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Žvinytė, Vilmantė. "Politinė lyderystė: moters politikės įvaizdis Lietuvoje." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2006~D_20110709_151347-69890.
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Magistrinio darbo objektas – moterų politinių lyderių komunikacija. Darbo tikslas – suformuluoti rekomendacinio pobūdžio komunikacinės strategijos gaires moteriai politikei, kuriomis remiantis, ji, tikėtina, laimėtų rinkimus į aukščiausius politinius postus Lietuvoje. Pagrindiniai darbo uždaviniai: apžvelgti problemas su kuriomis susiduria moterys lyderės; atskleisti stereotipų įtaką moterų motyvacijai dalyvauti viešojoje sferoje; ištirti, kokiomis savybėmis turi pasižymėt moteris politinė lyderė; išnagrinėti, kaip save pristato moteris politinė lyderė Lietuvoje; rekomendacijų būdu pateikti komunikacinės strategijos gaires, kuriomis galėtų naudotis moteris politikė, siekianti laimėti rinkimus. Naudojant kokybinio tyrimo interviu su ekspertais metodą bei remiantis žiniasklaidos publikacijų analize, prieita prie išvados, kad moterys lyderės patiria specifinius sunkumus sąlygojamus lyties. Norėdamos užimti aukštus postus, moterys turi įdėti kur kas daugiau pastangų nei kad vyrai. Pažymėtina, kad moteris politinė lyderė turi pasižymėti profesionaliomis lyderio savybėmis. Kuriant įvaizdį politinei lyderei yra netikslinga akcentuoti stereotipiškai su moteriškumu siejamas savybes. Komunikaciniuose pranešimuose turi būti pabrėžiami lyderės privalumai, domėjimasis tautos problemomis, išskirtinumas iš kitų kandidatų. Atliktas tyrimas parodė, kad Lietuvos politinė lyderė K. Prunskienė demonstruoja lyderės savybes. Tačiau kol kas patriarchalinė visuomenė labiau linkusi lyderiais... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]Gender equality is one of the democracy principals. It should be the same opportunity for man and woman to participate in economical, social, political life. However man and women status is different in our society. Woman is appreciated as a weak gender in many activities despite her skills. Researches showed that woman can be a good leader. She has all necessary qualities. This work aimed at studying woman political communication. The main aim is to create communicative strategy for woman politician which used she could win elections in Lithuania. Politician leader have to be charismatic, professional, honest, active, decided, initiative, powerful. These characteristics link with man in our society. That’s why is difficult to win elections for woman. The quantitative research (interview with experts) maintained that is not purposeful to demonstrate female quality in elections to Parliament. In this way woman could win elections, but she will appreciated only as a woman (gender), not a politician leader. If woman want to work as a professional politician, she have to demonstrate characteristics of leader during elections. It is important to mention, experts agreed what woman politician has to work harder to improve her cleverness. The most known Lithuania politician women Kazimiera Prunskiene during elections to post of the President on 2004 demonstrated both leader and feminine characteristics, our research showed. Experts agreed, for this politician lacked leader... [to full text]
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Šostak, Julija. "Šiuolaikinė politinė reklama Lenkijos televizijoje: 2007 m. Seimo ir Senato rinkimai: ,,Pilietinės platformos“ atvejis." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20110709_152244-81179.
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Lemiamą įtaką rinkiminės kampanijos evoliucijai turėjo masinių komunikacijos priemonių vystymasis, kuris formavo politinės komunikacijos būdus, santykius tarp partijos ir rinkėjų, taip pat skatino pokyčius politinėje aplinkoje. Rimtu technologiniu impulsu, paskatinusiu pokyčius rinkiminės kampanijos organizavime, tapo televizijos išpopuliarėjimas. Šios masinės komunikacijos priemonės vystymasis paskatino naujų politinės komunikacijos formų atsiradimą. Artėjant rinkimams, televizijos reklaminį laiką užvaldo daugybė reklaminių klipų, kuriuose partijų atstovai, žymus politikai arba kandidatai stengiasi kuo efektyviau pateikti rinkėjams savo politines platformas. Šiuolaikinėje rinkiminėje kovoje, politiniai klipai televizijoje, tai viena iš pagrindinių organizuotų ir kontroliuojamų politinės komunikacijos formų. Mano magistro darbo objektas – šiuolaikinė politinė TV reklama Lenkijoje. Darbo tikslas – išnagrinėti, kaip politinėje reklamoje formuojamas emocinis ryšys tarp kandidato ir rinkėjo, kokią įtaką jis turi elektorato apsisprendimui ir kokie yra svarbiausi politinės TV reklamos bruožai šiuolaikinėje rinkiminėje kampanijoje. Darbo uždaviniai: išanalizuoti šiuolaikinės politinės reklamos sampratą, jos funkcijas, reklaminių klipų formas ir turinio tipus; išnagrinėti politinių rinkimų modernizacijos procesą, politinės reklamos įtaką rinkėjo apsisprendimui; ištirti televizijos ir politinės reklamos vaidmenį rinkiminėje kampanijoje. Tyrime, naudojantis politinių reklaminių klipų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The growth of the television as a part of mass media channel persuaded commencement of new kinds of political communication. Political advertisement in TV became a brightest but also not so clear-cut phenomenon of political being. Political TV spots in contemporary election process war are ones of essential well organized and fully controlled communication patterns. The pattern and targets of the political advertisement where changing in the evolution of general election processes. V. Cvalina asserts that the main goal of the modern political advertisement it’s not the information flue but impact on an advertisement receivers behavior. After analyzing electors behavior author of theory ascertain the fact that a person makes its election decision on an emotional base. The main target of my treatise is to explore and analyze the emotional relationship between the elector and its voting object. What impact it has for making decisions and that are the main ambiences on modern political TV advertisements. The detailed tasks of my researches are to analyze the concept of the nowadays political advertisement, its functions, types of content of the political TV spots and the process of the political election modernization. Also it is important to understand the way electors are making their political decisions. The object of my research is Polish political party of “Civic Platform” and their political TV spots translated due to the General Seym and Senate elections in 2007. B. Dobek... [to full text]
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Johnson, Melvin. "The national politics and politicians of Primitive Methodism." Thesis, University of Hull, 2016. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:15456.
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This thesis, which assists our understanding of the interaction between religious belief and political activity, presents a study of the politics of the Primitive Methodist Church and the MPs associated with it between 1886 and 1922. This was the zenith of the Church’s political activism. It traces Primitive Methodism’s evolution from an apolitical body, preaching individual salvation and with a particular mission to the working classes, to one that also promoted social salvation through progressive politics. The Church’s emphasis on individual moral improvement during its early decades receded and it increasingly advocated collectivist solutions to social ills, eventually espousing a balanced and synergetic combination of the two principles. This increasing engagement with progressive national politics manifested itself in the election of December 1885. In the wake of the franchise extension of 1884, 12 working-class MPs were elected, five of whom were closely associated with the Church. Although two working men, including Thomas Burt, the son of a Primitive Methodist local preacher, had preceded them in 1874, this influx of plebeian MPs was an event unprecedented in parliamentary history. The proportion drawn from a minor religious denomination was also notable. All told, my research has identified 44 MPs associated with Primitive Methodism between its foundation in the first decade of the nineteenth century and 1932, when the Church merged with other Methodist denominations. Although it frequently asserted that it was not wedded to any one political party, the reality was different. Initially, the Church and its MPs were firmly Liberal. However, the Liberal allegiance gradually diminished and an increasing number of Primitives supported other political parties, particularly the emergent Labour Party. Historians have often focused on the importance of Primitive Methodists in the foundation and leadership of a number of early trade unions, particularly those for coal miners and agricultural labourers. The historian Eric Hobsbawm deduced from this that the Church experienced a ‘partial transformation … into a labour sect’: mutating from a purely religious organization into one that provided the Labour Movement with leaders. However, he lamented the lack of detailed inquiry into the religious background of the early generation of working-class MPs. This thesis remedies that deficiency in relation to the Primitive MPs, within the context of the Church’s own parliamentary agenda. The core of this study begins in 1886 with the election of the group of Primitive MPs and ends in 1922 as the Church’s leadership began to realise that political activism was no longer a harmonising force for its members. It explores the Church’s official parliamentary aims and priorities as expressed at its Annual Conferences and District Meetings, the spectrum of members’ views articulated in Church publications, and the activities of its MPs in and out of Parliament. These are considered in the context of Primitive Methodism’s social and occupational composition, its geographical distribution, and theological foundations. Although necessary to understanding the Church’s political trajectory, lack of space has restricted discussion of the Church’s political activism from 1923 to 1932 to a brief overview.
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Donkor, L. C. S. "Mediating gendered politics : Ghanaian politicians and news discourse." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2016. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3003900/.
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Mediating gendered politics: Ghanaian politicians and news discourse Research has shown that there are gendered differences in media coverage of political candidates. Kittilson and Fridkin (2008) have shown that women, irrespective of what countries they live in, tend to be systematically stereotyped. Female candidates receive less coverage and the content of the coverage often focuses on their age, style, appearance and family status (Ross, 2010). Over the past decades, several studies have also shown that because of the media’s agenda-setting role, slanted coverage helps create and maintain barriers to the political aspirations of female electoral candidates (Bystrom & Dimitrova, 2014). This research considers the extent to which these patterns and trends can be found in African contexts where rather less research has been undertaken on this particular set of mediated relations, taking a case study approach by focusing on the coverage of mixed gender election campaigns in Ghana. In particular, this study explores how the news media in Ghana frame women candidates and what women candidates and elected representatives say about their relationships with and portrayal by the media. Coverage of three election campaigns was analysed and generated a series of related, comparative datasets which focused on both national and party election campaigns, which took place between 2008 and 2011. Eighteen women candidates who stood in the 2012 parliamentary elections were also interviewed across all main parties. The methods of data analysis were a synthesis of content, frame, and discourse. The analyses of both data (news stories and interviews) were framed and interrogated from a feminist perspective. Findings from the analysis of 198 news items suggest that viable women were covered more frequently than men in terms of visibility and less viable women trailed; in terms of tone, coverage tended to be generally more negative for some of the women than the men and it increased with the level of authority of the office. Coverage focused on the women’s personal attributes, especially their familial relationships and novelty, and for the men, their professional attributes. Again, the focus of coverage was mainly, gendered and prejudicial against women, especially in terms of their character traits, familial relationship, and professional (expertise) attributes. The interview findings, also, demonstrated that women were covered more negatively in sexualised and familial frames, compared to their male colleagues. Some women themselves seem to also have very negative attitudes towards the media. Largely, these findings corroborate many other studies on women candidates.
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Požela, Juras. "Partinė spauda Lietuvos politinėje komunikacijoje." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2006~D_20110709_151350-85106.
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Magistro darbo objektas – partinė spauda Lietuvos politinėje komunikacijoje. Darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti partinės spaudos tendencijas politinėje komunikacijoje, atsakyti į klausimą kodėl jos atsisakoma ir kokios atsiranda alternatyvos. Pagrindiniai darbo uždaviniai – politinės komunikacijos vystymosi tendencijas, politinės komunikacijos sąveiką, išnagrinėti politinio dalyvavimo savivaldoje ypatumus. Iškelto tikslo buvo siekiama analizuojant politinės komunikacijos teorinį istorinį kontekstą, vystymosi tendencijas, nagrinėjant politikos sampratą Lietuvoje ir partinę spaudą, jos kitimą. Pirmoje magistro darbo dalyje nagrinėjau politinės komunikacijos teorinę dalį, žiniasklaidos, kaip politinės komunikacijos tarpininko tarp valdžios ir visuomenės, vaidmenį. Antroje darbo dalyje nagrinėju politikos ir politinių partijų specifiką. Didelis dėmesys skiriamas XX amžiaus pradžios Lietuvos partinei žiniasklaidai. Trečioje darbo dalyje buvo atliktas tyrimas, kuriuo buvo siekiama išsiaiškinti partijų požiūris į partinę spaudą. Rašant darbą buvo naudoti tyrimo metodai: - teorinėje darbo dalyje naudotas literatūros analizės ir sintezės metodas; - praktinėje darbo dalyje naudotas ekspertų apklausos metodas. Darbas gali būti įdomus ir naudingas žiniasklaidos priemonėms, politinėms partijoms, taip pat studentams, besidomintiems politine komunikacija, partine spauda ir viešosios informavimo priemonių vaidmeniu.Nowadays information and communication technologies plays an increasingly role in all the fields of the life. This concerns changes in the systems of mass media and political communication as well. The main role in political communication belongs to the mass media so for this reason it is very important to analyse its impact and transformations. In my master thesis I am exploring political press in Lithuanian political communication. Usually political communication is analysed as application of political marketing and political advertising during political campaigns. Objective of the diploma thesis is political press in Lithuanian political communication. The aim of the work is to detect tendencies of evolution of the political communication and party press, its impact to political daily agenda, peciuliarity of political participation in the governance. I reached the aim of the work by analysing theoretical and historical context of the political communication and political press, tendencies of evolution, role of the mass media in formulating opinion for publics. In the first part of the thesis I analysed theory of the political communication, roles of the mass media as the mediator of communication between the government and society. The second part of the thesis is dedicated to specify the role of the political parties in the structure of governance, its specifics. As well as to answer how it influences every day life of the society. Big part of the second part of the... [to full text]
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Costa, Luiz Domingos. "Os Representantes dos estados no Congresso = composição social e carreira política dos senadores brasileiros (1987-2007)." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279218.
