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Journal articles on the topic "Polish war envoys"
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Turanly, Ferhad. "The Diplomatic Activities of Ukrainian Hetmans: the Black Sea Vector." European Historical Studies, no. 7 (2017): 125–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.07.125-149.
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The study is а consideration of the Turkish vector in the diplomatic activities of the Ukrainian Hetmans in the 17th century based on the Ukrainian and the Turkic-Ottoman sources. The circumstances of Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytshky’s residence in Bakhchisarai under the reigning of Sultan Mehmet IV, as well as making the agreement between the Ukrainian Cossack State and the Crimean Khanate have been investigated. In particular, the focuse has been made on the importance of diplomatic activities of Hetman Petro Doroshenko in the relations with the Ottoman Empire. The analysis of the Turkish-written sources also revealed the fact that from the time of the start of Hetman P. Dorosheko’s ruling the rise of the diplomatic relations between Chyhyryn and Istanbul has taken place. A series of envoys from the Turkish Sultan in 1169 resulted in Mehmed IV’s issuing an order on awarding P. Doroshenko with hetman’s authorities in regard of the Zaporozhian Cossacks. The Turkish side has been recognizing the hetman’s authority in Ukraine for a long period. The liberation of Ukraine from the Polish-Lithuanian occupation has become the result of the observing the terms and conditions of the agreement made with Hetman Petro Doroshenko, which were provided in the above said Ferman of Mehmed IV. In the war of the Ottoman Empire against the Polish and Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Moscow, Austrian and German soldiers, as well as the Ukrainian Cossacks (the latter ones were headed by Hetman Mykhailo Khanenko) have been engaged to combat on the Polish side. Despite such an alignment of the military forces, the Turkish Army together with the Cossacks headed by Hetman P. Doroshenko and the Crimean warriors succeeded in winning the battle. In the Turkish Army sources one can find some compliments addressed to the Ukrainian hetman, e.g. “the Pride of all the Christian Rulers, the Ruler of a Free Nation worshipping Jesus Crist”, which proves that, apart from the diplomatic recognition of the said hetman, the Ukrainian Cossacks have been highly respected, and that the Christianity has been treated with tolerance.
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Ali Faraj Alghamdi, Ali Faraj Alghamdi. "International immunities for the diplomatic envoy in Islamic law and international agreements: الحصانات الدولية للمبعوث الدبلوماسي في الشريعة الإسلامية والاتفاقيات الدولية". مجلة العلوم الإقتصادية و الإدارية و القانونية 5, № 17 (2021): 22–1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26389/ajsrp.c151220.
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The Diplomatic Agent has great significance at the present time because of the protection and care of the interests of individuals and states have been provided by him. The diplomacy has become the basis for preparing the foreign policy of states, as through diplomatic relations states solve many problems of peace and war and other interests of states. For that many International Conventions and Agreements were concluded to regulate diplomatic relations and lay down the rules for diplomatic protection and immunities. The most important of these international Conventions is the Vienna Convention for Diplomatic Relations 1961. Which brought special privileges and immunities for Diplomatic Agents Due to the significance of the matter, the researcher attempted through the study to shed light on “International Immunities Diplomatic Envoys in International Agreements and Islamic Sharia” by discussing the concept of Diplomatic Envoys, their duties, and the international immunity in International Law and Islamic Sharia. Through highlighting the types of immunities and their scope in International Law and Islamic Sharia, it appears that the Islamic Sharia was long ahead before nations in enforcing immunities rules and international protection of Diplomatic Agents. Thus, it has been the best influence in the international direction to implement rules of diplomatic representation, making it international law. In my study, I followed the inductive analytical approach which is approach through which the texts mentioned in the international laws that regulate the international immunity of the diplomatic envoy are extrapolated and analyzed. The conclusion included the results and recommendations of the research.
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Jēkabsons, Ēriks. "Pre-World War II Romania from Latvian Perspective: An Envoy’s views." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 3, no. 1 (2011): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v3i1_9.
