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Journal articles on the topic 'Polish-Russian relations'
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1
Griroryeva, Anna A. "RUSSIAN-POLISH RELATIONS (THE PAN-SLAVIST CONTEXT)." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 392(3) (March 1, 2015): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/392/18.
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Jakimowicz, Robert. "Polish-Russian economic relations in 20042016." Contemporary Europe, no. 6 (December 20, 2016): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62016107115.
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SINITSINA, I. S., and N. A. CHUDAKOVA. "THE PRESENT-DAY POLAND AND RUSSIAN-POLISH RELATIONS." RUSSIA AND THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD, no. 2 (2018): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rsm/2018.02.07.
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Lisiakiewicz, Rafal. "The main reasons for Polish-Russian relations’ deterioration." Contemporary Europe 66, no. 6 (December 1, 2015): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope6201599113.
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Żęgota, K. "Polish-Russian Small Border Traffic in the Context of Russia-EU Relations." Baltic Region 3 (2014): 88–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2014-3-8.
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ZIĘBA, Ryszard. "Współczesne stosunki polsko-rosyjskie: uwarunkowania, problemy, implikacje." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (November 2, 2018): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2011.16.3.2.
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Contemporary Polish-Russian relations are examined, taking into consideration the broad internal conditions in Poland and in Russia. Negative mutual stereotypes prevail in both countries, shaped in the course of a complicated history of mutual relations, while the concepts of international policies in both states are underdeveloped and divergent. Polish-Russian relations are increasingly more influenced by external conditions, such as the profound change Europe is going through and the evolution of the entire international order. The most important modern issues in Polish-Russian relations concern the persistent differences in the perception of the history of mutual relations, dissimilar concepts of the European security system, and energy security. The conditions of relations between Poland and Russia affect Poland’s ability to pursue its international interests in many areas: in relations with Russia and the CIS, in the forum of international organizations (NATO, EU, Council of Europe, OSCE and the UN), in relations with Poland’s closest allies and partners (Germany, France, U.S. and Ukraine). Finally, Polish-Russian relations influence the position and international role of Poland, limiting it when these relations are bad or augmenting it when they are good. Since late 2007 Poland has been trying to conduct a pragmatic policy and normalize its relations with Russia. In general, Polish-Russian reconciliation seems feasible.
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PIKH, Oleh. "Polish-Belarusian relations in 2005–2015." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 11 (2018): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2018-11-140-153.
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The article highlights the multilateral aspects of the Polish-Belarusian relations in 2005–2015. It is noted that having achieved the most important goals of foreign policy, becoming a full member of the EU and NATO, Poland decided to develop and deepen the Eastern vector. Relations with Belarus in the previous period, unlike the relations with Ukraine and Russia, remained at the low political level. At the same time, after Poland joined the EU in 2014, its foreign policy was consistent with the general policy of the European Union towards Belarus. It was established that the main reason for the negative tendencies in the Polish-Belarusian relations was the Belarusian authorities' interference with the activities of the Polish minority and organizations that represented it, as well as the strengthening of the authoritarian government in the internal political life of Belarus. The Polish authorities consistently supported their own minority, as well as the opposition forces and civil society in Belarus, which usually caused dissatisfaction of the official Minsk. Relations between Belarus and the West, and Poland in particular, were changeable, depending on its relationship with the Kremlin. Russia's support, supplemented by the accelerated process of privatization of the Belarusian economy with the participation of Russian capital, led to the financial-economic and military-political dependence of Belarus, which over the years, not only decreased, but deepened. It was noted that the policy of isolation and diplomatic pressure on the Belarusian political elites narrowed the space for the maneuvering of Polish authorities, and they lost the opportunity to influence the political processes in Belarus. Therefore, Poland was trying to use the Russian-Belarusian conflicts in order to draw the Belarusian leadership closer to the western world and depart it from Moscow. In particular, this was to be facilitated by the European Eastern Partnership program, which, however, did not produce significant results for Belarus. The Belarusian authorities continued the policy of authoritarian rule, persecution of the opposition and falsification of elections. At the same time, under the influence of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the leadership of Belarus cautiously took a course on improving relations with the Western countries and a more balanced foreign policy. Keywords Republic of Belarus, Republic of Poland, Russian Federation, foreign policy, sanctions.
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Shkarban, Yu. "The Ukrainian Question in Russian-Polish Relations 1672–1685." Literature and Culture of Polissya 90, no. 9i (2018): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31654/2520-6966-2018-9i-90-4-13.
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Irena Grudzińska-Gross. "Piotr Mitzner's New Publications on Russian-Polish Literary Relations." Wiener Slavistisches Jahrbuch 6 (2018): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/wienslavjahr.6.2018.0266.
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Kalita, Liliana. "STANISŁAW MIKULSKI I JEGO ZWIĄZKI Z ROSJĄ." Acta Neophilologica 1, no. XIX (June 1, 2017): 217–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/an.682.
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This paper presents Stanisław Mikulski’s (one of the most popular Polish actors)relations with Russia. These include, among many others, his work as a young actor inthe plays written by Russian writers and playwrights, which were staged in the JuliuszOsterwa Theatre in Lublin, his most famous role as a Russian secret agent – codenameJ-23 – both in television theatre and the TV series More Than Life at Stake (Stawkawiększa niż życie), and his participation in six Russian films. Moreover, Mikulskiworked as the director in the Centre of Information and Polish Culture in Moscow, thuscontributing to Polish-Russian cultural relations.
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Wojan, Katarzyna. "Homonimika rosyjska jako przedmiot zainteresowania polskich leksykologów i leksykografów. Na marginesie najnowszych prac Jerzego Kaliszana." Studia Rossica Posnaniensia, no. 43 (November 26, 2018): 327–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/strp.2018.43.26.
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The text is dedicated to Professor Jerzy Kaliszan, an outstanding Polish researcher of homonymy in the Russian language, the author of significant monographs and the first Polish dictionary of Russian homographs. The article is a review of Polish academic literature on Russian homonymy including both intra- and interlinguistic aspects (relations between Polish and Russian). In the first part, the author outlines the most important theoretical and lexicographical studies of Polish scholars. The second part is devoted to a description of Jerzy Kaliszan’s achievements in the field of lexical and word-formation homonymy, including lexemes’ homography.