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Orientador: Rachel MeneguelloDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T14:01:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Costa_LuizDomingos_M.pdf: 604766 bytes, checksum: c8c1086b72c36f8fb973925244ebc63f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010
Resumo: Esta dissertação apresenta um levantamento do perfil sócio-político dos senadores eleitos durante as seis últimas eleições para a Câmara Alta brasileira, recobrindo a elite parlamentar que ocupou a Casa durante o período democrático recente. Os dados foram organizados em torno das dimensões da composição sócio-ocupacional e da carreira política e serviram a dois movimentos analíticos. Em primeiro lugar, uma análise desagregada por unidade da federação que, além de captar importantes diferenças observadas entre as bancadas estaduais, registra o impacto da competição sub-nacional na configuração dos perfis dos senadores. Em segundo lugar, uma análise dos dados agregados serviu para uma comparação entre os padrões de composição sócio-ocupacional e de carreira política dos senadores com o universo dos deputados federais do mesmo período, de onde se chegou ao exame de algumas hipóteses disponíveis sobre a composição da classe política do Congresso Brasileiro. Dentre três hipóteses testadas, o universo dos senadores permitiu que se confirmasse uma e se refutasse duas outras. Portanto, tal como na Câmara dos Deputados, a existência de bases sociais distintas de recrutamento político entre das bancadas ideológicas da esquerda, centro e direita também se verifica para o Senado. Entretanto, diferentemente do que se observou nas eleições mais recentes para a Câmara Baixa, a ocorrência de uma incipiente "popularização" da classe política brasileira no período mais recente da democracia brasileira não se observou, indicando que o Senado exerce maiores dificuldades para esse tipo de processo sócio-político. Por fim, o escopo ou volume de carreira política observada entre os deputados federais é muito diferente daquele visto entre os senadores, que são políticos com uma experiência política prévia muito mais substantiva
Abstract: This thesis presents a survey of the socio-political profile of the senators elected in the six latest elections for the upper chamber of Brazilian parliament. It covers the parliamentary elite that has occupied the Senate during the recent democratic period. Data were organized around the dimensions of the socio-occupational composition and political career and they served for two main analytical lines. First, an analysis state by state, which not only shows important differences observed between groups of parliamentarians of each state, but also registers the impact of sub-national competition in the configuration to the senators' profiles. Second, an analysis of aggregated data served for comparison between the patterns of socio-occupational composition and political careers of the senators with those of the deputies elected in the same period. The comparison led to the scrutiny of three hypotheses about the composition of the political class occupying Brazilian National Congress. One of these hypotheses was confirmed and two were refuted. The existence of distinct social backgrounds of political recruitment between distinct ideological (left, centre and right) groups of parliamentarians was verified for the Senate as well as for the Chamber of Deputies. However, differently from what was observed in the recent elections for the lower chamber, an incipient "popularisation" of the Brazilian political class could not be observed for the upper chamber. This fact indicates that the Senate presents more obstacles for this type of socio-political process. Finally, the range or volume of political career observed among deputies is very different from that of the senators, whose previous political expertise is far more substantive
Mestrado
Estado, Processos Politicos e Organização de Interesses
Mestre em Ciência Política
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Taraškevičiūtė, Erika. "Politinė komunikacija Lietuvos informaciniuose portaluose." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2006~D_20081203_194428-64541.
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Magistro darbo objektas - politinė komunikacija Lietuvos informaciniuose portaluose. Darbo tikslas - nustatyti skirtingos specifikos Lietuvos informacinių portalų, kaip politinės komunikacijos priemonės, panaudojimą. Pagrindiniai darbo uždaviniai: apibūdinus tradicinės politinės komunikacijos sąvoką bei procesą, nustatyti šio komunikacijos rūšies raidos etapų ypatumus; išanalizuoti politinės komunikacijos savitumą; išnagrinėti interneto poveikio teorijas politinei komunikacijai; nustatyti politinės komunikacijos internete formų ypatybes; atskleisti politinės komunikacijos internete privalumus ir trūkumus; atlikti politinės komunikacijos analizę delfi, omni ir bernardinai informaciniuose portaluose. Naudojantis mokslinių šaltinių bei lyginamosios analizės metodais ir kiekybine politinių straipsnių analize, atsižvelgiant į jų pateikimo pobūdį ir formą, buvo prieita prie išvados, kad politikai ir politinės partijos neišnaudoja Lietuvos informacinių portalų, kaip politinės komunikacijos priemonės. Politinės komunikacijos Lietuvos informaciniuose portaluose analizė parodė, kad labiausiai paplitusi ir populiariausia, pagal vidutinį komentarų skaičių, politinės komunikacijos forma tiriamuoju laikotarpiu buvo negatyvūs politiniai straipsniai. Remiantis faktu, kad informaciniais portalais, kaip žiniasklaidos priemone, naudojasi apie trečdalis Lietuvos piliečių ir, kad interneto vartojimas eksponentiškai didėja, galima daryti pagrįstą prielaidą, kad tikslingai suplanuota politinė... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]During this research, it was found that the increasing popularity of Lithuanian information websites made this an interesting research subject as a means of analysing political communication. The object of this research was political communication on Lithuanian information websites. The main objective of this paper was to identify the use of different specific Lithuanian information websites as a means of political communication. The following tasks have been brought up to achieve the objective of this paper: to define the concept and the process of political communication, to characterize each evolution stage of political communication, to analyze distinction of the concept, to examine different theories of the influence of the internet on political communication, to analyze the forms of political communication on the internet, to identify advantages and disadvantages of the political communication on the internet; to analyze political communication on delfi, omni and bernardinai information websites. The subject is topical because political communication is researched in new media - Lithuanian information websites, where, voters’ participation in political communication is very specific and unique and differs a lot from the participation in the traditional political communication process. Particularity of political communication on the information websites shows the level of modernity in relations to politicians and society. Another important thing is that because of the... [to full text]
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Higgins, Andy. "Music, politics and liquid modernity : how rock-stars became politicians and why politicians became rock-stars." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.578068.
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As popular music eclipsed Hollywood as the most powerful mode of seduction of Western youth, rock-stars erupted through the counter-culture as potent political figures. Following its sensational arrival, the politics of popular musical culture has however moved from the shared experience of protest movements and picket lines and to an individualised and celebrified consumerist experience. As a consequence what emerged, as a controversial and subversive phenomenon, has been de-fanged and transformed into a mechanism of establishment support. Throughout this period, as rock-stars have morphed from 'pariahs to paragons of virtue', public confidence in the art of politics has declined to an all time low. Sharing similar challenges in terms of building cultural capital and maintaining a sense of credibility, rock-stars have therefore tended to succeed where politicians have largely failed. In order to arrest this decline Featherstone claims that liquid modern politics has gravitated towards the ease of 'commodified consumer critique' than using this shift as an opportunity for 'serious political critique' 1. Naively attempting to re-habilitate itself by constructing marketable identities to re- energise its popularity, potency and appeal, politicians have transformed themselves into media 'personalities'. Stylistically re-engineered by adopting the entertainment protocols of the pop celebrity and the seductive language of consumerism, today's politicians share more and more similarities with stars from the world of music. More fundamentally, modernity's meltdown and re-ordering of traditional meanings encourages everything including both politics and music to become increasingly liquid, unfixed and indefinite. As consumerism replaces politics as the society's all- powerful meta-value, its underpinning logic seeks to ingratiate, please and entertain where politics once sought to challenge and question. As a result the symbiosis of rock-star-politics is increasingly normalised and soaks more deeply into the fabric of liquid modern life. Seduced by the trappings of celebrity and carnival, the rock-star's journey of transformation exemplifies many of the obstacles liquid modernity now places in the way of establishing moral responsibility and developing meaningful politics. Bauman's sociological cement brings together many of these challenges and the burgeoning world of popular music culture now offers an interesting device to illuminate these ongoing difficulties. In this complex and highly unpredictable world it is increasingly difficult to even imagine new forms of transgression let alone mount a serious political challenge to the its market driven ethos. By mixing Bauman's strident critique with an analysis of popular music's fast moving industry of stars, controversies and consumption practices, this thesis provides an alternative reading through music culture of the continuing search for politics.
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Satloff, Robert Barry. "The King and his men : politics and politicians in Jordan, 1951-1957." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315693.
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Dewi, Kurniawati Hastuti. "The Emergence of Female Politicians in Local Politics in Post-Suharto Indonesia." 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/157869.
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Indrašiutė, Dovilė. "Komunikacijos ypatumai politinių sklasčių atžvilgiu." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2010~D_20140625_183305-32361.
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Magistro darbo objektas – politinės sklastys ir politinė komunikacija. Darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti politinių sklasčių įtaką politinei komunikacijai. Darbo uždaviniai: aptarti politinių sklasčių sampratą; apibūdinti politinės komunikacijos procesą; atskleisti politinių kampanijų specialistų požiūrį į politinę komunikaciją. Išanalizavus mokslinę literatūrą lyginant Lietuvos ir kitų šalių mokslininkų darbus politinių sklasčių tema, pastebėta, kad skirtingi Lietuvos mokslininkai skirtingai apibūdina politinių sklasčių sąvoką, kurią vadina ir politiniu konfliktu, ir politinėmis preferencijomis. Šiame darbe vartojama politinių sklasčių sąvoka. Gretinant, lyginant, apibendrinant skirtingų mokslininkų nuomones, prieita prie išvados, kad politinės sklastys praranda svarbą šiuolaikinės komunikacijos procese, tačiau atsiranda naujų probleminių sričių: nedarbas, krizė ir pan., kurios susklendžia rinkėjus į tam tikras grupes pagal jų interesus, įsitikinimus. Analizuojant politinės komunikacijos procesą, išsiaiškinta, kad auditorija gali būti aktyvi, pasyvi, apsisprendusi, neapsisprendusi. Taigi siekiant išsiaiškinti, kaip vyksta politinės komunikacijos procesas su skirtingais rinkėjais, atliktas kokybinis tyrimas – interviu su ryšių su visuomene specialistais. Šio tyrimo metu, išanalizavus gautus duomenis, paaiškėjo, kad politinės komunikacijos procese itin svarbu segmentuoti rinkėjus, išsiaiškinti jų lūkesčius, žinant šiuos aspektus, parenkamos ir tikslingos priemonės, kanalai... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The Master’s thesis examines the communication features in case of political cleavages. The thesis describes the peculiarities of cleavage formation processes; therefore, various related concepts (political identity, political conflict) are also being analysed. The analysis indicates that political cleavages emerge on the basis of the same ideology, values, in this case the electorate is able to make a decision what to choose and may decide which side of a conflict they support. The interaction of political communication and political cleavages is very close; however, political partys use it to create images and reality in the society. The thesis also gives a deeper consideration on the concept and process of political communication. The importance of political communication members is emphasized, where political actors aim at achieving some political goals, the media itself helps in implementing them; thus, the audience is the main object of political communication. The audience is aimed to be persuaded and informed by the political actors. There are many variuos political partys and the electorate is different as well. So the main aspect is to understand how these two components of political communication process communicate and interact. The aspect reveals the novelty and relevance of the thesis. Thus, the object is political cleavages and political communication. Accordingly, the aim is to analyse the impact of political cleavages on political communication. In order to... [to full text]
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Jacevičiūtė, Eglė. "Europos Sąjungos bendrosios užsienio ir saugumo politikos formavimas: politinės valios argumentas kaip nacionalinių interesų priedanga." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20140623_181654-75943.