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The paper approaches the working environment and observations of Latvian envoy Ludvigs Ēķis in Romania from the autumn of 1939 when the Latvian Legation was opened in Bucharest until the summer of 1940 when the State of Latvia was liquidated. The main focus is on the Latvian-Romanian relations in this period of time, the Romanian foreign and economical policy and the reaction of Romanian statesmen and society to the events and processes of the first stage of World War: the policy of Soviet Union, Germany and Hungary, the Soviet-Finnish War and other conflicts in region and in Europe. The article is based on the materials stored in the State Archives of Latvia and particularly on Ludvigs Ekis’ reports. In a time when war was raging in Europe, Romania, too, was subject to considerable international pressure. Some similarities can be detected between the developments in this region and in the Baltic States.
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Szabados, János. "The Habsburg and Transylvanian Aims Related to the Campaign of the Ottomans against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (1634)." Prace Historyczne 148, no. 4 (2021): 731–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.048.14024.
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In 1634 the Ottoman Emperor, Murad IV (r. 1623–1640), decided to lead a campaign against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. He wanted to request military support from the Prince of Transylvania, György Rákóczi I (r. 1630–1648), but the prince tried to avoid it, because at that time he had been struggling with his political enemies, who endangered his rule in Transylvania. In the same year, the Habsburgs sent an ambassador (Johann Rudolf von Puchheim) to Constantinople, who tried to dissuade the Sublime Porte from leading a military campaign against the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. The idea of that mediation came from the former Vizier of Buda and at that time, the commander of the Ottoman army, Pasha Murteza, because he did not want this war either. Prince Rákóczi, Puchheim, Trzebiński (Aleksander, the Polish envoy) and Murteza all wanted to stall for time in relation to that campaign. In this article, the author investigates the aims and the problem-solving strategies of the Habsburg, the Transylvanian, the Polish and also the Ottoman elite in that situation. The war against the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth did not take place in the end, because Murad IV began a campaign against the Safavid Empire.
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KHAKHALKINA, ELENA, and EVGENY TROITSKIY. "THE LOCARNO SYSTEM: DECLINE AND BRITISH ATTEMPTS AT MODIFICATION, 1935-1937 (THROUGH THE LENS OF IVAN MAISKY’S "DIPLOMAT’S DIARY")." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 3 (2020): 20–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-3-20-28.
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The Diary of Ivan Maisky, a diplomat, Soviet Envoy (later Ambassador) to the United Kingdom from 1932 to 1943 is one of the valuable sources on the interwar history of international relations and WWII. Maisky never saw his diaries returned to him after they had been confiscated at the time of his arrest in 1953. It was declassified by the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and published in 2006-2009 with the commentaries of Russian scholars. The analysis of the Diary which contains unique details about Soviet-British relations casts new light on the roles of Great Britain and the USSR in the pre-war international crises and allows for a re-evaluation of the two powers’ efforts aimed at preventing or delaying the war. When the Diary is juxtaposed with the declassified British archive materials, the degree to which the British officials trusted the Soviet Envoy/Ambassador as well as the level of his awareness of the undercurrents of British politics become clearer. The authors argue that the Versailles System had failed by the mid-1920s and was replaced by the Locarno System based on the guarantees of Germany’s western borders. In the mid-1930s the Locarno System was in disarray despite British efforts to save it through concessions and the appeasement policy. The «Diplomat’s Diary» shows a struggle within the British elite between the supporters and the opponents of the appeasement policy linked with the search for a new configuration of the European system of security.
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Yastrebov, A. O. "Peter the Great's Venetian Policy and the Prut Campaign." MGIMO Review of International Relations 14, no. 6 (2021): 172–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2021-6-81-172-190.
