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Massey, Simon. "Contextualising all-African peacekeeping : political and ethical dimensions." Thesis, Coventry University, 2003. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/47e6031c-81e8-8c8c-a900-93297fb9750e/1.
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The hypothesis underlying this research is that Africa's leaders are under a moral/political imperative to summon the will to develop a capacity to intervene in conflicts, possibly with external assistance, but without direct extra-continental intervention. This begs two questions. Is Africa right — politically and morally – to assume this task? And should the rest of the world, particularly the traditional intervening powers, accept and/or promote and/or assist African self-pacification? A trend toward subsidiarity and the regionalisation of conflict management in the African context followed reversals for United Nations and Western policy in the early 1990s, notably in Somalia and Rwanda. In the wake of these setbacks the universal impulse to intervene wherever necessary was overshadowed by a particularist/relativist position that distinguished Africa and African conflicts as cases apart. This translated in theoretical terms to a switch away from a cosmopolitan position allowing of international intervention to a communitarian position that promotes the African 'community' or African sub-regional 'communities' as the primary loci for addressing conflict. The continental organisation, the Organisation of African Union (0AU), has been hampered in assuming this task by its strict Charter adherence to state sovereignty and non-intervention in the internal affairs of its member states. As a result the logic of subsidiarity devolved on Africa's sub-regional organisations, in particular the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC). However, these organisations have found development of a security framework problematic, suffered from internal rivalries and have been hindered by paucity of funds and logistics. Interventions undertaken under the auspices of these bodies have often been of dubious legitimacy under international law. Viewed from the perspective of the 'just war' tradition these interventions also invariably seem morally suspect. Unwilling to intervene directly, the United States, France and Britain have established a joint initiative to enhance peacekeeping capacity in Africa. This project, under funded and ill considered, has proven inadequate from the perspective of both African participants and its sponsors. The research examines two case studies — intervention by the OAU in Chad in 1980-1982 and the peacekeeping operation undertaken by ECO WAS in Guinea-Bissau in 1998-1999. These cases confirm that existing mechanisms are ineffective for addressing African intra-state conflict. Moreover, they show that extra-African involvement remains an enduring feature of conflict on the continent. A return to the universal/cosmopolitan impulse in terms of international intervention in African conflicts seems unlikely in the short to medium term. In view of this neglect Africa must continue the project of self-pacification. The West is under a moral duty to set aside narrow national interests and expand and improve its existing peacekeeping capacity enhancement programme.
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Cable, John Harold. "The political and strategic dimensions of United States economic relations with the Soviet Union, 1969-1976." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305284.
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Lylo, Wismar A. Sarmiento. "Hugo Chavez Firas' Presidential election the institutional, economic, and cultural dimensions of a political phenomenon /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA379397.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2000.Thesis advisor(s): Trinkunas, Harold A. ; Giraldo, Jeanne K. "June 2000." Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-91). Also available in print.
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Czapiewska-Halliday, E. "The study of value : social, economic and political dimensions of palace complexes at El Zotz." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2018. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10048196/.
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The concentration of wealth and resources under the control of a privileged few – the elites – has shaped the ways we perceive modern societies and the ways we study ancient states. Elite groups feature prominently within the archaeological research of ancient Maya societies, not least because of the monumental architecture associated with them and the glyphic inscriptions providing us with their names and titles. The growth of an elite class through time led to the emergence of multiple elite households coexisting, sharing, and competing for the political powers within ancient Maya polities. This thesis investigates the dimensions and relationships among various elite households excavated at the ancient Maya site of El Zotz, Petén, Guatemala. The key facets of the social, economic and political networks at the site are identified through trends in consumption behaviour by five different populations through time. Theories of value underpinning the current work state that various types of objects carried different ‘values’ which ultimately affected the ways these objects were distributed within societies, and determined which population groups were granted access to distribution networks. The consumption behaviour of elites and the distribution networks at El Zotz are investigated through the study of ceramic remains. Typological and modal analyses of El Zotz pottery employed in the current research highlight the extent to which limited access to goods existed within ancient Maya societies. Multiple lines of quantitative, statistical and qualitative analysis of El Zotz ceramics prove that various households at the site had access to the distribution networks of ‘high-value’ objects, but the accumulation of wealth across elite compounds changed through time. Therefore, the elite lineages of El Zotz experienced various socio-economic shifts, much like other sites in the Petén region, which affected their ability to accumulate wealth at different points in history.