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Šiame darbe nagrinėjama, ką ES užsienio ir saugumo politikoje reiškia politinės valios argumentas, kokiomis aplinkybėmis jis paprastai naudojamas ir kaip galėtų būti interpretuojamas. Aiškinamasi, kodėl ES valstybės narės bendrai priėmusios strategijas su konkrečiais tikslais, vėliau nesiima jų įgyvendinimo. Pateikiama BUSP raidos ir esamos padėties apžvalga, vidinių procesų analizė; nagrinėjama politinės valios samprata ir galimos jos interpretacijos. Analizuojant ES tarptautines sutartis, ekonominius statistinius duomenis, atskirų ES valstybių narių užsienio politikos prioritetus ir dvišalių santykių raidą, aiškinamasi, kodėl ES deklaruota politika konkrečiais atvejais nebuvo sėkmingai įgyvendinta ir kokį ryšį su tuo turi politinės valios argumentas.Incapability of the EU to act unanimously in the field of foreign and security policy and efficiently participate in resolution of international issues is very often justified by insufficient political will of the EU member states. Non-existence of the image of EU as international player raises issues concerned with capability of this organization to be a subject of international law, raises doubts as for its reliability as much as it concerns other players of international relations. Political will should be understood as a degree of determination of political leaders to seek for and put into practice a certain type of policy. However, when lack of political will is used to justify inaction, the reasons for that lie much deeper. The problem considered in this paper sounds as follows: although the EU member-states declare particular goals of foreign policy, however they do not take any measures to implement them while justifying themselves by lack of political will or determination. The purpose of this paper is to investigate what the argument of political will means in the context of EU foreign and security policy, what circumstances it is used at and what could be possible interpretations of it. It is asserted that the lack of political will in the EU foreign and security policy conceals the differences of member states’ national interests that cause the lack of political will of entire EU as well as create a gap between the goals declared in the CFSP and actual decisions... [to full text]
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Bester, Gisela Maria. "Direitos politicos das mulheres brasileiras: aspectos historicos da luta sufragica e algumas conquistas politicas posteriores." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 1996. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/handle/123456789/106440.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciencias JuridicasMade available in DSpace on 2013-12-05T20:31:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 1996Bitstream added on 2016-01-08T20:41:11Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 104331.pdf: 4891027 bytes, checksum: b58aca4c60f4ba1bc7b73d41e52f0ccf (MD5)
A dissertação versa sobre a luta das mulheres brasileiras pelo acesso aos clássicos direitos políticos - votar e serem votadas -, com ênfase na abordagem histórico-jurídica. Antes do exame da luta em si, demonstra como se deu a exclusão das mulheres do gozo dos direitos políticos e a importância da conquista destes em uma democracia representativa. Em seguida, desvenda as várias etapas da luta sufrágica brasileira, desde os seus primórdios até a efetiva conquista dos direitos pleiteados. Através de análise documental dá a conhecer os principais argumentos utilizados tanto pelos defensores, quanto pelos opositores do voto feminino. A título de informação e comparação, tecem-se considerações acerca de lutas similares ocorridas em outros países. Enquadrada a conquista dos direitos políticos como emancipação política, faz-se uma análise crítica, mormente sobre o seu caráter elitista quanto ao grau de instrução. Por último, afere-se o grau da participação política das mulheres brasileiras - desde 1932 até a atualidade -, através do número de eleitas ou de atuações em movimentos de mulheres, estes últimos configurando outra espécie de participação que não a estritamente político-partidária, mas que pode a esta contribuir, como o fez, por exemplo, na recente conquista do sistema de cotas eleitorais.
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Anderson, Rodney Harold. "Serving in affairs of state in a distinctively Christian manner foundational principles /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1987. http://www.tren.com.
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Bayliss, Andrew James. "Athens under Macedonian domination Athenian politics and politicians from the Lamian War to the Chremonidean War /." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/71376.
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Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Humanities, Department of Ancient History, 2002.Bibliography: leaves 411-439.
Athenian politics and politicians -- Athenian political ideology -- A prosopographical study of the leading Athenian politicians -- Conclusion.
This thesis is a revisionist history of Athens during the much-neglected period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars. It draws upon all the available literary and epigraphical evidence to provide a reinterpretation of Athenian politics in this confused period. -- Rather than providing a narrative of Athens in the early Hellenistic period (a task which has been admirably completed by Professor Christian Habicht), this thesis seeks to provide a review of Athenian politics and politicians. It seeks to identify who participated in the governing of Athens and their motivations for doing so, to determine what constituted a politician in democratic Athens, and to redefine political ideology. The purpose of this research is to allow a clearer understanding of the Athenian political arena in the early Hellenistic period. -- This thesis is comprised of three sections: -The first provides a definition of what constituted a politician in democratic Athens and how Athenian politicians interacted with each other. -The second discusses Athenian political ideology, and seeks to demonstrate that the Athenian politicians of the early Hellenistic period were just as ideologically motivated as their predecessors in the fifth and fourth centuries. This section seeks to show that the much-maligned Hellenistic democracies were little different from the so-called "true" democracies of the Classical period. The only real difference between these regimes was the fact that whereas Classical Athens was militarily strong and independent, Hellenistic Athens lacked the military capacity to remain free and independent, and was incapable of competing with the Macedonian dynasts as an equal partner. -The third section consists of a series of detailed prosopographical studies of leading Athenian politicians including Demades, Phokion, Demetrios of Phaleron, Stratokles, and Demochares. The purpose of this section is to evaluate the careers of these politicians who played a pivotal role in Athenian politics in order to enable us to better understand the nature of Athenian politics and political ideology in this period. -This thesis also includes an appended list of all the Athenians who meet my definition of a "politician" in democratic Athens. -- The overall aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that there was no real qualitative difference between Athenian democracy in the period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars and the fifth and fourth century democracies.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
viii, 439 leaves ill
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Molony, Samantha L. "Of the Mothers, by the Mothers and for the Mothers: A Frame Analysis of Motherhood Discourse in Female Politicians’ Speeches." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1460447019.
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Vegas, Maria Luz. "Actores politicos, funcionarias y activistas| El desarrollo de las politicas de genero en el municipio de moron." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10636437.
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Gender equality is part of the public policy agenda in Latin America. During the last twenty years, there have been several discussions on the scope of equality policies between women and men, their content and possibilities of action. In Latin America, important progresses have been made, mainly in the legal field but also in different government areas. Many subnational levels of government have their own gender offices and have developed local experiences in promoting equality measures. Argentina registers some outstanding experiences in incorporating the gender perspective at the local level. The decentralization processes reconfigured the capacities and responsibilities of subnational governments and presented potential elements for gender mainstreaming. In addition, the closeness to citizenship and the possibility of articulating demands offered by this scale are important for the promotion of gender policies.
Morón is one of the 135 Municipalities of Buenos Aires Province, Argentina. Between 1999 and 2015 the political party Nuevo Encuentro ran the Municipality. The administration encouraged citizen participation and transparency in management, proposing new forms of linkage between the State and society. In this context, more horizontal management structures were framed and they opened up the possibility of promoting equal opportunities and gender equality in Morón. This thesis examines the evolution of the gender equality policy under the management of Nuevo Encuentro in the Municipality of Morón. It aimed at characterizing gender policy and its sustainability over time. Also, it seeks to analyze the role of social and political actors in the implementation of this policy, as well as in its development and expansion. For these purposes, a case study was conducted and the research involved fieldwork based on interviews with different government agents and civil society’s members.
The results obtained demonstrate that gender equality policies in Morón have progressively evolved from the rise of the issue in the public agenda in 1999 to the end of Nuevo Encuentro’s administration in 2015. The increasing maturation of the gender equality policy in Morón’s local government and its sustainability was due to the convergence of the four key elements: political commitment, presence of a network of women politicians sensitized with gender issues, articulation of local government with social organizations committed to women’s rights and international cooperation with resources and interests in supporting local initiatives on gender policies.
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AraÃjo, FlÃvia Telis de Vilela. "PolÃticas de apoio Ãs micro e pequenas empresas do Brasil e do CearÃ: o caso do Simples." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2004. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=1501.
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nÃo hÃEsta DissertaÃÃo analisa as polÃticas pÃblicas, instituÃdas no Brasil, de apoio Ãs micro e pequenas empresas (MPEÂs), em especial o Sistema Integrado de Pagamento de Impostos e ContribuiÃÃes das Microempresas e das Empresas de Pequeno Porte â SIMPLES; alÃm disso, analisa-se a importÃncia das micro e pequenas empresas no Brasil, no Nordeste e no CearÃ, no que se refere à geraÃÃo de firmas e de postos de trabalho. A participaÃÃo dessas empresas no nÃmero de empregos e de estabelecimentos no PaÃs, em 2000, era de 46 % e 99 %, respectivamente. InstituÃdo pelo Governo Federal em 1996 (Lei n 9.317), o SIMPLES reduz a carga tributÃria e simplifica a declaraÃÃo das micro e pequenas empresas. O perÃodo de anÃlise situa-se entre 1990 e 2000, sendo a principal base de dados a RAIS e a SRF. Os resultados indicam a efetiva reduÃÃo da carga tributÃria e o efeito no crescimento do nÃmero de firmas e de empregados. A anÃlise aborda ainda a relaÃÃo entre as esferas de Governos Federal, Estaduais e Municipais, e suas implicaÃÃes para um maior impacto do SIMPLES, quando da adoÃÃo de polÃticas locais de fomento Ãs micro e pequenas empresas, por parte dos Estados e MunicÃpios, a exemplo do Estado do CearÃ, com o Programa Cearà Empreendedor.
This Dissertation analyzes the brazilian public policies designed to give support and incentive to the small enterprises, and in particular the Integreted System of Fiscal Incentives to the Small Scare Enterprises â SIMPLES. Adittionaly it also analyses their importance concerning the creation of job opportunities and enterprises. The analysis covers Brazil, the Northeast and the state of CearÃ, in the 1990-2000 period. Data were mainly collected from RAIS and SRF. The small enterprises relative share in the total number of employment and establishments in Brazil was 46 and 99% respectively in the year 2000. Public policies to support and give incentive to those enterprises, in particular the program SIMPLES, are also analyzed. This program was created by the Federal Government in 1996 (Law n 9.317). Its main objective is to simplify the fiscal and administrative procedures as also to reduce the fiscal burden incident on that group of businesses. The analysis shows the effectiveness of the SIMPLES, in relation to simplifying the administrative procedures and reducing the fiscal burden on the MPEÂs. As a result, this group of business enterprises increased its relative share of job placements and of their number of establishments. Both the relations between the different levels of government and the acceptance of the SIMPLES by states and local governments is also discussed. Finally, the experience of some states in the area of incentive to the MPEÂs like the program Cearà Empreendedor is considered.
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Camargo, Keila Bonin Reis de [UNESP]. "Estudo do turismo na perspectiva geográfica no município de Presidente Epitácio." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/95701.
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camargo_kbr_me_rcla.pdf: 2386573 bytes, checksum: 5b9791c8b1c48d0013f2d66886241af2 (MD5)Este trabalho tem como objeto de pesquisa o Município de Presidente Epitácio e se propõe a fazer uma análise do processo de produção do espaço urbano, num momento em que a atividade turística desponta como alternativa econômica para seu crescimento, principalmente após as modificações territoriais ocorridas em função da Construção da Usina Hidrelétrica “Engenheiro Sérgio Motta”, que promoveu o alagamento de áreas importantes da cidade. Partimos do pressuposto de que a atividade turística é uma prática social e econômica inerente ao processo de produção capitalista, inserida na ideologia do consumo e que reproduz a lógica do capital. A apropriação do território para o uso turístico promove a normatização, funcionalização e mercantilização do espaço modificando sua forma e função, o que resulta na perda das relações de vizinhança e da identidade que dá sentido aos lugares, causando a fragmentação do território e a segregação sócio-espacial. Entretanto a pesquisa não se restringe apenas ao estudo do desenvolvimento do turismo, mas pretende uma análise mais ampla quanto ao processo histórico de crescimento desta e das demais atividades que vêem promovendo a expansão urbana e a transformação de seu território, destacando criticamente suas implicações no modo de ser local e abordando a importância das Políticas Públicas e o papel do Estado neste processo de mudanças.