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Russia's regular contacts with the Republic of Venice on the eve of the RussianTurkish war 1710-1713 resumed after almost a ten-year break. Before Sultan Ahmed III declared war, the Tsar sent two letters to the doge. They can be interpreted as a call to Venice to recognize the intermediate results of the Northern War and as an appeal to the republic's orthodox subjects to join Russia in the impending conflict. This episode is scarcely covered in Russian and international historiography. The connection of the envoys with the Prut campaign is also not covered in the literature. Therefore, it seems necessary to establish a connection between the two events, especially in changes in Russian foreign policy towards Venice.In March 1711, a Russian consul was sent to Venice to build support and attract volunteers for the opening theater of military operations in the Balkans. It is no coincidence that Dmitry Bozis became the first Russian consul in Italy. Being a prominent representative of the Greek community of the capital, he successfully extended his influence not only to the local Greeks but also to the Slavs of Dalmatia, who wanted to serve the Russian Tsar and fight the Turks. The outcome of the Prut campaign did not affect the consulate's work and the trade mission. Agents of the Russian government, who had commercial orders, were sent to Venice, and successfully fulfilled their mission. One of them was Count Savva Raguzinsky, an outstanding diplomat and successful commercial agent. His activities were relatively peaceful, although they still included political monitoring and legal intelligence.The resumption of bilateral relations caused by the Prut operation positively affected Russian-Venetian relations. Since the departure of the consul Bozis and the diplomatic agent Caretta, who had the authority to create a second Balkan "front" in the rear of the Sultan, after July 12, 1711, the Russian mission transformed into a commercial agency with broad diplomatic powers. These changes open a new, fruitful period in the history of bilateral relations between Russia and Venice.
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Topor, Claudiu-Lucian. "Germany’s policy and the diplomatic agenda of Romanian neutrality (1914-1916). The Prospect of a plan for an alliance with Sweden." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 3, no. 1 (2011): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v3i1_7.
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In the summer of 1915, concerned about Italy’s entry into the war in alliance with the Entente powers yet encouraged by the victories of its armies on the Eastern Front, the German diplomacy attempted to encourage Sweden and Romania to abandon their neutrality in order to give a decisive blow to Russia. In several reports dispatched from Berlin, Alexandru Beldiman, the envoy to Germany who was also Romania’s representative in the Scandinavian countries, raised the possibility of Sweden’s entry into the war on the German side. After he had identified Russia as the common historical enemy of the two countries, the Romanian diplomat suggested forging an alliance under the leadership of Germany. A strong alliance was thought to ensure Sweden’s ascendancy in Finland and the Baltic states, and Romania’s supremacy in the East at the Black Sea. Although this plan was rejected by the liberal government, Beldiman’s initiative in a period of neutrality remains an alternative in the Romanian political circles to Entente supremacy.
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Gray, William Glenn. "Paradoxes ofOstpolitik: Revisiting the Moscow and Warsaw Treaties, 1970." Central European History 49, no. 3-4 (2016): 409–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891600087x.
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AbstractThis article reexamines the diplomacy of Willy Brandt’sOstpolitik, focusing on two landmark achievements in 1970: the Moscow Treaty in August, and the Warsaw Treaty in December. On the basis of declassified US and German documentation, it argues that envoy Egon Bahr’s unconventional approach resulted in a poorly negotiated treaty with the Soviet Union that failed to address vital problems such as the status of Berlin. The outcome deepened political polarization at home and proved disconcerting to many West German allies; it also forced the four World War II victors—Britain, France, the United States, and the Soviet Union—to save Brandt’sOstpolitikby grinding out an agreement on access to Berlin. By contrast, West German negotiations in Warsaw yielded a treaty more in line with West German expectations, though the results proved sorely disappointing to the Polish leadership. Disagreements over restitution payments (repacked as government credits) and the emigration of ethnic Germans would bedevil German-Polish relations for years to come. Bonn’sOstpolitikthus had a harder edge than the famous image of Brandt kneeling in Warsaw would suggest.
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Nevezhin, V. A. ""BANQUET CHRONICLE" A.Ya. VYSHINSKY: FROM THE EVERYDAY LIFE OF SOVIET DIPLOMATS IN KUIBYSHEV (1941-1942)." History: facts and symbols, no. 3 (September 14, 2021): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2021-28-3-34-44.