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Siminiuc, Mona. "Security and economic dimensions of the transatlantic partnership." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FSiminiuc.pdf.
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Djafar, Zainuddin. "Rethinking the Indonesian crisis : a study of the political dimensions of Indonesia's economic crisis, 1997-99." Thesis, University of Reading, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408873.
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McGuire, Marlene. "Expensive drugs for rare diseases : an anthropological analysis of the cultural, political, and economic dimensions of metabolic disease." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/39881.
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In the context of Canada’s publicly funded universal health care system, access to potentially life-saving and/or life lengthening orphan drugs costing anywhere from $100,000.00 to $850,000.00 per patient per year is a complicated matter. This study is an anthropological examination of the debates surrounding ‘expensive drugs for rare diseases’, a term that has come to represent the costly treatments developed for rare metabolic diseases like Mucopolysaccharidosis, Pompe Disease, Fabry Disease, and Phenylketonuria.
This study was conducted in British Columbia, Canada. It is based on several months of participant observation in hospital, industry, and patient advocacy contexts, as well as 14 semi-structured interviews conducted with the different stakeholders in the debate: patients and families, health care professionals, representatives of the provincial government’s Ministry of Health, pharmaceutical companies, and patient advocacy groups. This study looks at discussions of authority, responsibility, and rights to health care/health technology. It examines how complex systems of relationships shape these discussions in a particular time and place, and how the competing cultural models of publicly funded health care and profit-based pharmaceutical policy and industry operate in the context of extremely expensive drugs. The body of literature on orphan drugs in the social sciences/humanities is very underdeveloped, and there are no known comprehensive social scientific/ethnographic studies of the metaphors, constructs, and cultural context of debates surrounding orphan drugs/expensive drugs for rare diseases. This study attempts to fill some of these gaps by looking at the complexities of different stakeholder arguments and their structural and discursive context.
In attempting to reconcile and solve the problems of accessibility to EDRD, the different stakeholders directly implicated in the debate mobilize culturally shaped notions evidence, accountability, fairness, and responsibility. This study demonstrates that the problems, pitfalls, and provisional solutions articulated by the different people implicated in this debate throw in to relief the many contradictions between orphan drug policies, neglected diseases, drug regulation/assessment practices, and the relationship between pharmaceuticals and society. These frameworks and competing cultural models are creating tensions that may be irreconcilable with a publicly funded health care system.
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Cordeiro, Neto Jacinto Rangel Lopes. "The international dimensions of poverty relief : a comparative case study of Angola and Zambia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53653.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This report seeks to investigate the extent and success of multilateral foreign aid aimed at poverty alleviation in two countries, Angola and Zambia. Links between aid, economic growth, and poverty alleviation are also investigated. It is found that aid alone cannot create economic growth in order to alleviate poverty, and growth from aid alone is not sustainable - as the case study of Zambia shows. In Zambia, aid did not have enough impact to change the legacy of unsound economic polices, as the institutions that led these processes lacked the capacity to design sound policies to manage the aid projects. In the case of Angola, the whole process of using aid for poverty alleviation was seriously retarded by the civil war. The war is clearly one of the major causes of the poverty that exists in Angola - unlike in the case of Zambia where poverty is a chronic situation. As poverty alleviation is critical to both these countries, they should concentrate on empowering the poor with capacity-building skills, and multilateral aid should promote this. In terms of aid agreements with multilateral institutions, conditions must be in place before aid is granted to promote the interests of the poor. Well-designed aid can be successfully implemented, and can be sustainable. However, this will work only if all stakeholders from the bottom to the top are actively involved in the planning through to the implementing stages. Apart from empowering the poor, government and multilateral agencies also need to encourage the growth of the private sector in these two countries.