This work has as research object the Municipal district of President Epitácio and intends to do an analysis of the process of production of the urban space, in one moment in that the tourist activity blunts as economical alternative to growth, mainly after the territorial modifications happened in function of the Construction of the Hydroelectric power station Engineer Sérgio Motta, that it promoted the flooding of important areas of the city. We left of the presupposition that the tourist activity is a social and economical practice inherent to the process of capitalist production, inserted in the ideology of the consumption and that it reproduces the logic of the capital. The appropriation of the territory for the tourist use promotes the standardization, functions and merchandise of the space modifying the form and function, what results in the loss of the neighborhood relationships and of the identity that gives sense to the places, causing the fragmentation of the territory and the partner-space segregation. However the research doesn't just limit to the study of the development of the tourism, but it intends a wider analysis as for the historical process to growth of this and of the other activities that see promoting the urban expansion and the transformation of territory, detaching their implications critically in the way of being local and approaching the importance of the Public Politics and the paper of the State in this process of changes.
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MacKenzie, Scott Alan. "Strategy, choice and the pathways to power sequence analysis of political careers /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3356447.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 14, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 298-316).
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Sirevičiūtė, Alina. "Politinio įvaizdžio raiška oficialiose kalbose: Lietuvos Respublikos prezidento Rolando Pakso kalbų analizė." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2010~D_20140625_184317-32302.
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Magistro darbo objektas - politinis įvaizdis. Darbo tikslas - išanalizuoti politinio įvaizdžio sklaidą politinėje retorikoje, tiriant Prezidento Rolando Pakso įvaizdžių raišką oficialiose kalbose. Darbo uždaviniai: išanalizuoti politinės retorikos panaudojimą politinės komunikacijos procese; analizuojant politinio įvaizdžio formavimo procesą, nustatyti politinio įvaizdžio turinio elementus; nustatyti Rolando Pakso įvaizdžių kaitą 2002 – 2004 metų laikotarpiu; tiriant oficialiose Prezidento Rolando Pakso kalbose panaudojamas kalbėjimo strategijas, nustatyti skirtingų laikotarpių kalbose dominuojančius R. Pakso įvaizdžius; palyginti tyrimo metu nustatytus oficialiose kalbose vyraujančius Prezidento R. Pakso įvaizdžius su išskiriamais teorinėje literatūroje. Taikant literatūros analizės, sintezės ir indukcijos metodus, išanalizavus politinės komunikacijos proceso elementus ir politinės retorikos panaudojimo galimybės, nustatyta, kad politinės komunikacijos proceso elementas – politikos veikėjai – pasitelkia retoriką, siekdami specifinių tikslų, kurių vienas – suprojektuoto, išskirtinėmis savybėmis ir būdo bruožais užpildyto politinio įvaizdžio pristatymas. Išnagrinėjus politinio įvaizdžio formavimo procese dalyvaujančius veikėjus ir nustačius patraukliausius politinio įvaizdžio savybių rinkinius ir tipus, paaiškėjo, kad specialistų pagalba suprojektuotas politinis įvaizdis yra vienas svarbiausių komunikacinių kampanijų figūrų. Šių analizių pagrindu prieita prie išvados, kad... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]This master’s paper provides an analysis of the use of political rhetoric for the creation of a political image. In politics, rhetoric is strategised and used as a tool to express planned political images. Academic discourse in Lithuania lacks studies containing an analysis of the image of political figures based on their political rhetoric. Therefore, it is important and useful to apply -considering current global trends - the study of the expression of political image in political rhetoric, which is an aspect of the analysis of political image new to Lithuania. Taking this into account, this master’s paper analyses the expression of the image of Rolandas Paksas, former president of the Republic of Lithuania, in one specific area of political rhetoric - official speeches. This choice determined the object of the research (the image of former Lithuanian president Rolandas Paksas), as well as the main objective of the research (analysis of the expression of political image in political rhetoric by studying the expression of Paksas’ image considering his official speeches). This master’s paper is based on the analysis of informational sources and synthesis and induction methods in pursuit of the tasks set and analyses the use of political rhetoric in the process of communication, the elements of the content of political image, and the process of the formation of political image in order to establish the links between them. With the use of comparison, semi-structured interview... [to full text]
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Rosa, Ricardo Lemes da. "A política nacional do esporte e sua relação entre o global e o local." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFPR, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1884/35000.
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Orientador : Prof. Dr. Fernando Marinho MezzadriDissertaçao (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do Paraná, Setor de Ciencias Biológicas, Programa de Pós-Graduaçao em Educaçao Física. Defesa: Curitiba, 25/03/2011
Bibliografia: fls. 102-106
Área de concentraçao: Exercício e esporte
Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem sua problemática pautada na Política Nacional do Esporte (PNE) e sua relação entre a esfera federal e municipal, representados pelas estruturas burocráticas do Ministério do Esporte (ME) e pelas secretarias municipais de esporte dos municípios de Araucária, Pinhais e São José dos Pinhais, localizados na região metropolitana de Curitiba, Paraná, Brasil. Nosso objetivo foi analisar como a Política Nacional do Esporte orientou odesenvolvimento de políticas públicas para o esporte e lazer nos municípios de Araucária, Pinhais e São José dos Pinhais, no período de 2005 a 2010. Para tanto, investigamos as diretrizes, preceitos e objetivos da PNE, bem como, os programas e projetos desenvolvidos por estes municípios no referido período. Como procedimentos metodológicos, adotamos a pesquisa de abordagem qualitativa, utilizando para a coleta dos dados a descrição de documentos e a entrevista semi-estruturada. Como instrumentos para a reflexão acerca do problema apresentado, utilizamos a teoria central da Sociologia Reflexiva de Pierre Bourdieu, e os conceitos básicos sobre políticas públicas. Nossa pesquisa ficou dividida da seguinte maneira: no primeiro capítulo apresentamos o referencial teórico proposto, tratando especificamente da interseção entre o campo esportivo e o campo político na relação entre a esfera federal e municipal; no segundo capítulo descrevemos a PNE, apontando aspectos históricos de sua construção e elaboração, além de apresentar seus preceitos, objetivos, teses e diretrizes gerais; e no terceiro e último capítulo desmembramos a discussão em três partes. Na primeira parte fazemos uma reflexão sobre a Política Pública enquanto uma área de conhecimento, apontando seu conceito geral e seus desdobramentos frente à política setorial de esporte. Na segunda parte apresentamos algumas características sobre a economia, a população, indicadores sociais e a estrutura esportiva dos referidos municípios. Na terceira parte que finaliza o terceiro e último capítulo, apresentamos os dados da pesquisa coletados in lócu e realizamos sua análise. As reflexões acerca destas informações nos permitiram constatar que a relação entre as estruturas burocráticas do ME e as secretarias municipais de esporte de Araucária, Pinhais e São José dos Pinhais e seus respectivos agentes sociais, é uma relação políticopartidária, sugerindo que na interseção entre o campo esportivo e o campo político existe um desequilíbrio que limita o estabelecimento de diálogo. Os programas e projetos desenvolvidos pelo ME e que foram citados pelos agentes dos três municípios, fazem-se presentes em apenas um deles, no qual existem vínculos político-partidários entre os agentes que representam ambas as estruturas, demonstrando que o capital político é um recurso significativo na viabilização de ações e parcerias com o governo federal. Outro dado relevante neste processo de compreensão acerca da relação entre a esfera federal e municipal refere-se ao fato de que os gestores dos municípios investigados, embora conheçam algumas ações e projetos do ME, como por exemplo, o programa Segundo Tempo, PELC e Bolsa Atleta, pouco demonstram saber a respeito dos objetivos e preceitos da PNE, não considerando tal política para a elaboração de suas ações. Este dado vem a confirmar a hipótese apontada por nosso trabalho de que a PNE não tem orientado satisfatoriamente o desenvolvimento das políticas públicas de esporte e lazer na esfera municipal.
Abstract: This research is problematic based on National Sports Policy (PNE) and the relationship between the federal and municipal governments, represented by the bureaucratic structures of the Ministry of Sports (ME) and the secretariats municipalities of sport from Araucaria, Pinhais and São José dos Pinhais, located in the metropolitan region of Curitiba, Parana, Brazil. Our objective was to examine how the National Sports Policy has guided the development of public policy for sport and leisure in the cities of Araucaria, Pinhais e São José dos Pinhais, in the period from 2005 to 2010.We therefore investigated the guidelines, principles and objectives of the PNE, as well as programs and projects developed by these municipalities in that period. The methodological procedures, we adopted a qualitative approach, using data collection to document description and semistructured interview. As tools for reflection on the problem presented, we used the central theory of Reflexive Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu, and the basics of public policy. Our research was divided as follows: the first chapter presents the proposed theoretical framework, dealing specifically with the intersection between the sports field and in the political relationship between the federal and municipal, in the second chapter we describe the PNE, pointing out historical aspects of its construction and preparation, and present its precepts, goals, theories and guidelines, and the third and final chapter classified the discussion into three parts. In the first part we make a reflection on Public Policy as an area of knowledge, pointing its general concept and its development opposite the sports sector policy. The second part presents some characteristics about the economy, population, social indicators and the structure of these sports cities. In the third part that ends the third and final chapter, we present the survey data collected in locus and conducted its analysis. The reflections on this information allowed us to verify that the relationship between the bureaucratic structures of ME and the municipal sports from Araucaria, Pinhais and São José dos Pinhais and their social agents is a party-political relationship, suggesting that the intersection between the sports field and political field there is an imbalance that limits the establishment of dialogue. Programs and projects developed by the ME and that were cited by agents of the three municipalities, are always present in only one in which there are links between the political party agents representing both structures, showing that political capital is a resource significant to the viability of initiatives and partnerships with the federal government. Another relevant in this process of understanding the relationship between the federal and municipal refers to the fact that the managers of the cities surveyed, although aware of some activities and projects of ME, for example, the program "Segundo Tempo", PELC and "Bolsa Atleta", show little knowledge about the goals and precepts of the PNE, not considering such a policy for the preparation of their actions. This figure is to confirm the hypothesis indicated by our work that the PNE has not successfully guided the development of public policies on sport and recreation at the municipal level.
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Tsuda, Márcia Satomi [UNESP]. "Política Pública de Creche: entre as leis e a realidade." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/92392.
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tsuda_ms_me_prud.pdf: 1125956 bytes, checksum: e4df0aceff577dfa1ddbf912ddbebbd1 (MD5)O presente trabalho está vinculado à linha de pesquisa “Políticas Públicas, Organização Escolar e Formação de Professores”. As mudanças ocorridas na Educação Infantil, a partir do reconhecimento do direito da criança de 0 a 6 anos à educação, promulgado na Constituição Brasileira de 1988, representaram um marco na vida das crianças, principalmente daquelas que ficavam à margem desse atendimento. Para o reconhecimento desse direito, foi aprovada a Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional (LDBEN 9394/96), que organizou o atendimento da criança pequena no sistema de ensino, diferenciando a creche e a pré-escola apenas com o critério universal da idade e exigindo que as crianças fossem assumidas por um professor com formação especifica. A lei atribuiu também ao Município a responsabilidade de oferecêla. Desse modo, a Educação Infantil esta passando por momentos de adequação nos sistemas municipais de ensino, fato que requer, dos gestores municipais, estudo, reflexão e revisão das ações ao elaborarem as políticas públicas desta etapa educacional. Esta pesquisa investigou, assim, a maneira como essas decisões da Política Nacional de Educação Infantil têm refletido na organização do atendimento público municipal à criança de 0 a 3 anos, no município de Presidente Prudente-SP. Para obtermos as respostas, a pesquisa foi definida como estudo de caso com abordagem qualitativa. Ao revisitarmos a história do atendimento à criança no Brasil e em Presidente Prudente, observamos avanços, distorções e impasses...
This work is linked to the “Public Politics, Scholar Organization and Teacher’s Formation” research line. The changes that occurred in the way children were taught, from the recognition of the right for education for children of 0 to 6 years, promulgated in the 1988 Brasilian Constitution, represented a landmark in the children’s lives, mainly for those who were deprived of this king of care. The Directives of Basic National Education (LDBEN 9394/96) was basically approved to recognize this right and to organize the inclusion of the young children in the teaching system. The crèche and pre-school education were differentiated, then, by the universal criterion of age and the exigency that children were taken over by a teacher with specific training. The law also gave responsibility for providing it to the Municipality.Children’s Education is, therefore, adjusting itself to the municipal teaching systems, which requires, from supervisors, study, reflection and revision of actions when working out public politics set to this educational level... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Bitinaitė, Deimantė. "Politinės reklamos įtaka rinkimams (2004 m. Seimo rinkimai: Darbo partijos ir Tėvynės sąjungos rinkiminė strategija)." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2006~D_20110709_151351-46938.