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Woźniewicz, Władysław. "Determinanty defektywnego międzyosobowego komunikowania się w relacjach polsko-rosyjskich." Studia Rossica Posnaniensia, no. 43 (November 26, 2018): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/strp.2018.43.27.
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In the introductory part, the author defines the basic terms used in the article: culture, cultural norms, language-communication skills, knowledge and its deficits, intercultural communication in Polish-Russian relations and the concept of defective communication. The purpose of this article is to describe the various causes of defective communication in Polish-Russian relations. In the following sections of the article, the author describes and exemplifies symptoms of defective communication, the over-ethnic causes of communication failures, the ethnic Polish-Russian determinants of defective interpersonal communication related to knowledge deficits, Russian language skills and stricte cultural determinants of unfortunate communication in selected spheres of life.
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Stokłosa, Katarzyna. "Neighborhood Relations on the Polish Borders: The Example of the Polish–German, Polish–Ukrainian and Polish–Russian Border Regions." Journal of Borderlands Studies 27, no. 3 (December 2012): 245–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08865655.2012.750948.
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Vakarchuk, Denis O. "WORLD WAR II IN THE CONTEXT OF CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN-POLISH RELATIONS." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 2 (2021): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-2-80-90.
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Since 2014, the Russian-Polish relations have been affected by crisis situations. The disagreements involve a wide range of issues, one of which is the memory of the Second World War. The article presents a quantitative analysis of the events that have taken place for the last 20 years within the framework of the Russian-Polish interaction relating to the subject matter of the Second World War. The author’s hypothesis is that the Russian-Polish of- ficial discourse on World War II is conditioned by the foreign policy interests of the leaders of those countries. The willingness of the political elites to engage in dialogue, free from competition for the «historical truth», is the determining factor in resolving the complex issues of the common historical past of both countries.
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Kusal, Krzysztof. "Формальные и семантические сближения в сфере русско-польской межъязыковой омонимии." Studia Rossica Posnaniensia 46, no. 1 (May 5, 2021): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/strp.2021.46.1.8.
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This article deals with the issue of structural and semantic relationships in the area of Russian-Polish interlingual homonymy, such as exclusion, inclusion, and hybridization. The analysis of Russian-Polish homonymous doublets made it possible to specify two basic reasons for the differences in meaning of the lexemes in both languages: semantic divergence of the words with a common etymon (disintegration of polysemy) and phonetic convergence. The study revealed that interlanguage Russian-Polish correspondences with a partial coincidence of lexical meanings make up the largest group of interlanguage homo-pairs. The types of semantic relations described at the word level do not exhaust the variety of semantic relations between Russian-Polish interlanguage homonyms. The depth of meaning development is another theoretical problem of modern lexicology and lexicography. In addition to the semantic differences between Russian-Polish homo-pairs, there may be more complex relationships. They are observed in cases where stylistic and functional discrepancies are layered on semantic inconsistencies. The differences in pragmatic significance are the most significant and can form the subject of independent study.
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Szeptycki, Andrzej. "Stan badań nad współczesnymi stosunkami polsko-rosyjskimi." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 73, no. 4 (December 31, 2020): 187–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2020.73.4.07.
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The analysis of the state of research on contemporary Polish-Russian relations leads to the conclusion that this topic has been undertaken by the representatives of various fields of social sciences in Poland and Russia, as well as in the West for over last three decades. At the same time, no publications describe it in a comprehensive and up-to-date manner. This is due to the complex nature of the mutual relations and their high dynamics, as well as the selective approach of researchers. Currently, most of the works are endogenous: Polish authors write for Polish readers, and Russian researchers – for the Russian audience. Paradoxically, the most popular works devoted to Poland and Russia – although it is difficult to judge a priori whether or not they are the best – have been published in Western countries. Moreover, most of the texts devoted to Polish-Russian relations, especially in the political sphere, are devoid of theoretical apparatus. Certain idées fixes present in the literature, such as the imperialist nature of contemporary Russian policy, the resulting threats to Poland and Polish Russophobia deserve an in-depth analysis. Researchers should also pay more attention to some issues that are currently mainly dealt with by experts and journalists – in particular, the Russian hybrid war and whether Poland is or can be its target, as well as possible Russian interference in political life in Poland since 2014.
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Żęgota, Krzysztof. "Polish-Russian relations as reflected in the programmes of right-wing political parties in Poland: a quantitative and qualitative analysis." Baltic Region 11, no. 3 (2019): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2019-3-7.
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Programmes of political parties are an important element of public discourse. In this article, I present the results of research aimed at defining the place of Russia and Polish-Russian relations in the programmes of several Polish right-wing political groups. I attempt an overview of the political programmes of the right-wing parties as regards their principal features, internal structure, and central postulates. Content analysis shows that relations with Russia are an impor tant element in most political programmes proposed by Poland’s major right-wing political groups. Based on a qualitative analysis, I distinguish between parties that postulate a determined and assertive policy towards Russia, parties committed to a neutral position on Russia, and those that seek the improvement and pragmatisation of Polish-Russian relations. There are two important conclusions from the qualitative analysis. Firstly, international relations have a pronounced influence on the programmes of political parties. Secondly, as to the right-wing parties considered in the Polish political discourse as pro-Russian (the National Revival of Poland, the National Radical Camp), they are either far from being pro-Russian or Russia is quite low on their agenda.
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Waysband, Edward. "Vladislav Khodasevich's "on Your New, Joyous Path" (1914–1915): The Russian Literary Empire Interferes in Polish-Jewish Relations." Slavic and East European Journal 59, no. 2 (2015): 246–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.30851/59.2.005.
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This paper contextualizes Khodasevich’s unfinished poem “On Your New, Joyous Path” (1914–1915) as his poetic response to his precarious Russian-Polish-Jewish self-awareness as well as to contemporary Polish-Jewish tensions. I argue that for both predicaments, Khodasevich proposes an identical solution: the redemptive assimilation into Russian imperial, supranational culture. This vision crystallized during World War I. At that time, the key dichotomy underlying Khodasevich’s imperial project – between the national and the imperial – took the form of opposition between Polish particularism and the universalism of Russian culture. Yet an attempt to realize this vision in the poem discussed underscores its inner ambiguity, since it reinforces clear-cut imperial narratives of Russia as the epitome of humanitarian values while leaving the logic of imperial power struggle untouched. Conflicting Jewish and Polish identities and the historical circumstances of the Polish-Jewish tensions are considered as a context for the poem’s vision of Russian messianic superiority. In conclusion, I discuss the reception of Khodasevich’s assimilatory project by his target audience.