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The article examines an episode from the everyday life of Soviet diplomats during the Great Patriotic War. The reports of one of the leaders of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs of the USSR Andrei Vyshinsky on diplomatic receptions in November 1941-1942 are analyzed. These receptions took place in Kuibyshev, where employees of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, headed by Vyshinsky, were temporarily evacuated. Reports on them have been preserved in the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation and are being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. They were sent by Vyshinsky to Moscow in the name of Stalin and Molotov. The sources identified by the author of the article, together with memoirs, make it possible to reveal various aspects of the culture of everyday life of Soviet diplomats who were temporarily in Kuibyshev. First, they give an idea of the participation of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in festive commemorations (anniversaries of the October Revolution), which were one of the components of the ceremony for the representation of power. Secondly, the recordings of Vyshinsky's conversations, reflected in his reports, contain important information about the moods of representatives of the diplomatic corps, in particular, ambassadors and envoys of the member states of the anti-Hitler coalition. It was used by the Soviet leadership in solving foreign policy tasks during the most difficult period of the war.
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Lee, Itamar Y. "Chasing the Rising Red Crescent: Sino-Shi’i Relations in Post-Cold War Era China." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (2012): 313–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.313.
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This article adopts a unique angle to analyze China’s Middle East policy in “Chasing the Rising Red Crescent: Sino-Shi’i Relations in the Post-Cold War Era.” With the end of the Cold War and the political renaissance of Islam, the author argues that China’s strategic approaches towards the Middle East have changed fundamentally. The rise of China on the Middle East coupled with the strategic ascendancy of Shi’i Islam in the Middle East invites a strategic window for the emerging architecture of global geopolitics and world economy. The aim of Lee’s study is to make clear the historical trajectories and evolving strategic calculations in China’s Middle East policy and its global implications by reviewing Sino-Shi’i relations in general and introducing Chinese strategic interactions with Iran, Iraq, Syria, Hezbollah, and Hamas in particular. Since the establishment of zhongguo zhongdong wenti teshi [Chinese Special Envoy for Middle Eastern Affairs] in 2002, China’s economic presence and political clout in the Middle East including the Shi’i region have been advanced obviously. Sino-Shi’i relations in the post-Cold War era, thus, should be seriously examined not only for understanding China’s strategic perceptions of the Middle East but also for explaining the pattern of Chinese foreign behaviours, as well as for expecting the impact of China’s rising in the region and its geopolitical implications for the future of China-U.S. relations
Books on the topic "Polish war envoys"
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Best, Antony, ed. British Foreign Secretaries and Japan, 1850-1990. Amsterdam University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9781898823735.
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This book reviews the role of British Foreign Secretaries in the formulation of British policy towards Japan from the re-opening of Japan in the middle of the nineteenth century to the end of the twentieth century. It also takes a critical look at the history of British relations with Japan over these years. Beginning with Lord John Russell (Foreign Secretary 1859-1865) and concluding with Geoffrey Howe (Secretary of State for Foreign & Commonwealth Affairs, 1983-1989), the volume also examines the critical roles of two British Prime Ministers in the latter part of the twentieth century, Edward Heath and Margaret Thatcher, who ensured that Britain recognized both the reality and the opportunities for Britain resulting from the Japanese economic and industrial phenomenon. Heath’s main emphasis was on opening the Japanese market to British exports. Thatcher’s was on Japanese investment. This volume is a valuable addition to the Japan Society’s series devoted to aspects of Anglo-Japanese relations which includes ten volumes of Britain & Japan: Biographical Portraits as well as British Envoys in Japan.
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M, Hersh Seymour. Chain of command: The road from 9/11 to Abu Ghraib. Harper Perennial, 2005.
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M, Hersh Seymour. Chain of command: The road from 9/11 to Abu Ghraib. HarperCollins, 2004.
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Hersh, Seymour M. Obediencia debida: Del 11 de septiembre a las torturas de Abu Ghraib. Aguilar, 2004.
