radicals used coercion to force the former director of the Police Department to supply them with evidence against Azef. This immediately transforms Lopukhin from an ally of the radicals into their victim, and demonstrates once again that any new evaluation of the events surrounding the Azef affair must not rely solely upon the version presented by Burtsev and the SRs, even in seemingly insignificant details.68 The shock of the master spy's exposure was so tremendous that the PSR never fully recovered from the terrible wound the Azef affair inflicted upon it. Indeed, this wound proved mortal for the party's Combat Organization, and drastically reduced the terrorist activities of the revolutionary camp in general. With terror discredited as a revolutionary tool and the combatants demoralized, never again did the PSR possess adequate strength to mount political assassinations against the leading statesmen of autocratic Russia—assassinations that could have drastically altered the course of Russian history.
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Vratuša-Žunjić, Vera. "A century and a half since Lenin's birth: Relevance of Lenin's 'State and revolution' for the theoretical preparation of Bolsheviks to politically organize the new wave of creative revolutionary praxis of the working masses on the eve of the October revolution." Socioloski pregled 54, no. 4 (2020): 1068–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg54-29706.
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This paper examines the relevance of Lenin's theoretical work State and Revolution for the preparation of Bolsheviks to politically organize the new wave of creative revolutionary praxis of the working masses on the eve of the October 1917 Revolution in Russia, 150 years after the birth of the most influential Marxist of the XX century and inspiration of potential revolutionaries in the XXI century. The basic method used in this paper is the analysis of the main aspects of Lenin's State and Revolution content and placement of this analysis within the context of the historically specific social and economic circumstances of the time in which Lenin finished writing it in the summer and autumn of 1917. The main finding of this analysis is that Lenin's State and Revolution is the most relevant for the preparation of the Bolsheviks for the political organization of the new wave of revolutionary praxis of the working masses on the eve of the October 1917 revolution in Russia. In this work Lenin clarified both to himself and to his party comrades the revolutionary program of smashing the exploiting and oppressing bourgeois state as well as invention and organization of the new communal social form of semi-state withering away, without a standing army, police or bureaucracy, in which all literate citizens could take part in the administration of the common social problems.
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Burov, Vladilen G. "A hundred-year-long story (for the anniversary of the Сommunist party of China)." Asia and Africa Today, no. 9 (2021): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750016627-1.
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On July 1, 2021, celebrations were held in Beijing on the occasion of the centenary of the formation of the Communist Party of China. Its history is full of various tragic and heroic events. After a five-year period of cooperation with the Kuomintang (the National Party of China), due to the betrayal of the latter, a fifteen-year armed struggle between the two parties for power begins, interrupted for the time of Japan's aggression against China. In 1949, the People's Republic of China was created under the leadership of the Communist Party. The period of socialist construction is replaced by the time of the “great leap forward” and the people's communes, and then by the years of “the cultural revolution”. After 1976, the country gradually begins to implement a policy of reform and openness, which continues until the present time. The Communist Party comes to its anniversary with huge achievements, China has become the second most economically powerful power in the world. The General Secretary of the Communist Party Xi Jinping made a speech at the celebrations. First of all, he recalled the time when, as a result of the opium wars, China turned into a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country and paid tribute to the memory of the revolutionaries of the older generation who ended this condition. Then he listed the majestic tasks that the Chinese state faces in the field of domestic and foreign policy. The experience of the Chinese Communists in implementing the modernization of their country attracts attention all over the world and certainly deserves to be studied.
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Kelly, Aileen. "Self-Censorship and the Russian Intelligentsia, 1905-1914." Slavic Review 46, no. 2 (1987): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498907.
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How long ago was it that, terrified from childhood, we ceased to kill in ourselves the most innocent desires? How long ago did we cease to shudder when finding in our souls passionate impulses unrecorded in the tariff of romanticism?Aleksandr Herzen, From The Other ShoreIn a letter to his friends in Russia in 1850, Aleksandr Herzen complained of the “democratic orthodoxy” that was forming among the exiled revolutionaries of 1848:They have established their own radical inquisition, their poll tax on ideas: ideas and thoughts which satisfy their demands have the rights of citizenship … the others are … the proletariat of the moral world: they have to be silent or win their place by a head-on attack. Against rebellious ideas there has appeared a democratic censorship, incomparably more dangerous than any other, because it has neither police, nor packed juries … nor prisons, nor fines. When the reactionary censorship takes a book from your hands, the book receives universal respect: they persecute the author, close a printing house, smash the machinery, and the persecuted word acquires the status of a belief. Democratic censorship achieves the moral destruction of its object: its accusations are promulgated not … from a procurator's mouth, but from the distance of exile, the darkness of prisons. A verdict written by a hand which bears the marks of chains leaves a deep impression on the heart, which does not prevent it from being unjust.