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Bożyk, Paweł. "Polish-Russian Economic Relations Under the Conditions of System Transformation." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 13, no. 1 (November 23, 2011): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10223-011-0003-3.
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The rapid economic transformation in Central and Eastern Europe, modelled on Western economies and based, in some aspects, on neoliberal principles, Has found the region’s countries to a bigger (Eastern European countries) or lesser (Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary) degree unprepared. The resulting economic recession, especially in Russia, has had an adverse effect on mutual trade between Poland and Russia. In order to improve economic relations with Russia and increase the trade volume, Poland, remaining within the bounds of EU standards and regulations, needs to adapt the commodity structure of Polish exports to the needs of the Russian market.
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Lisjakiewicz, Rafal. "Zigzags of Polish-Russian Relations in the Post-Communist Period." Contemporary Europe 7, no. 93 (December 1, 2019): 38–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope720193848.
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Alpatov, Sergey V., and Anna V. Archangelskaia. "Polish Literary Legend in the Russian Historical and Cultural Context." Slovene 10, no. 1 (2021): 450–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2021.10.1.20.
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This paper reviews the book Old Russian Translation of Krzysztof Dzierżek's Tale about the Astrologer Mustaeddin and its Later Reworkings (Study and Edition) by Eliza Małek, which is the ninth volume of the Library of 17th–18th Century Russian Translations of Old Polish Literature series. The book is concerned with Polish-Russian literary relations of the Early Modern period.
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Batyk, Iwona M., and Daniel Rzeczkowski. "Cross-border cooperation at the external border of the European Union in the context of political, economic and social conditions: the case of the Polish-Russian neighbourhood." Equilibrium 15, no. 4 (December 20, 2020): 833–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24136/eq.2020.036.
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Research background: Integration and globalization processes encourage activities for the development of border regions. For the north-eastern regions of Poland and the Kaliningrad region, cross-border neighbourhood enables regions to cooperate and provides an opportunity for economic and social recovery.
Purpose of the article: The present article aims to analyse areas of cross-border activity taking place on the Polish-Russian borderland, based on the opinions of the inhabitants of the Kaliningrad region. Taking into account the rapidly changing political and economic conditions, as well as social relations, the following areas of Polish-Russian cross-border cooperation have been examined: economic activity, tourism, social activity, scientific cooperation, neighbourly relations.
Methods: The study presents the results of the author?s own research carried out using standardized interviews with 1,022 inhabitants of the Kaliningrad region. As the research instrument, a self-designed interview questionnaire. The adopted time frame encompassed four stages of the functioning of Polish-Russian cross-border cooperation, each of them different due to political, eco-nomic and social conditions. The sample was selected using the quota method. The correspondence analysis was used for statistical tools.
Findings & Value added: The suspension of local border traffic has significantly limited the development of cross-border cooperation. The Polish-Russian relations, encumbered with high risk and uncertainty, have led to a considerable decrease in cooperation between border areas. The level of risk results not only from mutual relations between Poland and Russia, but is also a consequence of political and economic relations between the European Union and the Russian Federation. In the long term perspective, local border traffic may be open and similar conditions for the functioning of cross-border cooperation may occur. Therefore, knowledge about the activity of cross-border residents of Polish-Russian border regions will be useful in counteracting the undesirable effects that may occur.
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Dąbrowska, Magdalena. "PIOTRA DUBROWSKIEGO ZWIĄZKI Z POLSKĄ (Z ZAWARTOŚCI I O ZAWARTOŚCI WYBRANYCH CZASOPISM POLSKICH ORAZ ROSYJSKICH POŁOWY XIX WIEKU)." Acta Neophilologica 1, no. XX (June 1, 2018): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/an.2693.
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The 19th century witnessed a gradual development of Polish-Russian and Russian-Polish cultural and scientific relations in the domain of the periodical press. One of the major representatives of the Slavic studies in the 19th century was Peter Pavlovich Dubrovsky (1812-1882), the author of the first book about Adam Mickiewicz, translator, literary scholar and linguist, editor of the periodical “Jutrzenka. Diennica” (1842--1843) published in Russian and Polish, with the motto: Slavus sum, nihil slavici a me alienum esse puto. “Jutrzenka. Diennica” is presented in the context of two 19th century periodicals: 1. Russian (“Literaturnaya gazeta”), 2. Polish (“Biblioteka Warszawska”). Most attention is paid to the preface to “Jutrzenka. Diennica” and Dubrovsky’s reviews of the almanac “Pierwiosnek” by Paulina Krakowowa (“Literaturnaya gazeta”, 1840).
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Arzhakova, Larisa. "Российская историческая полонистика XIX века как часть отечественной славистики." Roczniki Humanistyczne 69, no. 7 (August 11, 2021): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh21697-2.
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This article presents a brief overview of the history of Russian historical Polonistics in the 19th century, which was an integral part of Russian Slavistics, but acted according to other laws which were subject to the dynamics of Russian-Polish relations. Special attention is paid to the peculiarities of the formation and development of Russian historical Polonistics, which made it possible to clarify its previously accepted periodisation. This article notes the interdependence between the Polish question and Polonistic studies, which is characteristic of Russia in the 19th century, but only recently reflected in modern historiography. The author of the article suggests considering Russian historical Polonistics as the experience of Russian-Polish dialogue in the context of the long 19th century.
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Turkowski, Andrzej. "Studium marginalizacji – Andrzej Drawicz w polskiej przestrzeni opinii o Rosji." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 65, no. 2 (June 28, 2021): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2021.65.2.3.
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The aim of the article is to show the evolution of structural divisions within Polish elites from the perspective of changes in Polish-Russian relations after 1989. In order to describe the formation of the Polish space of opinion on the topic, the author interprets the unexpected marginalization of the famous Russian expert Andrzej Drawicz (1939–1997) in the Third Polish Republic. The article contributes to an understanding of the dynamics shaping Polish debates about Russia, and also – by tracing Drawicz’s career trajectory – presents a model of biographical analysis that allows the social dimension to be taken into account.