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Magistrinio darbo objektas yra žiniasklaidos priemonėse pateikiama politinė reklama. Darbo tikslas – remiantis moksliniais metodais išanalizuoti politinę reklamą rinkiminės ir ne rinkiminės kampanijos metu ir įvertinti jos galimą įtaką rinkimų baigčiai. Pagrindiniai darbo uždaviniai – remiantis teorine medžiaga bei praktiniais tyrimais išnagrinėti pagrindinius politinės reklamos bei rinkiminės kampanijos aspektus ir apibūdinti svarbiausius ypatumus; aptarti žiniasklaidoje pateikiamos politinės reklamos poveikį rinkėjams; išnagrinėti pagrindinius Darbo partijos ir Tėvynės sąjungos rinkiminės kampanijos strategijos bruožus Seimo rinkimų metu; nustatyti ir apibendrinti politinę reklamą kasdieniame politikų veiklos kontekste (ne rinkimų metu). Darbe naudoti tokie metodai: literatūros analizės metodas nagrinėjant politinės reklamos sampratą, politinės reklamos ypatumus, rinkiminės kampanijos aspektus ir problemas; lyginamosios analizės metodas naudotas nagrinėjant partijų rinkimines strategijas; turinio analizės metodas taikytas atliekant politinės reklamos spaudoje tyrimą. Darbo išvados: rinkimų kampanijų metu pristatomos partijų rinkiminės programos domina tik labai mažą rinkėjų skaičių, todėl esminės reikšmės rinkimų rezultatams partijų programos neturi. Rinkiminių kampanijų metu vykdoma aktyvi politinė reklama turi stiprų poveikį rinkėjams, kurie neturinti aiškių rinkiminių nuostatų ir lengvai patiki įtaigiai pateikiamais patraukliais pažadais. Svarbus vaidmuo tenka partijos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The occasions of political advertising we can notice every day, although the hugest amount of it is flooded during the electioneering. Media has opportunities to reach the mass auditory; it is an influential agency in the formation of public opinion. Therefore the most actual task is to involve the media during the electioneering. Most of them suppose media being the only opportunity to reach success in elections. As a problem of my research I have chosen the experience of the latter elections, which have showed that there are relations in the field of political communication, which are based on interchange and competition of political ideas. Politicians- ideologues become politicians- managers and administrators, which advertise their “goods”. It is proposed, that in elections it is fought not for the ideas, but for the money, which is given for the political advertising in media. As a result political advertising and its real or supposed influence on the final electable results is an actual and regular object of discussions. It is important to emphasis that it is difficult to estimate the influence of the political advertising on particular elector, moreover, that researches, which would show what influences electoral behaviour or political preferences are not popular. Besides it is difficult for the electors to remember which advertising they saw or read, it is difficult clearly to formulate what influenced their decision during the elections, having in mind, that there... [to full text]
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Madeira, Cátia Alexandra Costa Luís. "A reabilitação habitacional em Portugal. Avaliação dos programas RECRIA, REHABITA, RECRIPH e SOLARH." Master's thesis, Faculdade de Arquitectura de Lisboa, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/2601.
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Mestrado em Regeneração Urbana e AmbientalDécada após década, a importância das cidades é cada vez maior. Grande parte da população europeia reside e vive em ambientes urbanos porque as cidades são hoje o principal motor da economia e do desenvolvimento. Porém, é nas cidades que se encontram os principais problemas e desafios, nomeadamente no domínio da habitação. Actualmente, um dos principais problemas urbanos é a existência de vastas áreas degradadas não só do ponto de vista arquitectónico como também social, cultural e económico. A importância de travar e inverter este processo é já reconhecida pela grande parte da classe política e técnica. É com base neste reconhecimento que têm sido definidas políticas e programas de reabilitação e Portugal não foi excepção. Porém, apesar da existência de diversos programas e instrumentos de reabilitação, em Portugal, continuam a ser evidentes as dificuldades em passar das políticas para as acções. Neste contexto, afigura-se importante perceber quais as causas inerentes ao insucesso destes instrumentos de reabilitação e identificar novas formas e metodologias de abordagem. Note-se que a resolução deste problema só é viável se forem abordados os vários pontos de vista, entre os quais se destaca a habitação.
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Alcantara, Jose Carlos [UNESP]. "O dualismo partidário no período de 1966 a 1982 e sua representação local." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103178.
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alcantara_jc_dr_assis.pdf: 2609481 bytes, checksum: dcd797ffa53022a54bbd831deccf17a7 (MD5)Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá.
An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced.
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Natividade, Lindinalvo. "CAPOEIRANDO EU VOU: cultura, memória, patrimônio e política pública no jogo da capoeira." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=5690.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de JaneiroA pesquisa em questão aborda questões referentes à prática da Capoeira e seus praticantes, a partir dos conceitos de Cultura, Memória, Oralidade e Identidade, e de ações de Políticas Públicas, Políticas Culturais e Salvaguarda. Foi objetivo desse estudo, propor uma discussão sobre a Capoeira, a fim de compreender o contexto sociocultural que a possibilitou se inserir na sociedade brasileira, e compreender como o Estado tem se articulado para atender as demandas de Políticas Públicas para a Capoeira. Observamos que a partir da constituição de 1988 o conceito de Cultura e Bem Cultural no Brasil tem inaugurada uma nova fase. Somente a partir de ações do Ministério da Cultura no início do Séc. XXI, que a Capoeira passará a ser reconhecida como uma manifestação digna de apoio e fomentos por parte do Governo Federal. Para tanto, Programas de fomento são criados e planos de salvaguarda e preservação são instituídos. Tudo com o objetivo de manter, difundir e preservar as tradições, as memórias e a ancestralidade imbuída nessa manifestação que já alcança mais ou menos cento e cinquenta países.
The research question addresses issues relating to the practice of Capoeira and its practitioners, from the concepts Memory, Culture, and Identity Orality, and shares of Public Policy, Cultural Policy and Safety. Objective of this study was to propose a discussion about Capoeira in order to understand the cultural context that is allowed to enter in Brazilian society, and understand how the State has articulated to meet the demands of Public Policies for Capoeira. We note that from the constitution of 1988 the concept of Culture and Cultural Well in Brazil has inaugurated a new phase. Only actions from the Ministry of Culture at the beginning of XXI century, that Capoeira will be recognized as a manifestation worthy of support and encouragements on the part of the Federal Government. Therefore, programs are created and promotions of safeguarding and preservation plans are instituted. All with the goal to maintain, disseminate and preserve the traditions, ancestry and memories permeated demonstrators already reaches more or less one hundred and fifty countries.
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Hasler, Arthur Richard Patrick. ""Us" and "them": disagreement over the meanings of terms, ambiguity, contestability and strategy in the Zimbabwean House of Assembly." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001600.
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This is a study of how certain value loaded political terms are used in Zimbabwean Parliamentary debate. Before 1980 it is argued that aspects of lexical choice and an individual's sociopolitical position were extremely closely related, especially in the case of "white Rhodesians". There was also a marked lack of ambiguity in the use of value loaded terms at this time. In contemporary Zimbabwean House of Assembly, however, terms which became popularized when the new government came to power in 1980 are used with considerable ambiguity and contestability in order to further specific strategies. Though correlations between the choice of lexical units and individuals' positions in the social structure have been identified as "sociolinguistic variables" (Downes 1984, 75), it is argued that an analysis of this type of correlation should lead us to an analysis of how these lexical units or "terms" are used by individual speakers in a micro-political process. I hypothesize that the ambiguity and contestability which encompass certain key terms used in the Zimbabwean House contribute to their being used as strategies to achieve individual or party goals. I show that the terms are manipulated by individuals in various contexts, and that the normative connotations of terms, that is what the terms "ought" to mean, is not consistent with the ways in which they are used. This, in turn, has an effect on how people think the terms should be used. This process of language change exposes the interface between language usage and social life. Though not reducible to a single "correct" interpretation, it does provide rich material for the analysis of culture.
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Dakinevičius, Arvydas. "Politinės ideologinės vertybės ir jų komunikavimas: 2011 m. Lietuvos savivaldybių rinkimų atvejis." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20140627_164313-62040.
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Magistro darbo objektas – Lietuvos partijų vertybių komunikacija. Darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti trijų pagrindinių Lietuvos (ideologinių pagrindu: Tėvynės sąjunga (toliau TS-konservatoriai), Lietuvos socialdemokratų partija (toliau LSDP-socialistai), Lietuvos Respublikos liberalų sąjūdis (toliau LRLS-liberalai)) partijų vertybinę komunikaciją 2011 m. Vilniaus savivaldybės tarybos rinkimų metu. Darbo uždaviniai - Remiantis įvairių autorių moksliniais darbais ir tyrimais atskleisti: Vakarų Europos trijų politinių ideologijų (liberalizmas, konservatizmas ir socializmas) pagrindines vertybes, apžvelgti Lietuvos partijas (TS, LSDP, LRLS), jų ideologinę ir vertybinę sistemą ir išanalizuoti jų atitikimą pagrindinėms Vakarų Europos politinėms srovėms. Remiantis A. Ramonaitės, L. Bielinio ir kt. autorių darbais ištirti partijų komunikavimo ypatybes ir atskleisti komunikacijos naudą politinėje erdvėje. Ištirti TS, LSDP ir LRLS partijų komunikaciją per 2011 m. Vilniaus savivaldybės tarybos rinkimus ir išanalizuoti vertybių sklaidos atitikimą tarp partijos deklaruojamos ideologijos ir rinkimų metu. Vakarų demokratijų politinės ideologijos išsiskiria savo vertybių komunikavimu. Dėl to visuomenei nesudėtinga pasirinkti kokia partijai atiduoti rinkiminį balsą. Lietuvos partijos taip pat identifikuojamos pagal ideologinį politinių doktrinų apibrėžimą. Tačiau viešojoje erdvėje kyla daug diskusijų ar Lietuvos partijų deklaruojamos vertybės atitinka pasirinkta ideologinę platformą. Lietuvos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The traditional political ideologies, values reveals the diversity of values in western societies are described in the theoretical part. Values of pluralism of opinion and led to the emergence of political ideologies and the democratic institutions allowed for movements to the public and policy development in the light of values of ideology. Social movements, public order, was to legitimize the organization, which is known as the Democratic Party politics. Political parties were built upon ideological values, and thus often reflect the name of the party and party ideology. Liberalism, conservatism and socialism, the identity of the names are often absorbed a number of parties in democratic countries. However, the name of assimilation does not always mean that a certain party is represented by the title referred to an ideology. It happens to lots of new parties and new democracies, where the new democratic institutions lack the experience and knowledge. After restoration of independence, Lithuania has taken over the party resulting from the classical Western political ideologies in the name. Lithuania's two largest political parties represent opposing forces. Conservative Party of Lithuania (now Homeland Union) represents the right-minded citizens, and declares the conservatism inherent values (tradition, family manners). The Social Democrats party is a left-wing that declares the traditional socialist ideas (work, equality, small business support). Liberals themselves as... [to full text]
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Araujo, Camilo Buss. "Marmiteiros, agitadores e subversivos: política e participação popular em Florianópolis, 1945-1964." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2013. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/123050.