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Hoekstra, Kinch, and Mark Fisher. Thucydides and the Politics of Necessity. Edited by Sara Forsdyke, Edith Foster, and Ryan Balot. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199340385.013.10.
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Thucydides’ text is a locus classicus for political-theoretical discussions of necessity. Such figures as the Athenian envoys in Sparta and Melos frequently draw upon the concept to explain and justify their actions, while Thucydides himself employs it to great explanatory effect in accounting for the actions and origins of the Peloponnesian War. But necessity does not work in only one mode for Thucydides, nor do his characters draw on one consistent argument from necessity throughout the text. Rather, Thucydides’ text offers a rich illustration of the many different ways that necessity affects, and is said to affect, political life. Furthermore, it suggests an approach to necessity that is heroic despite being entirely naturalistic, and focused on the collective action of the polis.
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M, Hersh Seymour. Chain of Command: The Road from 9/11 to Abu Ghraib (P.S.). Harper Perennial, 2005.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Polish war envoys"
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Makówka, Magdalena. "Dyplomacja brytyjska wobec hiszpańskiego zaangażowania w wojnę o sukcesję polską (1733–1735)." In Władza i polityka w czasach nowożytnych. Dyplomacja i sprawy wewnętrzne. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8220-090-4.12.
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The aim of this article is to present the attitude of Great Britain to Spanish involvement in the war of Polish succession. Benjamin Keene, an envoy to Spain, played a key role in the British policy of that period. The British decided not to get involved in the conflict and from its first months tried to persuade Spain not to participate in it. Since 1734, the British together with the Dutch tried to mediate for peace. However, these efforts proved to be ineffective and did not bring any benefits to Albion.
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Sainlaude, Stève. "The Emperor Gets Involved in the War." In France and the American Civil War, translated by Jessica Edwards. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649948.003.0003.
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In defiance of neutrality, because he saw the American Civil War as an opportunity to strengthen France’s position in Mexico and Latin America,Napoleon III pursued a policy openly favourable to the Confederate government: he tried to gain the Confederates a respite from the war via mediation; he twice sought a way to recognize their government; and he wanted to build them ships and buy them maritime weapons. In both 1862 and 1863, Napoleon anticipated victory for the Confederates and wanted to support them with a diplomatic decision.However, Napoleon had to reckon with the resolute opposition of Foreign Minister Eduouard Thouvenel and his successor Edouard Drouyn de Lhuys, who regularly thwarted Napoleon’s plans. The Rappahanock affair was perhaps the peak of these convoluted negotiations. The Confederate envoys understood that there was no consensus in the French government on the position to adopt toward the South. As they attentively followed the exercise of French diplomacy, they saw that it was possible to draw actors into the opposition, to hamper the foreign minister’s efforts by encouraging his colleagues to contradict him, or even to appeal to the emperor and his entourage to achieve their ends.
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Akamine, Mamoru. "The Ryukyu Kingdom under the Bakuhan System." In The Ryukyu Kingdom, edited by Robert Huey, translated by Lina Terrell. University of Hawai'i Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824855178.003.0005.
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Toyotomi Hideyoshi moved to unify Japan and gave the Shimazu clan in Satsuma the right (not acknowledged by Ryukyu) to control Ryukyu. Satsuma successfully invaded Ryukyu in 1609, forcing King Shō Nei to accompany them to Edo to honor the Tokugawa Shogun, who agreed to allow the Ryukyu royal government to continue functioning as is, asking them to mediate in Japan-China relations. China balked and reduced Ryukyu trade missions drastically. In early 1600s, Tokugawa fear of Christianity led to isolationist sakoku policy; Ryukyu included. From 1630s, Ryukyu was subject to Japan’s rice tax assessment, as part of Satsuma. From 1630s, Ryukyu begins to send periodic envoys to Edo (Edo-nobori, or Edo-dachi). Satsuma tightened control over Ryukyu’s trade activities. This chapter examines the complicated trade strategies that developed between Japan, Satsuma, Ryukyu, and China. With the Qing Dynasty in the mid-seventeenth century, Ryukyu tribute envoys also become intelligence “agents” for Satsuma.