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Kashtanova, Olga S. "Moscow in Russian-Polish Academic and Cultural Contacts from the End of the Eighteenth to the First Half of the Nineteenth Centuries." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 1-2 (2021): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.1-2.07.
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The question of Russian-Polish academic and literary contacts, which began to take on a systematic character after the partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and formation of the autonomous Kingdom of Poland within the Russian Empire, has traditionally drawn the attention of both Russian and Polish historians. In this regard, of great interest is the period from the late 18th to the first half of the 19th centuries, which, in turn, can be divided into two stages: before the uprising of 1830–1831 (November Uprising), when the western provinces of the Russian Empire, as well as the Polish Kingdom, enjoyed an autonomous system of Polish education; and after the uprising, when universities and many academic societies in these territories were closed and the process of integrating Polish education into the all-Russian system began. In addition to St. Petersburg, which occupied a leading place in building contacts between representatives of Russian and Polish science and culture, Moscow, which was the second largest Polish colony after St. Petersburg, also played a significant role in maintaining these contacts. Before the uprising of 1830, these contacts took the form of personal ties between individual scholars and writers, including members of academic societies and editorial offices of periodicals. After 1830, Russian-Polish academic relations were mainly limited to the sphere of activity of the Slavophiles. However, during this period, Moscow received its status as one of the educational centres for Polish youth, and it became one of the places of scientific activity of Polish professors. Among the graduates of Moscow University there were many famous doctors, lawyers, philologists, natural scientists, and other representatives of the Polish intelligentsia. The Polish scientists who taught there contributed to the development of not only Polish, but also Russian science.
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Kaleta, Petr. "The Czech Polonophile Edvard Jelínek and the Topic of Russia in his Work." Slovene 9, no. 1 (2020): 292–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2020.9.1.10.
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In scholarly circles, the name of the Czech writer and journalist Edvard Jelínek is usually associated with interest in Polish topics. Most of his friends and scholarly contacts were Polish, which also was in line with his numerous publications concerning Polish cultural traditions. However, Jelínek also had significant knowledge of the cultural, political, and social life in other Slavic areas, which he utilized as the editor of «Slovanský sborník» (Slavic Proceedings), a journal focused on all Slavic areas (published in 1881, 1883–1887). In this article, we demonstrate that, mostly at the beginning of Jelínek’s career, Russian topics also appeared in his texts, mainly Russian literature, culture, theater, and the issue of the beginning of Russian-Czech contacts. He published these texts primarily after his first visit to Russia in 1877. In the 1870s, the retired Russian officer Nikolaj M. Yendogurov had a significant influence on him, helping him to understand some Slavic issues and to perfect his knowledge of Russian. Starting from the 1890s, he expressed his opinions regarding the Russian-Polish conflict in several texts. There, he disagreed with the Russification of the Polish cultural environment and drew attention to the language rights of the Polish people. However, his works were not anti-Russian in character, and he expressed appreciation for Russian culture. The issue of Russian-Polish relations also appears in his literary prose works, e.g. in the novel «Motýlek z Norské pohádky» (The Butterfly from the Norwegian Fairytale).
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Kuziur-Chrostowska, Swiatłana. "Profile of Dmitri Filosofov." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 1 (July 22, 2015): 287–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2012.017.
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Profile of Dmitri FilosofovThe text presents the short biography of Dmitri Filosofov, Russian immigrant in the interwar Poland, and his importance to the Polish-Russian cultural and politic relations.
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Mocarz-Kleindienst, Maria. "Stereotypizacja obrazu Rosji i relacji polsko-rosyjskich w filmie „Fotograf”." Slavica Wratislaviensia 164 (November 20, 2017): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1150.164.5.
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The stereotypization of the picture of Russia and Polish-Russian relations in the film FotografThe paper outlines the reasons and mechanisms of the stereotypization of the picture of Rus- sia and Polish-Russian relations in Waldemar Krzystek’s film Fotograf and in its reviews which appeared in the media and the internet when the film was playing. The picture of the eastern neigh- bour and neighbourly relations fits in with the general cinematographic tendency of showing the neighbour in a negative light, although there appear attempts to create positive heroes — Russian and Polish people. Such attempts, based on other feature film concepts, have already been shown in Polish films e.g. Mała Moskwa, Szwadron, Katyń. The process of solidifying stereotypes is strengthened by the director’s idea to create the picture of Russia through Russian themselves. To a large extent — unlike Poles, they are the main characters of the film, played by both Russian and Polish actors, the dialogues are mainly in Russian, and the plot is partly set in Moscow. The director of the film is Polish, though. Therefore, the process of stereotypization is achieved by the presence of autostereotype and heterostereotype in the film.Стереотипизация картины России и польско-российских отношений в фильме ФотографВ статье описаны предпосылки и механизмы стереотипизации картины России и польско-российских отношений в фильме Фотограф и рецензиях на него, какие появи- лись в средствах массовой информации, когда фильм вышел на экраны. Картина восточно- го соседа и соседских отношений вписывается в общую кинематографическую тенденцию изображать соседа в отрицательном свете, хотя появляются попытки изображать также положительных героев — россиян и поляков. Такие приемы взяли свое начало в других киносюжетах Малая Москва, Швадрон, Катынь. Процесс становления стереотипов за- крепляется режиссерской идеей, суть которой сводится к тому, что в значительной степени картину россиян cоздают сами россияне — они, рядом с поляками, становятся героями фильма, в фильме снимаются русские и польские актеры, диалоги в значительной степени ведутся на русском языке, действие фильма происходит частично в Москве. Однако режис- сер фильма — поляк. Таким образом, процесс стереотипизации реализуется посредством присутствия в фильмах автостереотипа и гетеростереотипа.
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Palmowski, Tadeusz, and Gennady M. Fedorov. "The potential for development of Russian-Polish cross-border region." GEOGRAPHY, ENVIRONMENT, SUSTAINABILITY 13, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24057/2071-9388-2019-70.