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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Campinas, 2013.Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-06T17:43:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 325635.pdf: 14332140 bytes, checksum: 3ce9bd85f4cffdd40a8ce2e924d6019a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Entre 1945 e 1964, o Brasil vivenciou um período de criação de partidos políticos e eleições diretas para os principais cargos dos poderes do executivo e legislativo. Foi também um contexto marcado pela euforia desenvolvimentista, por greves e por motins urbanos contra o aumento do custo de vida. O trabalhador na condição de eleitor tornava-se central para a conquista do poder público. Florianópolis, ao contrário de outras capitais ou de cidades com grandes indústrias, não tinha um grande contingente de operários. Sua dinâmica assentava-se na condição de centro administrativo do estado de Santa Catarina. Contudo, a ausência de uma classe operária em sentido "clássico" não significou a esterilização das lutas sociais. A partir da análise de fontes variadas - como jornais, pesquisas de opinião, dados eleitorais, documentos parlamentares - essa tese investigou os canais de diálogo estabelecidos entre classes trabalhadoras e grupos políticos. Verificou-se uma conjuntura mais complexa do que as tradicionais interpretações da história política catarinense. Alguns postulados que tomavam o estado como polarizado entre UDN e PSD, com um PTB fraco e restrito ao papel de "fiel da balança" no equilíbrio entre os dois maiores partidos, foram relativizados. Interpretações consagradas, tendo por base os resultados das eleições, afirmaram que Florianópolis apresentava "forte predomínio" do PSD. Todavia, a investigação das múltiplas experiências tecidas entre candidatos, partidos e trabalhadores, consubstanciada com a análise da distribuição dos votos dos candidatos por regiões da cidade, permitiu enxergar para além da prevalência de uma sigla. Lideranças políticas, lembradas posteriormente como "donos da cidade", como Aderbal Ramos da Silva, nem sempre tiveram esse reconhecimento. Personagens taxados de "agitadores" ou "demagogos", como Manoel de Menezes, foram forças políticas expressivas e, algumas vezes, colocaram em xeque o domínio dos chamados grandes partidos. A relação entre políticos e classes trabalhadoras florianopolitanas não foi e nem pode ser pensada como mera reprodução das movimentações nacionais tampouco como epifenômeno isolado em suas peculiaridades. A partir das relações entre o regional e o nacional, esse trabalho tentou compreender as instáveis alianças entre os atores sociais e os variados meios através dos quais as classes trabalhadoras inseriram a luta por direitos na pauta política da cidade.
Abstract : Between 1945 and 1964, Brazil experienced a period of political parties creation and of the establishment of direct elections for the most important positions of the executive and legislative powers. The period was also marked by developmentalist euphoria, strikes and urban riots against the rising on the living cost. The worker, recognized in the voter condition, became central to the achievement of public power. Florianopolis, unlike other capitals or cities with large industries, had no significant contingent of workers. The city's dynamic relied on the condition of administrative center of the state of Santa Catarina. However, the absence of a working class in the "classic" sense did not mean the sterilization of social struggles. From the analysis of various sources - such as newspapers, opinion polls, electoral data, parliamentary documents, this study investigated the channels of dialogues established between the working classes and political groups. It was verified a more complex conjuncture than the traditional interpretation of Santa Catarina political history. Some understandings of the state as polarized between UDN and PSD, with a weak PTB, restricted to the role of "true balance" in the equilibrium between the two major parties, were relativized. Interpretations based on the results of the elections equally affirmed that Florianópolis presented "strong predominance" of PSD. However, the investigation of multiple experiences woven among candidates, parties and workers, embodied with the analysis of the vote distributions of the candidate for city regions, allowed seeing beyond the prevalence of one acronym. Political leaders, such as Aderbal Ramos da Silva, later remembered as the "city owner", was not always recognized. On the other hand, characters labeled as "troublemakers" or "demagogues", like Manoel de Menezes, were significant political forces, sometimes able to put into question the dominance of the so-called big parties. The relationship between politics and the working class from Florianópolis was not, nor can it be thought of, as mere reproduction of national movements, neither as epiphenomenon isolated in its peculiarities. Thus, from the relations between the regional and the national, the present work seeks to understand the unstable alliances between social actors and the various means by which the working classes inserted the fight for rights on the political agenda of the city.
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Tylaitė, Miglė. "Įvaizdis kaip rinkimų kovos įrankis." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20140623_175845-43879.
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Šio darbo objektas – politikų kuriamas įvaizdis rinkimų metu. Darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti įvaizdį kaip rinkimų kovos įrankį. Darbo uždaviniai: ištirti politiko įvaizdžio reikšmę rinkimuose; išanalizuoti žiniasklaidos svarbą politinėje komunikacijoje; išnagrinėti auditorijos skilimo priežastis ir įtaką politinei komunikacijai; ištirti įvaizdžio svarbą ir įvaizdžio kūrimo procesą šalies praktikoje. Darbe keliamos prielaidos, kad įvykus technologinei medijų kaitai, pakito žiniasklaidos vartojimo įpročiai, jų turinys, o žiniasklaidą kaip pagrindinį kanalą politinei komunikacijai išnaudojantys politikai susidūrė su problema, kokį savo įvaizdį kurti, kad jis sudomintų ne tik kuo daugiau skilusių auditorijų, bet ir prisitaikytų prie pakitusio žiniasklaidos priemonių turinio. Stengdamiesi prisitaikyti prie skirtingų auditorijų, politikai ima komunikuoti skirtingus savo įvaizdžio aspektus, formuoti skirtingus pranešimus, neretai net vienas kitam prieštaraujančius. Politiko įvaizdis praranda vientisumą. Prielaidoms patikrinti darbe atlikta mokslinės literatūros analizė, taikant analitinį, loginės analizės metodą, taip pat atliktas tyrimas - kokybinis ekspertų interviu. Darbe prieita prie išvados, kad įvaizdis yra pagrindinis rinkimų kovos įrankis, susidedantis iš politiko įvaizdžio politiniame kontekste ir jo asmeninio įvaizdžio. Išanalizavus žiniasklaidos svarbą politinėje komunikacijoje, prieita prie išvados, kad jos, kaip pagrindinio kanalo, būtinybę nurodo ne tik teoretikai, bet... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The main goal of the thesis was to analize image as a powerful tool in successful elections. Importance of political image, its creation stages was analyzed in this thesis. According to the Public split theory, assumptions were made that after media had changed technologically, the public split, its consumptional habits changed, turning back from mass to individual. The hypothesis of this thesis was that changing of media made impact to split political image. The tasks for reaching this purpose was: to analyze importance of image in the elections; to analyze the importance of media in political communication; to research causes of the audiences split and their influence to political communication. There were several methods used in the thesis: method of comparative analysis and theoretical literature contents; quality interviews of Public Relations experts, who participated in creating image of different politicians and shaped their electoral campaigns. To achieve the goal of this work and to verify the hypothesis, several tasks were formed: to study the image as the main tool of struggle in the political communication in Lithuania; to study means of image creation in the country; to evaluate the integrity and effectiveness of the political image; to study the importance of the image and creative process in practice. The research performed and theoretical material analyzed proved the importance of the political image, named the stages and means of its creation, pointed the... [to full text]
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Shoemaker, Fred C. "Mark Hanna and the Transformation of the Republican Party." Connect to resource, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1220461619.
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Merkulov, Nikolay. "The role of information in the reconciliation of interests of lobby[i]sts and politicians." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2009.
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Felix, Marcos da Silva [UNESP]. "A prática do professor de matemática em classes de recuperação de ciclo II no regime de progressão continuada do estado de São Paulo." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/91108.
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This work focuses on the Mathematics teacher's practice in the System of Continuing Progression of the State of São Paulo. The groups of students involved in this research are of those who failed the eighth grade of primary education and are now doing extra class studies through the Teaching and Learning Project of Cycle II at the state of São Paulo. The objective of this research is to identify and to show the actions and the problems related to the pedagogical practice of the Mathematics teacher and to check if this actions propitiate, or not, advances in the process of learning of the these specials groups of students that are at the end of the basic education. This study also tried to show the daily routine of the Mathematics teacher who works in such particular classes and how they think, act and work with the interference of an institution as well as the relationships inside it. A qualitative approach was used in this research and the processes of investigation utilized were: documental analysis focused on the analysis of the already mentioned Project, application of questionnaire, class observation and interviews with the teachers. The analysis of the collected data revealed the teacher's disbelief about the project, mainly about the way that it was planed, promoted and implemented. The absence of schools's infrastructures and of others institutional conditions were highlighted as an obstacle for the project's success. One of the pointed conditions is referred to the way how schools are still working from the administrative view, similar to the series schools. Some of the investigated Mathematics teacher's revealed compromising with the project and showed as singular practice to work with these special students and even without the ideal conditions they arrived to guarantee learning conditions for them. It concludes that only with State, teachers and schools's compromising, students's learning conditions can be guarantee.
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Tarsitano, Rodrigo Anselmo [UNESP]. "Avaliação dos Projetos Proinf do Território Andradina (SP), a partir da perspectiva de diferentes atores." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/98709.
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A abordagem territorial das políticas públicas no Brasil é recente, iniciada em 2003 no âmbito da Secretaria de Desenvolvimento Territorial (SDT), do MDA. No Brasil foram criados 164 territórios, dos quais 5 no Estado de São Paulo e dentre estes o Território Rural Andradina. Este trabalho objetivou levantar e analisar os Projetos financiados nos municípios que compõem o Território Andradina com recursos do Proinf, entre os anos de 2004 e 2011. Neste período foi elaborado o Plano Territorial de Desenvolvimento Rural Sustentável do Território e aprovados 19 projetos para investimentos, somando quase dois milhões em recursos do Proinf. A grande maioria dos projetos manteve um caráter mais setorial, relacionado à pecuária leiteira, e com abrangência espacial limitada a um ou dois assentamentos rurais de um único município. Para que os projetos apresentados tenham maior abrangência territorial e institucional, e realmente contribuam para desenvolvimento territorial é necessário, além da ampliação dos recursos, uma maior articulação entre as instituições participantes
The territorial approach of public policy in Brazil is recent, initiated in 2003 in the ambit of the Clerkship of Territorial Development (SDT), of MDA. In Brazil, 164 territories were created, which 5 of them are located in the state of São Paulo and 1 of these 5 is the Rural Territory Andradina. This work aimed to analyze the financed Projects in the municipal districts that compose Andradina ́s territory with Proinf resources between 2004 and 2011. In this period, a Territorial Plan of Sustainable Rural Development was elaborated and 19 projects were approved for investments, totaling almost 2 million in Proinf resources. The majority of the projects maintained a more sectorial character and it is related to dairy cattle, spatial extend limited to one ore two rural settlements in a city. Besides resources increase, it was also considered important the greater coordination between participating institutions, so that the presented projects may have greater institutional and territorial coverage and really contribute to territorial development
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Nascimento, Giovane do. "Considerações acerca da formação humana na antiguidade." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2010. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4981.
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O presente trabalho pretende investigar o tema da formação humana na antigüidade, analisando alguns episódios que se constituíram em verdadeiros modelos para a posteridade. Entendendo a noção de formação humana como prática social instituída, procuramos analisar o percurso que se estende desde o momento da invenção grega da democracia até o seu declínio, como um processo de constante interrogação pelo sentido da formação. Esse percurso, que se caracterizou pelos mais variados tipos de educação, não pode ser entendido como um momento anárquico da formação, ao contrário, é símbolo do constante esforço da manutenção da noção de pólis pelo exame crítico dos modelos de educação apresentados. Buscamos em nossas análises das experiências formativas da antigüidade, elementos que pudessem contribuir para o debate atual sobre a formação humana, evitando a sua redução à mera instrução ou funcionalidade, exigências cada vez mais freqüentes na sociedade atual. Longe de se constituir numa mera curiosidade histórica, o retorno a essas paisagens nos manifesta um amplo conjunto de questões presentes em nossos dias sob outras roupagens, mas com a mesma carência de sentidoThe aim of this study is to investigate the question of human education in Antiquity by focusing on some episodes that became real models for posterity. Taking human education to be a socially established practice, we examine the period of time that extends from the invention of democracy by the Greeks until its decline, a period that was considered as a process characterized by an unceasing questioning of the goals of education. Although it has been characterized by several concepts of education, that period should not be understood as an anarchic moment in the history of education. Rather, it is a symbol of a permanent effort to maintain the notion of polis alive by critically examining the proposed patterns of education. By analyzing the proposals in the area of education found in Antiquity, we endeavor to find elements that might contribute to the current debate on human education, avoiding to reduce it to simple instruction or to the notion of functionality, in opposition to the requirements increasingly common in today's society. Far from this study being encouraged by a mere historical curiosity, the return to those historical scenarios discloses a wide range of issues still present nowadays, though in another way, characterized by the same loss of direction.
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Pereira, Thulio Cícero Guimarães. "Bancos e banqueiros, sociedade e política." Florianópolis, SC, 2006. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/88567.