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Pardew, James W. "Richard Holbrooke." In Peacemakers. University Press of Kentucky, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813174358.003.0013.
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Richard Holbrooke was a more complex figure than is suggested by his cliché image as a desperately ambitious, difficult but capable diplomat. Holbrooke was a special foreign policy talent. Unfortunately, his personality undermined his potential: Secretary of State was a goal that eluded him for the rest of his life. His personality was too strong, his profile too high, and the insecurity in Washington too pervasive to give him such a platform. At the end of his life, he fails to connect with President Obama as the envoy for Afghanistan.
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Kudriatseva, Elena P. "Crisis in the Russian-Serbian relations in the late 1830s." In Russia: A Look at the Balkans. Eighteenth - Nineteenth Centuries. On the 100th anniversary of Irina S. Dostyan's. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2021.04.
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Creation of an autonomous Serbian state became possible thanks to the consistency of the Russian government in advocating for the relentless implementation of the articles of bilateral Russian-Turkish agreements by the Ottoman Porte. These were the articles of the Treaty of Bucharest (1812), the Akkerman Convention (1826) and the Treaty of Adrianople (1829). All these documents implied granting Serbia autonomy within the Ottoman Empire. These were the demands put forward by the Russian envoys in Constantinople, i.e. G.A. Stroganov, A.I. Ribopierre. Later, they were supported by A.P. Butenev, during his work in the Ottoman capital the Turkish government issued hatt-i sharifs in favour of the Serbian people. It would seem that the Russian envoys and government could expect gratitude from the Serbian leaders. However, after Serbia received autonomous rights, Prince Miloš Obrenović I of Serbia chose a different path for his country. The interference of the European powers in the internal affairs of the Serbian principality, their promises made to Miloš, who strived to remain the sovereign ruler f Serbia ― all these led to the fact that the Prince did not welcome the very presence of Russian diplomatic representatives in Serbia. The crisis in Russian-Serbian relations was closely related to the re-focusing of his policy towards Great Britain, which was facilitated by the activities of the British consul in Belgrade, J. Hodges. Russian-Serbian relations were dramatically undermined during the final years of Miloš Obrenović’s reign and led to further decline in the early 1840s.
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Spooner, Brian. "Lieutenant Henry Pottinger and 150 Years of Baloch History." In Mountstuart Elphinstone in South Asia. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190914400.003.0007.
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In the early decades of the nineteenth century, the UK dispatched a number of envoys, agents and spies into the vast area between northern India and the Ottoman and Russian Empires. The information gathered by these adventurers provided the basis for British policy for the next hundred years, right down to the Great War of the twentieth century. Their publications have served as major sources of historical data, especially for Afghanistan, Iran and the area that later became Pakistan. But how their larger social context conditioned their work has not been examined sufficiently. In this chapter, I will focus on the adventures of Lieutenant Henry Pottinger, whose brief was one of the most challenging. However, he was well aware of being one of a number of Englishmen of different social classes who were doing similar things. What we learn about any one of them will shed additional light on the activities and significance of the work of the others, and in turn help us to understand the relationship between these countries and the West as it has evolved from the nineteenth century to the present day.
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Kudryavtseva, Elena P. "Activities of the Asian Department of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in coordination of the Russian Balkan policy (first half of the 19th century)." In Slavs and Russia: Problems of Statehood in the Balkans (late XVIII - XXI centuries). Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2020.04.
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The study is devoted to the activities of the Asian Department of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs that served as a curator of the Russia-Balkans relations in the first half of the 19th century. The Asian Department (set up in 1819) was in charge of the diplomatic, economic, cultural and church relations of Russia with the countries of the «East», and, above all, with the Ottoman Empire. Relations with the Orthodox Balkan nations - Serbs, Bulgarians and Montenegrins – remained traditionally close. This department supervised the policies related to the Balkan region, developed instructions for Russian envoys in Constantinople and Athens, stored consular reports from all over the Balkan region, and, as a result, elaborated approach of the Russian government in relations with Turkey.