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The problems of the formation of international regions on the borders of Russian Federation and EU countries after the deterioration of relations between them in 2014 became more complicated due to the reduction of mutual economic, social, political and other cross-border ties. However, such links remain, especially at the local level, as both sides benefit from them. Polish and Russian authors are trying to find common approaches in assessing the situation and explaining the need in the development of relations between cities, territories and businesses located on both sides of the border, which contributes to the formation of cross-border regions. The authors use literature, materials of cross-border cooperation programs and their own research experience, identifying factors and features of cross-border interactions at the Russian-Polish border. The article presents a SWOT analysis of the formation of the Russian-Polish cross-border region – a comparison, on the one hand, of strengths and weaknesses, and on the other, opportunities and threats to its development. It is shown that in 2014–2019 political factors prevailed over socio-economic ones, which negatively affected the development of the regions along the border. Nevertheless, in 2018 the implementation of joint projects within the framework of the Russia-Poland cross-border cooperation program co-financed by the EU and both countries continued. Although the number of mutual crossings of the border has decreased, it remains quite important. In Kaliningrad, there is a Polish visa center that promptly issues Schengen visas, free of charge for scientists and teachers, students and some other categories of the population. In the summer 2019, free electronic visas were established in Kaliningrad region, which increased the influx of tourists, including Polish. The authors hope that the objective laws of the world market will lead to the intensification of mutual relations and the formation of the Russian-Polish cross-border region, which would contribute to increasing the international competitiveness of its parts on both sides of the border.
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Chemshit, Alexandr. "Russian-Ukrainian relations: stages of regression." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 03 (March 1, 2021): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202103statyi22.
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The subject of the article is Russian-Ukrainian relations, taken in the range from the recent past to the foreseeable future through political analysis. It is emphasized that in the considered short historical period of time there have been substantial and qualitative changes in these relations. The latter are arranged in a phased series: fraternal, good-neighbourhood, forced-neighbourhood and hostile. There are given descriptions of relations between states, elites and nations of Russia and Ukraine. The article reveals causes of political phenomena and processes that caused the negative dynamics of these relations. The research is based on the methodology of the Polish political scientist Jerzy Wiatra.
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Kudrzycki, Zbigniew. "German-Soviet relations in the aspect of Eastern Prussia during the Polish-Bol-shevik war on the forum of the Legislative Sejm of 1919–1922." Masuro-Warmian Bulletin 308, no. 2 (August 10, 2020): 217–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-134773.
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Regaining independence after 123 years of partitions led to various difficult problems faced by the Polish state. The main issue of the first months of freedom was the appointment of crucial organs of state authorities that would be legitimised by the nation to rule lawfully. On 28 November 1918, Józef Piłsudski, the interim Head of State, issued a second decree on the Legislative Sejm elections and set its date to 26 January 1919. The First Sejm of the 2nd Republic of Poland handled a wide array of internal problems and relations with other countries, which was an obvious scope of duties for the time of its operation. When it came to the relations with neighbours, its mem-bers devoted the majority of their attention to Polish-Russian (Soviet) arrangements. The issue of German-Russian relations was also discussed. It was caused by the interest of political parties in the state’s foreign policy and their fears for Poland’s security. The parties aimed at presenting their stands on the contemporary problems in Pol-ish-Russian relations in the context of German-Russian cooperation, but also wanted to affect said relations with their activities and interpellations.
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Siemianowska, Izabella. "Polskie akcenty w publicystyce Aleksandra Sołżenicyna." Acta Polono-Ruthenica 3, no. XXII (October 2, 2018): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/apr.1249.
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Poland and Polish people are shown in the Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s writing in the context of complicated Polish-Russian relations. In Repentance and Self-limitation the author criticises Polish nation for being unable to repent and admit making mistakes in the past in a historical context. At the same time he claims that Russians have a natural ability to repentance, that is a condition of a moral renewal of a nation. Nevertheless, the overall picture of the Polish nation in Solzhenitsyn’s writing is positive. This Russian Nobel prize winner highlights Polish courage, pride and their undeterred struggle for freedom. In The Gulag Archipelago the author eternalises a Polish scientist named Jerzy Wegierski, a prisoner of a forced labour camp, who had been Solzhenitsyn’s friend till his death. It is also very important to highlight Solzhenitsyn’s respect and attitude toward the Pope John Paul II. The article is an attempt to recall and analyse Polish features in the Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s writing.
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NDiaye, Iwona Anna. "Z dziejów polsko-rosyjskich stosunków literackich (korespondencja Marii Dąbrowskiej i Jerzego Stempowskiego)." Acta Polono-Ruthenica 1, no. XXIII (October 8, 2018): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/apr.1469.
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The study of the history of Polish-Russian relations is possible thanks to documents preserved in Warsaw archives, publications in periodicals, memoirs and epistolatory culture. A three-volume edition of the correspondence of Jerzy Stempowski and Maria Dąbrowska from the years 1926–1965 is a full source reconstruction. This correspondence has preserved not only the biographical facts of the private life of both writers, but also a wide social and historical context. Jerzy Stempowski, son of Stanisław Stempowski and author of the novel The Adventures of a Thinking Man was the long-term life partner of Maria Dąbrowska in the Forties, and the two also became intellectual partners. An acquaintance with their correspondence allows us to better recognize their place in Polish-Russian relations in the interwar and post-war periods, and the history of Russian emigration in Poland.
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Nikolina, N. A., and A. A. Urazbekova. "Polonisms in I.I. Lazhechnikov`s Novel “Granddaughter of an Armored Boyar”." Prepodavatel XXI vek, no. 4, 2019 (2019): 407–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2073-9613-2019-4-407-417.
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The article analyzes polonisms used in the I.I. Lazhechnikov`s novel “Granddaughter of an armored boyar”, it considers changes in polonisms` lexical meaning and the ways they enter into the text: without interpretation, with incomplete (partial) explanation, with Russian equivalent in a narrow or wider context; the author uses both expanded inclusions from Polish language and single inclusions. Borrowings from Polish language serve as national marking of heroes and they are often used by writers in novels describing the complicated relations of our country and Poland in different time periods. Russian language in a lesser extent borrows polonisms, more often through Polish to Russian language come lexemes from the third European languages. In the novel polonisms perform character and evaluative functions: they describe the historical colouring, demonstrate the diversity of language game, allow to give an aesthetic and ideological assessment of characters and events, act as coded elements. Among the borrowings from Polish language there are both appellative and onomastic, precedent vocabulary.