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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política.Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-22T10:43:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 226884.pdf: 12758704 bytes, checksum: 599e187e7adbf9cd8ae8b6181509a3a6 (MD5)
Este trabalho analisa o fenômeno das articulações formais e informais que ocorrem entre bancos, Estado, banqueiros e política, através de um amplo estudo do Grupo Bamerindus durante a gestão do banqueiro / político José Eduardo de Andrade Vieira, no período 1981-1994. O caso foi escolhido por ser emblemático dos vínculos estabelecidos entre bancos e política tanto na esfera local como nacional, pois o Bamerindus foi o quinto maior grupo privado nacional e o terceiro maior banco privado brasileiro em ativos e, entre seus principais sócio-controladores, executivos e diretores, estiveram Governadores e Secretários de Estado, Ministros e líderes partidários, como por exemplo, José Eduardo, que foi presidente nacional do PTB, Senador, Ministro, candidato a Presidente da República e um dos principais coordenadores e tesoureiro da campanha presidencial de Fernando Henrique Cardoso em 1994. Utilizando o conceito e metodologia de redes sociais, este trabalho analisa como essa "elite Bamerindus" articulou o capital financeiro, o grupo econômico e associações de classe na luta política pela hegemonia. Demonstra a tese que o Bamerindus formava uma complexa equação social integrando interesses e atividades que ultrapassavam o campo econômico e financeiro, incorporando amplos setores da sociedade civil, política e partes do aparelho do Estado, influenciando de forma significativa a história do Paraná e a brasileira. Também conclui que, naquele contexto histórico, o fenômeno das conexões do sistema financeiro com a política era parte integrante e inseparável de um organismo social complexo, e sua centralidade no Bamerindus estava vinculada à posição estratégica que as instituições bancárias ocupavam na estrutura de produção capitalista. Esta tese também demonstra que não é possível entender o jogo político sem conhecer suas conexões com o mundo econômico, bem como não é possível entender o desempenho econômico dos grupos sem conhecer suas conexões com a sociedade civil, política e o aparelho do Estado. Este estudo utiliza (capítulo I) os conceitos gramscianos de Estado, Sociedade, Política e Hegemonia; e as proposições de alguns autores para capital financeiro, hegemonia financeira, grupos econômicos, elites orgânicas e associações corporativas. Inicialmente (capítulo II) contextualiza o estudo no âmbito das transformações ocorridas no sistema financeiro nacional e internacional e, (capítulo III) a história da formação do Bamerindus e da família Vieira até o ano de 1981. Na seqüência (capítulo IV) identifica e analisa a rede corporativa Bamerindus, sua estrutura institucional, econômica e de poder no período 1981-1994; (capítulo V) a rede política Bamerindus, seus principais personagens e sua influência na história política paranaense e brasileira recente. Este trabalho termina apresentando a análise da trajetória política de José Eduardo (capítulo VI), e um breve resumo dos principais acontecimentos ocorridos de 1995 até a intervenção do Banco Central do Brasil no grupo, em março de 1997. This thesis analyze the phenomenon of formal and informal connections among banks, state, bankers and politics through a broad study on "Bamerindus group" during José Eduardo de Andrade Vieira period - from 1981 to 1994. This case was chosen due to its emblematic links among banks and politics in the local and national helms, as Bamerindus was the 5th greatest private group and the 3rd biggest Brazilian private bank and amongst its main partners, CEO's and managers there were governors, state secretaries, ministers and party leaders, as José Eduardo who was PTB party president, senator, minister, presidential candidate and one of the coordinators and treasurer of FHC presidential campaign in 1994. Using social networks concept and methodology, this paper analyze how "Bamerindus elite" articulated the financial capital, economic group and work unions in its political struggle for hegemony; demonstrate the thesis in which "Bamerindus" formed a complex social equation bringing together interests and activities which overcame financial and economical levels, involving wide sectors from the civil society, politics and state apparatus, influencing meaningfully Paraná and Brazilian histories. Also conclude that in that historical context the connection between financial and political systems were inseparable part of a complex social organism, and its centralization in Bamerindus was linked to the strategic position which this bank had in the capital production structure. This thesis also shows that it is not possible to understand the political game without knowing its connections with the economic world as well as understanding the groups economical performance without knowing its connections with the civil society, politics and state apparatus. This study use (chapter I) gramscians concepts of state, society, politics and hegemony; and some authors propositions of financial capital, financial hegemony, economical groups, organic elites and corporative associations. In the beginning (chapter II), contextualize the study in the scope of the transformations occurred in the national and international financial systems and, (chapter III) the Bamerindus story and Vieira family until 1981. Then (chapter IV), identify and analyze Bamerindus corporative network, its economic, institutional and power structure from 1981 to 1994; (chapter V) Bamerindus political network, its main characters and its influence in Brazil and Paraná recent history. Finally, analyze José Eduardo political path (chapter VI), and a brief summary of the main events from 1995 until Banco Central do Brasil intervention in March 1997.
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Milašiūtė, Asta. "Tarptautinio Valiutos Fondo įtaka Azijos politinei ekonomijai 1997m. krizės metu. Japonijos ir P. Korėjos atvejis." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2011. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2011~D_20110614_111318-62355.
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Darbe nagrinėjama problema - ar Tarptautinio Valiutos Fondo (toliau TVF) keliamos sąlygos bei reikalaujamos reformos krizės metu gali padėti sparčiai pagerinti šalies politinius-ekonominius rodiklius? Ar TVF reformos, vykdomos krizės metu gali būti taikomos bet kokioms šalims, bet kokioje aplinkoje?
Tyrimo objektas – politiniai bei ekonominiai Japonijos ir P.Korėjos rodikliai.
Darbo tikslas – ištirti, ar TVF savo įgyvendintų reformų dėka Azijos krizės metu, paskatinio spartesnį ekonomikos atsigavimą P.Korėjoje, ženkliai pagerino politinių-ekonominių rodiklių gerėjimą šalyje, paskatino TUI į P.Korėją srautus. Visą šią situaciją palyginti su Japonijos atveju, kur atitinkamos, anksčiau minėtos TVF reformos nebuvo įgyvendintos. Iš tyrimui atlikti darbe keliamo tikslo suformuota hipotezė, kurią siekiama patvirtinti arba paneigti tyrimo metu gautais rezultatais:
Hipotezė - TVF pagerino P.Korėjos politinius-ekonominius rodiklius sparčiau nei tai padarė Japonija savo šalyje, nevykdydama TVF reformų. Kadangi TVF reformos buvo nukreiptos į Vakarų politinės ekonomijos modelio įvedimą P.Korėjoje, pasitvirtinus iškeltai hipotezei bus įrodyta, jog Vakarų modelis gali būti sėkmingai pritaikytas kaip alternatyva Azijos modeliui tiek Azijos, tiek kitose, Vakarų modeliui nebūdingose aplinkose.
Darbo uždaviniai:
• Pasirinkti konkrečius politinės ekonomijos teorinius aspektus, kurie padėtų susiaurinti ir sukonkretinti tyrimą;
• Išskirti konkretų atvejį tyrimui atlikti;
• Išanalizuoti TVF... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]This Final Master thesis is designeded to investigate the Western political economy model applicability to change Asian model in its region. During the Asia Financial Crisis in 1997 Korea republic (further South Korea) asked the IMF financial aid and accepted all the conditions and made many reforms in the country. Those reforms were directed into liberalizing the market, open up to foreign investors and to create more attractive foreign direct investment (further FDI) climate in S.Korea. This was about to change theretofore exited Asian political economy model into more liberal Western model. The problem – could IMF reforms help to recover countries‘ economies more effective and sharply after the crisis? Could those IMF reforms be successfully adjusted into any environment? The object – political-economical indicators of Japan and S.Korea. Objective of investigation – to find out if IMF reforms in S.Korea helped to recover its economy more rapidly and successfully than in Japan, where IMF reforms were not implemented. From objective the hypothesis that after investigation will be confirmed or rejected appear: Hypothesis – IMF improved political-economical indicators in S.Korea more sharply than Japan, where the government did not implemented any IMF reforms. Regarding to the fact that IMF reforms were designeded to implement Western political economy model into Asia country – S.Korea, confirmation of the hypothesis would also prove that Western model could be... [to full text]
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Dapkūnaitė, Jūratė. "Švietimo sektoriaus administravimas Vilkaviškio rajono ir Šakių rajono savivaldybėse." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2007. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2007~D_20070104_160255-43435.
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Kad būtų užtikrintas kokybiškas, atitinkantis šiandienos lūkesčius visų pakopų švietimo sektoriaus veiklos lygis, pirmiausia reikia užtikrinti, kad švietimo sektorius būtų efektyviai administruojamas savivaldybėse, nes jos vis daugiau gauna atsakomybės, teisių ir savarankiškumo, administruodamos šį sektorių, kadangi didėja decentralizacijos laipsnis. Todėl yra būtina susipažinti ir išsamiau panagrinėti, kaip yra vykdomas švietimo sektoriaus administravimas savivaldybėje: kokius įgaliojimus ir funkcijas turi vykdyti savivaldybė, užtikrinant švietimo sektoriaus veiklos kokybiškumą, identifikuoti savivaldybių administravimo vykdymo privalumus ir tobulintinas sritis bei pasiūlyti problemų sprendimo būdus.The theme of final work of the master is „Administration of sector of education in self-managements of Vilkaviskio and Sakių of districts“. The basic concepts: Sector of education, formation of a politics of education, administration (realization) politics of education, function of administration, administration in self-management. The contents of the report: That would be of safeguard the qualitative level, appropriate all to step of sector of education of expectation of our days, in the beginning it is necessary safeguard that the sector of education was effectively administered in self-managements because more and more receives the responsibility, rights and independence at administration of this sector because the degree of decentralization grows. Therefore it is necessary to familiarize and properly to investigate as administration of sector of education in self-management is carried out: what functions and assignments should carry out self-management that of safeguard creative activity of sector of education in self-management, to identify positive features of administration of self-management and to offer of way for the decision of problems. The purpose of research – To generalize system of education at a level of self-management, to estimate sectors of education in self-managements Vilkaviskis and Sakiu districts, to identify available problems and to offer a way for their decision. Work of the master is divided into three sections. In the first section is proving... [to full text]
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Drews, Ronald C. "Electoral manipulation and the influence of polling on politicians : a study of political organization in the Liberal Party of Canada up to the 1984 election campaign." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59613.
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This study examines the influence of polls and pollsters on politicians. The analysis reviews the American literature, which suggests that electoral technology is used by private political consultants to assist the politician in manipulating the voter. Six hypotheses are identified from the electoral manipulation literature, focusing specifically on the influence of political consultants on politicians. These hypotheses are tested with an historical analysis of the use of polls in the political organization of the Liberal Party of Canada from 1943 to 1984. Secondly, in-depth interviews were conducted with prominent Liberals, and are reviewed to further test the hypotheses as they relate to the influence of polling on politicians. The study concludes by examining the rise of electoral technocracy in the party, and by assessing the pollsters' influence on political decision-making.
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Nassimi, Azim M. "An ethnography of political leaders in Afghanistan." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1063417.
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This study consisted of qualitative interviews with six Afghan political leaders who served as cabinet members in the Afghan government prior to the Soviet invasion. The study sought to report the political conditions in Afghanistan based on the direct experiences and the reflections of these leaders whose titles and names remain anonymous.The data were collected and analyzed using a modified version of Spradley's Developmental Research Sequence Writing methodology. The data included field notes gathered from numerous interviews, casual conversations, tape recording, library research and documents provided by the informants.The rivalries that prevented political unity during the war of resistance have exacerbated the quest for power now that the common enemy, the Soviet Union and Afghan-Marxist regimes, has disappeared from the scene. No credible social or political within the country to initiate and promote political reconciliation. Each group appears to be attempting a unilateral solution to the national crisis. The great majority of Afghans are not only left out of the political process, but are also held hostage to the confrontation between competing groups whose political and military strategies is the elimination, or at best exclusion, of other competing groups. Dangerously, none of the powerful group's adversaries has given up the idea of war as the institution or nationally acceptable leadership is available instrument of political settlement. Among political leaders there is still much in Afghan political culture that is basically hostile to open and competitive politics.Department of Educational Leadership
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Liekytė, Laura. "Politinė rizika ir jos įtaka tarptautiniam verslui Lietuvoje." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2010~D_20140626_200737-24726.