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Orbach, Danny. "Three Puffs on a Cigarette." In Curse on This Country. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705281.003.0007.
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This chapter discusses the murder of Queen Min of Korea by Japanese Lieutenant General Miura Gorō in 1895. On October 8, 1895, a group of Japanese officers, policemen, and civilians broke into the private apartments of Queen Min, hacked her to death with swords, killed several of her court ladies and burned their bodies on the lawn. The minister of the royal household was also slain, and the crown princess was beaten. This heinous act planned by Miura, the Japanese envoy, without the knowledge of the Japanese government. The chapter examines the assassination of Queen Min within its historical and political context before discussing how it brought together, with dire consequences, two distinct roads of military resistance to state policy. It also considers the trial and subsequent acquittal of Miura in Hiroshima.
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de la Torre, Oscar. "The People of the Curuá River." In The People of the River. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469643243.003.0007.
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In 1921, the village of Pacoval, located not far from Santarém on the northern shore of the Amazon River, was in turmoil. In August the state government sent a special envoy to ascertain if the purchase and demarcation of Brazil nut groves were being done by the book and whether permitting its privatization was a wise policy. The protests that ensued represented a new episode in the history of black struggles for citizenship in post-emancipation Brazil, and this chapter analyzes three of their core elements. First, the Pacovalenses presented themselves as “the people of the Curuá” River and fought to keep it “free,” locating the rights of citizenship yet again in the natural landscape. Second, they tried to protect the networks of economic and political patronage that they had built since the time of slavery, which had provided a precarious but real degree of institutional leverage. Finally, in their encounters with public authorities the black peasants also portrayed themselves as “good Brazilians,” a nativist claim that mirrored Afro-Brazilian discourses in other states in those years.
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Smirnova, Irina Y. "Khilandar Monastery on Mount Athos and Russian Diplomacy: on the History of Russian-Serbian Relations (1850–1870s)." In Russia — Turkey — Greece: Dialogue opportunities in the Balkans. Nestor-Istoriia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/4469-2030-3.05.
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New materials from the Foreign Policy Archive of Imperial Russia and other Russian archives relating to the history of the Serbian spiritual presence on the Holy Mountain show the development of Russian-Serbian interchurch relations from 1850 to the 1870s. At this time, Athos became involved in the sphere of geopolitical interests of European powers that used the ethno-confessional factor as an instrument of political influence in the Middle East and the Balkans. One of the key tasks of Russian diplomacy, in order to strengthen Russian influence in the Orthodox East, was to provide material assistance to the Athonite monasteries, among which an important place belonged to the Serbian monastery of Khilandar. Study of the correspondence of Russian secular and ecclesiastical diplomats (Envoy to the Port N. Ignatiev and Consuls in Thessaloniki A. Lagovsky and A. Muravyov) and representatives of the highest spiritual authorities of Serbia and Russia (Metropolitan Mikhail of Serbia, Metropolitan Philaret of Moscow, and ober-Prosecutors of the Holy Synod) allows us to trace the decision-making process in Russian departments (the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Holy Synod) regarding the financial support of the Khilandar monastery, which was negatively affected by the problems associated with the new political structure of the Transdanubian principalities and the anti-church policy of Alexander Kuza towards the monastic farmsteads of the Eastern Patriarchates. The key points of the correspondence relate to the issues of providing material assistance to Khilandar and diplomatic support from the MFA in resolving a ten-year dispute between Khilandar and Zograf monasteries over the land plots of two Slavic monasteries on Mount Athos, which was considered in a Turkish court and attracted the close attention of European diplomats. Special efforts by Russian diplomats were aimed at reconciling the Serbs and Bulgarians and overcoming the Greco-Russian crisis on Athos, which reached its apogee in the mid-1870s. The development of ethno-national (Russian-Serbian, Greek-Russian, and Bulgarian-Greek) relations is considered in the context of the Eastern Question in the third quarter of the 19th century.