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Słowiński, Konrad. "Historical issues in Polish-Russian relations within the period of 1989 to 2007." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 3 (December 2021): 231–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.3.10.
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The article focuses on the issue of the influence of the historical conditions on the Polish-Russian relations at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. The history of these two countries is linked by a long-lasting and difficult past, and thus numerous unresolved disputes, burdens, and myths arose that have been felt to this day. In 1989, after the fall of the Communist system in our country, new political elites managing the process of democratic changes in the Third Polish Republic made efforts that aimed at settling disputed threads from the common Polish-Russian history. On the way to making up for the past, the period between 1989 and 2007 was marked by a number of important events that could be seen as the symbol of the common reconciliation. Unfortunately, there were also moments of regression and deep crisis that negatively affected the cooperation of both countries in the matter of dealing with difficult cards of the common history. This was influenced by a different approach to the past that is understood differently in Poland and in Russia and that contributed to the emergence of numerous misunderstandings, as well as to the mutual accusations in this field.
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Łozińska, Joanna. "The poverty of manner categories in motion verbs coding vertical relations. Evidence from Polish and Russian." Russian Linguistics 45, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11185-021-09237-2.
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AbstractThe article discusses the ways in which lexicalization of vertical motion takes place in two satellite-framed languages: Polish and Russian. In this typological category the manner of motion is typically rendered by the verb. The analysis of the descriptions of motion events by native speakers of these two genetically related languages shows that the lexicalization pattern of vertical motion differs from the horizontal one. First of all, when describing vertical relations, respondents less frequently code the manner of motion in the verb than when talking about motion along the horizontal plane. What is more, the results show that both Russian and Polish respondents use more motion verbs to describe vertical than horizontal relations, which points to the natural human tendency to code novel situations.
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Brykczynski, Paul. "Prince Adam Czartoryski as a liminal figure in the development of modern nationalism in Eastern Europe at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 5 (September 2010): 647–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.498467.
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In Polish history, Prince Adam Czartoryski is almost universally regarded as one of the most important Polish statesmen and patriots of the first half of the nineteenth century. In Russian history, on the other hand, he is remembered chiefly as the Foreign Minister of the Russian Empire, and a close personal friend of Tsar Alexander I. How did Czartoryski reconcile his commitment to the Polish nation with his service to the Russian Empire (a state which occupied most of Poland)? This paper will attempt to place Prince Adam's friendship with Alexander, and his service to Imperial Russia, in the broader context of national identity formation in early nineteenth-century eastern Europe. It will be argued that the idea of finding a workable relationship between Poland and Russia, even within the framework of a single state for a “Slavic nation,” was an important and forgotten feature of Polish political thought at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. By answering the question of precisely how Czartoryski was able to negotiate between the identities of a “Polish patriot” and “Russian statesman,” the paper will shed light on the broader development of national identity in early nineteenth-century Poland and Russia.
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Ofitserov-Belskiy, D. V. "Russia and Poland: Problems of Inevitable Coexistence." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-18-28.
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Over the last quarter of the century relations between Russia and Poland are balancing between trying to understand the burden of mutual guilt and a desire to construct non-emotional pragmatic relations. Sources of tension vary. In particular, it is the desire of Poland to position itself as a valued player in NATO and the EU and the role distance between the two countries in IR system, which does not allow Russia to maintain an equal political dialogue with Poland. In fact, Poland is not afraid of a direct threat from Russia, but the worst scenario is the one in which Russia without changing the content of its imperial policy can be accepted as a full partner in the international community. The evolution of Russian statehood and national specifics of democracy is largely determined the assessment of the prospects of Russian politics in Poland. The mistake of Polish diplomacy last years was that it took no direct efforts to improve relations with Russia, but only tried to impose the dialogue on Russian authorities. Diplomatic methods were designed to hurt Russian interests and to create a topic for discussion. In response, after 2006 Russia chose the tactic of ignoring Poland. But, ignoring Polish authorities, Russian politicians acted similarly with other political forces. In Poland among influential political forces, there was and there is still no loyalty to Russia. For Russian interests it is no matter who are or will be in power in Poland. However as a rule, it is an important factor that foreign policy decisions are de facto within the competences of the President and the government, as well as experiencing a significant influence of the parliamentary forces. Recent trends show no tangible innovations in bilateral programme. But innovations appear in multilateral and conflict enough issues, such as deployment of US missile defense system in Poland or Polish supervision of "Eastern Partnership" programme. The main problem is low self-sufficiency of bilateral relations and excessive influence of third countries. Any efforts to normalize bilateral relations will be meaningless until the weight of bilateral relations really increases to each of the party.
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Awramiuk-Godun, Alina, and Tomasz Wites. "The Image of Russia and Russians as Seen by Polish University Students." Quaestiones Geographicae 32, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/quageo-2013-0016.
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Abstract The results presented in this study are part of a joint research project undertaken in 2011 by the University of Warsaw and the University of St. Petersburg entitled “The perception of Polish-Russian relations by students in Poland and Russia”. The main purpose of the research conducted in Poland was to investigate the beliefs and attitudes of students at the University of Warsaw toward Russia and Russians. Students are open to the surrounding reality, conscious of the mental and spatial proximity that links Poles and Russians, and aware of the problems that define the present-day Polish-Russian relations. A vast majority of participants are people who possess a fairly extensive knowledge of various aspects of life in Russia and express sympathy for Russia and Russian people. In the opinion of the authors, the results of the above study can be useful to teachers at universities, especially those that deal with European, socio-cultural and geographical subjects.
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Siudak, Michał. "Miejsce Rosji w doktrynie Giedroycia." Politeja 18, no. 6(75) (December 16, 2021): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.75.12.
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The Place of Russia in Giedroyć’s Doctrine: Between Partnership and Rivalry This article is devoted to the presence of Russia and the Soviet Union in the doctrine of Jerzy Giedroyc, the founder of the Paris-based Kultura – a political centre which significantly influenced and continues to influence Polish Eastern policy. The evolution of the centre's views on the role and place of Russia in the geopolitical security system of Central and Eastern Europe from the immediate post-war period to the fall of communism and Polish accession to the EU and NATO is presented. The article discusses the issue of Polish-Russian geopolitical and geocultural rivalry in Central and Eastern Europe with particular emphasis on Ukraine, and tries to analyse the vision of Polish-Russian relations proposed by the representatives of Polish political and geopolitical thought in exile. The author also asks the question about the topicality of the discussed doctrine in the changing geopolitical system.