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Politinė rizika yra viena pagrindinių ir svarbiausių tarptautinio verslo rizikos rūšių. Šiai rizikai tik susiformavus, manyta, kad tai politinėms studijoms aktualus dalykas, tačiau dabar politinė rizika laikoma neatsiejama tarptautinio verslo dalis, kadangi šiuolaikinis verslas niekaip neatsiejamas nuo politikos. Pagrindinė problema, su kuria susiduriama mokslinėse studijose, kuriose tiriama politinė verslo rizika yra ta, kad vienodi kriterijai ir rodikliai taikomi tiek stabilioms demokratinėms šalims, tiek ir sukilimus bei neramumus išgyvenančioms valstybėms. Darbas sudarytas iš trijų dalių: pirmoji darbo dalis – tarptautinio verslo rizikos samprata bei grupavimas ir politinės rizikos nuoseklios teorinės analizės patikimas. Antroje darbo dalyje pateikiama Tradicinės politinės rizikos analizė Lietuvoje. Taip pat šioje darbo dalyje Lietuvos politinė rizika įvertinta ir remiantis Nuosaikios politinės rizikos tyrimu. Sukurtas ir pateiktas Lietuvos nuosaikios politinės rizikos vertinimo modelis. Trečioje darbo dalyje aprašoma metodologija, kuria remiantis atliekamas tyrimas. Atskirai aptariamas ir išanalizuojamas, kiekvienas interviu metu respondentams užduotas klausimas. Pateikiami tyrimo metu gauti rezultatai bei pateikiamas visų tyrimo metu gautų rezultatų apibendrinimas. Tyrimas buvo atliktas balandžio – gegužės mėn. Darbo apimtis – 67 puslapiai, darbe yra 27 paveikslai ir 8 lentelės, prie darbo pridedami 4 priedai 41 literatūros šaltinių aprašas.Political risk is one of the main and most important international business risks. Only the formation of these risks, it is thought that this policy studies relevant to the subject, but now a political risk as an integral part of international business, as does the modern business is inseparable from politics. The main problem we face with scientific studies, which examined the political business risk is that a single set of criteria and indicators applied to both stable democratic countries, as well as times of insurrection and unrest in the State. Work consists of three parts: the first part of the work - international business concept and classification of risk and political risk of a coherent theoretical analysis presentation. The second part of the work of traditional political risk analysis in Lithuania. Also working in the Lithuanian part of the political risk assessment and supporting moderate political risk analysis. Designed and made in Lithuanian conservative political risk assessment model. In the third part describes a methodology whereby the investigation. Separately discussed and analyzed each interview the respondents asked the question. Available test results and a list of all the test results summary. The study was conducted in April - May. Working volume - 67 pages, the work contains 27 paintings and 8 of Table 4 is added to the working accessories 41 references given.
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Negri, Sergio Sebastião [UNESP]. "Uso desigual do território em Rondonópolis no processo de expansão do agronegócio da soja em Mato Grosso." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/104315.
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negri_ss_dr_rcla.pdf: 5032619 bytes, checksum: 52b1fc097fd7fa3a502bf09f7412e1cf (MD5)Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
O objetivo desta pesquisa visou o entendimento dos novos usos do território de Rondonópolis-MT, resultantes do processo de internalização do meio técnicocientífico- informacional, no contexto da expansão do agronegócio da soja para as áreas de cerrado do Centro-Oeste brasileiro, particularmente no estado de Mato Grosso. Partimos do pressuposto de que o processo de modernização territorial de Rondonópolis, por meio da instalação de um novo sistema de objetos e de ações, característico do período técnico-científico-informacional, provocou a refuncionalização deste subespaço, tornando-o um centro funcional, instrumentalizado e apto a responder eficazmente às demandas dos agentes hegemônicos do capitalismo mundializado, aqui retratados pelo agronegócio da soja. Assim, enquanto essa pequena minoria usa de forma corporativa o território, interpretando-o enquanto recurso, usufruindo os novos fatores da modernidade em sua plenitude, todo o restante da sociedade local só faz uso de algumas parcelas desse mesmo território, o território entendido enquanto abrigo, e do novo sistema técnico e organizacional advindo da modernização. Assim, esse processo nos revela o uso desigual do tempo e do espaço em Rondonópolis, resultando na fragmentação do território e na manutenção e/ou agravamento de desigualdades sócio-territoriais herdadas
This study aimed for understanding of the new uses of territory of Rondonópolis - MT, resulting from the internalization process of the techno-scientific Milieu, in the context of expansion of soya agribusiness to areas of cerrado from brazilian central west, particularly in state of Mato Grosso. We start from the presupposition that the territorial modernization of Rondonópolis, through the installation of a new system of objects and actions, characteristic of the techno-scientific period, caused the re-functionalization of this subspace, making it a functional center, instrumental and able to respond effectively to the demands of the hegemonic agents of globalized capitalism, here retracted by soya agribusiness. This way, while this small minority uses of corporate the territory, interpreting it as a resource, enjoying the new factors of modernity in its fullness, the rest of local society just uses some parts of this same territory, the territory as a shelter, and the new technical and organizational system from the modernization. This way, this process reveals to us the uneven use of time and space in Rondonópolis, resulting in fragmentation of the territory and the maintenance and/or aggravation of social territorial inequalities inherited
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Migliorini, Carlos Andre. "Entreatos politicos." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252373.
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Orientador: Milton Jose de AlmeidaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: Esta dissertação de mestrado versa, de maneira experimental, sobre a memória da dominação ocidental e suas persistências manifestadas em dois artifícios sócio-políticoculturais, duas ideologias dominantes e intercambiáveis: o Catolicismo ¿ da Alta Idade Média, e o Capitalismo, suas dispersões e ressonâncias através do tempo-espaço histórico. Subproduto da pulsante atmosfera eleitoral democrática que dominou o Brasil em 2002, por ocasião das eleições presidenciais daquele ano, o filme Entreatos ¿ Lula a 30 dias do Poder, de João Moreira Salles, e seu contexto são tomados como o fio de Ariadne de uma narrativa que busca entender a realidade presente através de uma "rede de imagens" comum aos cidadãos que tiveram e têm tido suas almas educadas pelas escolas da Religião e da Política: as economias da eterna indústria do poder
Abstract: In a experimental way, this dissertation addresses the memory of the occidental domination and its persistence expressed in two social-political-cultural artifices, two dominant and interchangeable ideologies: Catholicism ¿ in the High Middle Age, and Capitalism, their dispersions and resonances throughout historical time-space. Subproduct of the pulsating democratic electoral atmosphere that dominated Brazil in 2002, for the occasion of the presidential elections of that year, João Moreira Salles's film Intermission and its context are taken as Ariadne's Thread of a narrative that intends to understand the present reality through a ¿net of imagens¿ commom to the citzens whom souls had and have been educated by the schools of Religion and Politics: the economies of the everlasting industry of power
Mestrado
Educação, Conhecimento, Linguagem e Arte
Mestre em Educação
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Yu, Peng. "Politics of xu| Body politics in China." Thesis, The University of Wisconsin - Milwaukee, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3732445.
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This dissertation examines body politics in the People’s Republic of China. It first closely looks at Zhuangzi’s idea of xu by analyzing the major aspects of the term—blandness, lack of substance, spontaneity, dispossession, incompleteness, and absurdity. It then argues that the concept of xu generates profound implication for politics by bringing up a particular mode of politics—politics of indeterminacy. In this mode of politics, power relation and power structure are never settled. Instead, they morph without being actualized. Examined in this context, the body for Zhuangzi is understood as an indeterminate entity whose political agency is attributed to its capacity in re-articulating power relation by constantly receiving and transforming a manifold of forces. That the body can be alternatively construed this way is crucial for our re-examination of the shaping of reshaping of identity in the contemporary Chinese society. In this light, the work investigates two cases—the Cultural Revolution and the state capitalism to find out in what specific ways the body, identity and politics are intertwined in manifesting the story of changing political relations in the everyday life of the ordinary Chinese people. The work contends that the making of the subjectivity is an indeterminate process in which one’s identity is impossible to be fixed. It can never be composed with certainty. The construction of identity is a process of detachment by which one experiences the unexperienced without being settled around a center. The making of the political, to Zhuangzi, is thus founded on this indeterminacy to create new self and dissident political subject.
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Segura, Dobjanschi Nicolas. "Beauty and Politics, With Special Reference to Politics." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2112.
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The paper aims to examine the nature of the relationship between beauty and the city. I examined this relationship by first providing a summary of relevant philosophers and their thoughts concerning aesthetics. Second, I compared their thoughts to my own creating my own abstract framework. Third, I implemented my abstract framework through the lens of architecture. This art form is the most organic to study the relationship of beauty within the city because it merges elements characteristic of one’s being like political discourse with the longing for some type of excitement or stimulation which might transfigure one’s self to a higher understanding, something that can only be achieved by experiencing beauty. In other words, buildings and the spaces around them drive the way in which humans interact with each other and their surroundings. I found that the beautiful is desirable and at a point becomes essential to a person’s happiness. To achieve a sense of beauty within the city, the ruling class must possess practical wisdom. A type of knowledge that allows them to pursue the appropriate and promote a kind of creativity that not only respects tradition but also aims to unveil some new form of experience.
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Henderson, Peter Charles, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Henderson_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trendsDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Camacho, David E. "Chicano Urban Politics: The Role of the Political Entrepreneur." University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218632.
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Axenborg, Ellen. "Gendered Comments on Social Media : A Study of the Instagram profiles of Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-298817.
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Leme, Rosana Cristina Biral [UNESP]. "Desenvolvimento e meio ambiente: uma avaliação das políticas na Mesorregião Sudoeste do Paraná." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96764.
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leme_rcb_dr_prud.pdf: 39902832 bytes, checksum: 3a73c3b4668c77c2c568e0a41aa11b28 (MD5)A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo central analisar os resultados dos programas governamentais Paraná Rural, Paraná 12 Meses, ICMS Ecológico e Sistema Estadual de Implantação de Áreas de Preservação Permanente e de Reserva Legal (SISLEG), quanto a suas influências na questão ambiental na mesorregião Sudoeste paranaense. Esta pesquisa esteia a tese de que as práticas dos Programas de Conservação de Solo, representados pelos programas Paraná Rural e Paraná 12 Meses, não estimularam apenas práticas ambientalmente adequadas por parte dos produtores na mesorregião Sudoeste do Estado do Paraná, mas foram programas que geraram e ao mesmo tempo reforçaram, uma expressiva vinculação da importância da preservação dos elementos naturais à possibilidade de aumento produtivo agropecuário. Essa vinculação constitui-se, atualmente, no principal impasse para implantação das políticas ambientais fundamentadas em uma outra racionalidade ambiental, identificadas na presente pesquisa pelo Programa ICMS Ecológico e SISLEG. Para investigação dessa tese, os procedimentos metodológicos a partir dos quais operacionalizou-se esta pesquisa foram: análises de documentos teóricos, entrevistas com secretários municipais da Agricultura e Meio Ambiente, técnicos da EMATER e do IAP e pesquisa de campo com 452 proprietários em 62% dos municípios da Mesorregião. Os resultados obtidos permitiram comprovar a tese exposta e que, apesar de inúmeras lacunas deixadas ou mal preenchidas pelo modelo de Políticas Ambientais do Estado do Paraná expressas nos programas governamentais investigados, existe um conjunto de condições político-econômico-ambientais que contribui, atualmente, para um momento de singular abertura para o estabelecimento de nova mentalidade no que se refere ao modo de utilização dos recursos naturais na mesorregião Sudoeste Paranaense.
This actual research has its own aim on analysing the results of governamental programs (Paraná Rural) Paraná 12 Months, Ecologic ICMS and State System of the Implantation on the Preserving Areas in a Permanent Way, also the Legal Resource (SISLEG), about its influences in the envirornmental question in the Parana s region.This research gives the idea of the practices on the preserving land program, presented by the programs Paraná Rural and Paraná 12 Months . They didn t stimulate just the envirornmental practices fit by part of the farmers of the southeast of Paraná, but they were programs which generated and at the same time gave support to expressive entailment of the importance on preserving the natural resources to the possibility on raising the agricultura and cattle raising. Nowadays, this vinculation constitute itself on the main impasse to the implantation of the envirornmental politics based in another envirornmental rationality, they indentified on the present research by the ICMS program, Ecological and SISLEG . For the investigation of this thesis, the methodological procedures starded by them, in which, they were the origin of these, were: theorentical document analysis, interviews with the county agriculture secretaries and also from the envirornmental secretaries, EMATER and IAP technicians and a countryside s survey with 452 farmers in 62% of the counties in the region. The acquired results allowed to prove the exposed thesis that, in spite of many left spaces or not well filled up by the envirornmental politics modes from Paraná state, expresses itself in the investigated environmental programs. There is a set of envirormental economical - politics that contribute, nowadays, to a moment of single opening for the stablish of new thought when speaking of the way of the using on the natural resources in the southeast region of Paraná.