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SAVAGE, GARY. "FAVIER'S HEIRS: THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND THE SECRET DU ROI." Historical Journal 41, no. 1 (March 1998): 225–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007711.
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In contrast to the prevailing historiographical consensus, this essay will seek to demonstrate that there was a widespread and persistent concern with foreign policy in the early years of the French Revolution, the product of the interplay between inherited diplomatic assumptions on the one hand and revolutionary politics and values on the other. In particular, it will show how and why public opinion in France after 1789 abandoned its pre-revolutionary concern with Britain, Russia, and the global balance of commercial power in favour of Austria, the émigrés, and the security of the frontiers. In this light, considerable attention will be given to the development of Austrophobia in the period. Rooted in traditional French distrust of the Habsburg dynasty and reinforced by widespread opposition to the Austrian alliance of 1756, this would find its most virulent expression in the popular myth of a sinister counter-revolutionary ‘Austrian committee’ headed by Marie-Antoinette. The argument of the essay will turn upon the links between the emergence of that myth and the popularization of the ideas of Louis XV's unofficial diplomacy – the secret du roi – and its outspoken apologist Jean-Louis Favier. Adopted by various disciples after his death in 1784, Favier's ideas gained in popularity as the menace of counter-revolutionary invasion – aroused in particular by the emperor's reoccupation of the Austrian Netherlands in July 1790 – began to dominate the popular forums of revolutionary politics. They would ultimately help to generate a political climate in which the Brissotins could engineer an almost universally popular declaration of war against Austria less than two years after the revolutionaries had declared peace and friendship to the entire world. From this perspective, the growth of Austrophobia between 1789 and 1792 and its profound influence on the development of revolutionary foreign policy might usefully be described as the triumph of ‘Favier's heirs’.
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Ramsey, Russell W. "Michael Radu and Vladimir Tismaneanu. Latin American Revolutionaries: Groups, Goals, Methods. Washington, DC: Pergamon-Brassey Publishers, 1990 (for Foreign Policy Research Institute). Bibliography, 386 pp.; hardcover $55.00." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 1 (1990): 190–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166144.
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Nicoara, Olga. "Cultural Leadership and Entrepreneurship As Antecedents of Estonia’s Singing Revolution and Post-Communist Success." Baltic Journal of European Studies 8, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 65–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2018-0016.
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AbstractThe Baltic people of Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia gained recognition with their successful use of a cultural tool, singing folkloric songs, to protest collectively against their common Soviet oppressor in the summer of 1988, preceding the collapse of the Soviet Union. Rational-choice theorists have argued that large rebellious movements are paradoxical because the larger the number of potential revolutionaries, the greater the leadership, participation, and coordination problems they face (Olson, 1971; Tullock, 1974). This paper investigates Estonia’s Singing Revolution and illustrates how ethnic Estonians used their shared cultural beliefs and singing traditions as a tacit, informal institutional solution to overcome the collective-action problems with organizing and participating in mass singing protests against the Soviet regime. The paper goes further to extend the standard rational-choice framework and to include a more dynamic, entrepreneurial-institutional perspective on socio-cultural change by accounting for the role of cultural leaders as cultural entrepreneurs, a subset of institutional entrepreneurs. The success of Estonia’s Singing Revolution can be ultimately attributed to leadership in the form of cultural entrepreneurship going back to pre-Soviet Estonian times. The revived legacy of ancient shared beliefs, folkloric practices, and singing tradition represented the necessary social capital for the Estonian people to voice collectively shared preferences for political and economic governance during a window of constitutional opportunity. Mikhail Gorbachev’s Glasnost, a policy aimed to improve Soviet formal institutions by fostering freedom of speech and political transparency, also provided a context propitious for the Singing Revolution because it lowered the perceived costs of participation in the rebellious singing and opened a window of opportunity for political change.