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Loeffler. "Promising Harmonies: The Aural Politics of Polish-Jewish Relations in the Russian Empire." Jewish Social Studies 20, no. 3 (2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jewisocistud.20.3.1.
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Ostrówka, Małgorzata. "Фразеология в романах Флориана Чарнышевича как языковое свидетельство образа заимоотношений польской общности на приберезинской территории в начале ХХ века." Acta Baltico-Slavica 37 (June 30, 2015): 565–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/abs.2013.038.
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Idiomatic expressions in Florian Czarnyszewicz’s novels as a linguistic evidence of mutual relations of the Polish community by the Berezina river at the beginning of the 20th centuryThis article is an attempt at analysing collocations chosen from Florian Czarnyszewicz’s novels Nadberezyńcy and Wicik Żywica on the basis of their semantic classification. The subject of the analysis were collocations expressing mutual interpersonal relations: love, relations with family members or neighbours, fighting with somebody / showing hostility, punishment / revenge, killing / dying. The majority of the analysed idioms are used to express emotions, among which negative emotions prevail. The analysed units can be divided in the following way:typical of spoken Polishhaving full semantic, lexical and grammatical equivalents in Belorussianhaving full semantic, lexical and grammatical equivalents in Russianhaving full semantic, lexical and grammatical equivalents in Belorussian and Russian.This division results from the historical and linguistic conditions – the Poles inhabiting ethnic Belarus lived in a multinational environment. Traditional Polish communities were located near Belorussian and Russian (Old-Believers’) villages. The genetic proximity of the Polish, Belorussian (including dialects) and Russian languages gave rise to numerous language interferences. The evidence of this is the vocabulary used in Czarnyszewicz’s novels, especially idioms.
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PIH, Oleh. "GEOPOLITICAL DIFFERENCES AS A FACTOR IN THE RELATIONS BETWEEN POLAND AND RUSSIA (1994–2004)." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-177-193.
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The article highlights the political relations between the Republic of Poland and the Russian Federation in the second half of the 1990s and the first five years of the 21st century. An analysis of the foreign policy relations between the two countries during this period affirms that their dialogue was mainly conflicting due to different visions of the geopolitical situation and forming a security system in the Central and Eastern Europe region. Fearing the restoration of Russian dominance in the former socialist camp, Poland sought to join Euro-Atlantic and European Union's structures. At the same time, Russia assessed the process of NATO enlargement, which Warsaw actively support, as a threat to its national interests. These two positions led to a permanent worsening of bilateral relations. The Kremlin also aimed to resolve all controversial issues through relations with the United States and Western countries, not perceiving Poland as an equal partner. It has been found out that the Polish authorities were considering the possibility of establishing relations with Russia through the development of trade and economic relations and solving problems in the field of historical memory. Significant changes for warming in relations appeared when Russian President Vladimir Putin proclaimed the course of Europeanization of the Russian Federation and its rapprochement with Euro-Atlantic structures in the first years of the 21st century. However, a new factor in the worsening of relations was the political struggle between Warsaw and Moscow to influence Ukraine and Belarus. In particular, the Orange Revolution events showed the significant involvement of both countries in Ukraine's processes and the desire to gain a dominant influence in resolving the political crisis. At the same time, the victory of the Polish-backed forces meant a geopolitical defeat for the Kremlin and thus created a serious conflict in bilateral communication. Keywords: Republic of Poland, Russian Federation, NATO, foreign policy, geopolitics.
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Szymborski, Grzegorz. "The Duchy of Courland and Semigallia between the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire. The Diplomatic Dispute on Charles Christian Wettin’s Reign 1759‒1763. Analysis of Selected Aspects." Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls 112, no. 2 (2020): 32–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lviz.112.02.
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The paper presents a case study of the eighteenth-century diplomatic struggle between the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire over the legal status of the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia and its ruling house. The main purpose of the research is to analyse the circumstances leading to the enthronement of Charles Christian Wettin as the Duke of Courland (1759‒1763), discover the tools of Russian international policy and review goals and resources of both Polish–Saxon and Russian sides of the conflict. History, Law and International Relations combine in the interdisciplinary research on the ‘Couronian Question’. From this perspective, Courland and its Duke remain the objects, and the Commonwealth and the Tsardom of Russia – the subjects of the study.
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ARKUSHA, Olena. "«Do you require our responsibility to gentry times?». Ukrainian intellectuals’ of the 19th – the beginning of the 20th century opinions about the role of the heritage of the polish-lithuanian commonwealth in the creation of modern ukrainian nation." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 11 (2018): 27–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2018-11-27-55.
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European historiography changed considerably during the nineteenth century. Formation of historical source study as a separate science, on the one hand, and awareness of the connection between the historical narrative of the past with political interests, on the other hand, gave impetus to the writing of historical works on national history, the so-called grand narratives. They relied on historical sources, but chose what served the actual political interests, and ignored or interpreted otherwise what they did not fit. The territorial organization of living space has become a priority task of national development in the nineteenth century, and the recognition of land, borders, and people as own should have been historically grounded. The difficulty for Ukrainians was that the traces of Ukrainian-Russ statehood were lost in ancient times, while the neighbors, primarily Russians and Poles, tried to draw both the territory and the past of Ukraine into their own concepts of the creation of modern nation. The creation of the Ukrainian grand narrative was influenced by external factors: the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the collapse of its once unified political, cultural and intellectual space, and the policy of the Russian authorities, aimed to separate «Little Rus’» from western civilization. Russian censorship successfully removed memory of Polish-Ukrainian ties from historical works and replaced it with the image of the invading Poles. The traumatic, post-war experience, idealization of images of Cossack soldiers was the favorable ground for this. As a result, in Ukrainian historical grand narrative the «Polish-Lithuanian» period was interpreted as an external occupation, a break in the «correct» history of Ukraine. The whole complex of everyday life, cultural and political influences of Ukrainians in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth remained beyond history. Its main content was recognized by the Polish-Ukrainian conflicts. The views on the legacy of the Commonwealth in the Ukrainian society of the nineteenth century can also be analyzed from the perspective of the intellectual biographies of their creators and take into account the experience of relations with the Poles, the private image and repression of the Russian government. An unbiased rethinking by professional historians of the past of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from the point of view of the interactions of various cultural spaces in the nineteenth century was not a matter of time. Keywords Ukrainian-Polish relations in the nineteenth century, Ukrainian-Russian relations in the nineteenth century, Ukrainian historiography of the nineteenth century, intellectual biography, cultural and intellectual heritage of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
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Baranow, Andriej W. "Современная российская историография советско-польских отношений 1921–1933 гг." Kultura Słowian Rocznik Komisji Kultury Słowian PAU 16 (2020): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25439561ksr.20.006.13295.
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Contemporary Russian Historiography of the Soviet-Polish Relations 1921–1933 The purpose of the article is to explore the current trends in the development of the historiography of Soviet-Polish relations in 1921–1933 in Russia and is based on the sources that have only recently been made available. The main trends in the development of Russian historiography at the beginning of the XXI century are: the development of a geopolitical approach to the analysis of Soviet-Polish relations and focus on the mutual influence of domestic and foreign policy of the two countries. Particularly noteworthy is the problem of the Russian-Ukrainian community in interwar Poland and anti-Bolshevik emigration. The research on the history of the interwar period and the history of secret services is very popular and is conducted with wider access to documents and taking into account new scientific methods. Współczesna rosyjska historiografia rosyjsko -polskich stosunków międzynarodowych 1921-1933 Artykuł traktuje o współczesnych orientacjach historiografii radziecko-polskich stosunków w latach 1921 – 1933 w Rosji. Autor opiera się na nowo udostępnionych źródłach. Omawia nowe kierunki rozwoju rosyjskiej historiografii na początku XXI w., wykorzystanie geopolitycznego punktu widzenia do analizy polsko-rosyjskich stosunków: zwrócenie uwagi na wzajemne wpływy w dziedzinie zagranicznej i wewnętrznej polityki obu państw. Na szczególną uwagę zasługuje problem rosyjsko-ukraińskiej społeczności w Polsce międzywojennej i emigracji antybolszewickiej. Duża popularnością cieszą się badania historii międzywojennej i historii służb specjalnych. Badania prowadzone są na bazie szerszego do
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Ivanenko, Oksana. "Public Resistance in the National Liberation Movement of Poles in Right-Bank Ukraine in the First Half of the 1860s (From the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine, Kyiv)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 30 (November 1, 2021): 389–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2021.30.389.
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The article covers important manifestations and specifics of the protest culture of the Polish community within the South-Western region of the Russian Empire in the first half of the 1860s on the basis of analysis and synthesis of information from the documents of "Office of Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General" (f.442) and "Office of the trustee of the Kiev school district" (f.707) of the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine (Kyiv). Defending one's own cultural identity as a driver of national development is connected with the awareness of the political interests and goals of the liberation struggle of Poles. The unique influence of the Polish question on historical processes, the configuration of international relations in Europe during the "long 19th century" determines the relevance and scientific significance of the study and thinking of the history of Polish national and cultural movement. Comprehensive study of the Polish question in the European history of the 19th century is an important part of the scientific perception of interethnic contradictions and antagonisms in the Russian Empire and the reaction of European diplomacy and public opinion, a deeper understanding of the essence of Russian-Polish cultural and civilizational confrontation and its impact on Ukrainian national life. Following the three partitions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (1772, 1793, 1795) most of the territories of this formerly powerful European state were incorporated into the Russian Empire, there was a fierce struggle for cultural and ideological dominance in the region. The Polish national liberation movement of the 1860s, which culminated in the January Uprising of 1863-1864, developed against a background of broad social and cultural resistance to Russian autocracy, manifested in such protest actions as mourning and serving panikhads for dead Poles, singing patriotic Polish songs and hymns, public wearing of national costumes, participation in anti-government manifestations and demonstrations, refusal to read prayers for the emperor in churches, and so on. Clergy and educators, as well as students and pupils, were the driving force behind this protest movement, which had an international resonance
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Lupion, Miranda. "National Memory and Divisive Narrative Building in Poland’s 2010 Presidential Election." Polish Political Science Review 5, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0039.
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Abstract This paper employs the 2010 Polish presidential election as a case study to explore the implications of memory politics, examining the Law and Justice party’s (PiS) use of national memory ahead of the June election. Through process tracing, this paper finds that the Smolensk Air Crash became the central theme of this race, which pitted Civic Platform (PO) candidate Bronisław Komorowski against the late President Lech Kaczynski’s twin brother, PiS’s Jarosław Kaczynski. Amplified by the media, PiS selectively drew on easily recognisable events and figures from Polish history to construct an “Us versus Them” conflict of “true Polish patriots” - those who supported the party and its anti-Russian stance - and “Others” - those who, although sympathetic to the crash victims, favoured Tusk and his push for renewed Polish-Russian relations. The primary goal of this paper is to demonstrate how a historical memory approach can inform the study of contemporary politics - a subject which is too oft en left solely to social scientists.
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Korenevskiy, A. V., and N. D. Nikolaeva. "Polish Vector in Politics of Vladimir Monomakh and His Heirs: from the Lyubech Congress to the “Pereyaslavl Crisis”." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 10 (October 31, 2020): 337–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-10-337-352.
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The question of the system of Russian-Polish interaction during the period of temporary stabilization of political relations in Russia - from the Lyubech Congress (1097) to the end of the Kiev reign of Mstislav the Great (1125-1132) is considered in the article. The authors show that the 12th century is presented in historiography as a time of gradual growth of contradictions between two Christian civilizations, as a transitional period between the Great Schism of 1054 and the IV Crusade (1202- 1204). An attempt is made to consider the relationship between Russia and Poland of the indicated period outside the teleological approach. The authors provide evidence that the thesis of the religious factor as decisive in Russian-Polish relations does not correspond to the political realities of the 10- 30s of the XII century. It is shown that it was the ideological orientation of Vladimir Monomakh towards the crusading movement and the Holy Roman Empire that made it impossible for allied relations between Kiev and Krakow in the first quarter of the 12th century. It has been proved that there was no single policy of Rus towards Poland; the actions of the two sides were situational. The authors come to the conclusion that in Russia and Poland, competing political groups sought to implement their own strategies in relation to the neighboring state.