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verslag stelondersoek in na die omvang en sukses van multilaterale hulpverlening aan Zambië en Angola wat gemik is op die verligting van armoede. Die verband tussen hulpverlening, ekonomiese groei en armoedeverligting word ook ondersoek. Daar word bevind dat hulpverlening nie outomaties aanleiding gee tot groei -plus-armoedeverligting nie, en dat ekonomiese groei wat op hulpverlening gebaseer is, onvolhoubaar is, soos Zambië illustreer. In Zambië kon hulpverlening nie daarin slaag om swak ekonomiese beleid reg te ruk nie, vanweë die gebrek aan institusionele kapasiteit. In die geval van Angola was pogings om hulp te benut vir armoedeverligting ernstig in die wiele gery deur die burgeroorlog, een van die hoofoorsake van armoede in Angola. Aaangesien armoedeverligting "n kritiese uitdaging vir albei state is, moet die armes bemagtig word deur kapasiteitsbou, en multilaterale hulp moet daarvoor geoormerk word. Dit impliseer dat hulpverleningsooreenkomste aan voorwaardes wat die armes bevoordeel, onderworpe moet wees. Goed-ontwerpte hulp kan suksesvol toegepas word, en kan volhoubaar wees. Dit voorveronderstel egter dat alle belangegroepe aktief betrek word. Naas die bevordering van die belange van die armes, moet die privaatsektor in albei state ook verder uitgebou word.
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Matiza, Tafadzwa. "The influence of non-financial nation brand image dimensions on foreign direct investment inflows in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/8902.
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How a country is perceived by foreign investors is becoming increasingly significant to the ability of individual countries to attract foreign direct investment into their economies. In Africa, existing negative perceptions of the continent as an investment destination have been considered as an obstacle for foreign direct investment inflows to the continent in general. Although Zimbabwe offers foreign investors multiple lucrative investment opportunities, attracting foreign direct investment to the country presents a unique challenge due to the image of the country post the 1998-2008 economic crisis. Despite the vast research on the determinants of foreign direct inflows to particular countries, little is known about whether non-financial image-related factors influence the inflow of foreign direct investment to a particular country, especially a country with a unfavourable global image like Zimbabwe. The primary objective of this study was therefore to determine the perceived non-financial nation brand image factors considered to be influential for attracting specific foreign direct investment inflow opportunities in Zimbabwe. A comprehensive literature review resulted in the identification of nine independent variables (tourism, governance, people, culture and heritage, exports, investment and immigration, factor endowments, infrastructure, and legal and regulation frameworks), as well as four dependent variables (market-, resource-, efficiency- and strategic asset-seeking foreign direct investment inflow opportunities in Zimbabwe). A hypothesised model was developed in order to examine whether the independent variables have an influence on the dependent variables, and as a result nine hypotheses were formulated to test the relationships between the nine independent variables and each of the four dependent variables. A cross-sectional, quantitative deductive approach to research was employed in order to generate the data required for hypothesis testing. Purposive sampling techniques were employed to draw the sample frame for the study. A self-administered online survey was conducted, and generated empirical data from a final sample comprised of 305 investors who had applied to invest in Zimbabwe through the Zimbabwe Investment Authority between January 2009 and April 2015. Data was analysed using STATISTICA 12 software. Exploratory factor analysis was utilised to extract the constructs and validate the measuring instrument. Cronbach’s alpha coefficients were calculated in order to test the reliability and internal consistency of the measuring instrument. As a result, a total of six valid and reliable independent variables, and four dependent variables were retained for further analysis. The results of the Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients revealed mostly moderate correlations. The Multi-Collinearity diagnostics test confirmed the absence of collinearity between the independent variables and dependent variables respectively. Subsequently, the results of the four sets of multiple regression analyses, disclosed thirteen statistically significant relationships between the six independent variables and the four categorical dependent variables. Tourism had significant relationships with market-, efficiency- and strategic asset-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. Government actions had significant relationships with resource- and strategic asset-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. People had significant relationships with resource- and efficiency- seeking FDI inflow opportunities. Export had significant relationships with market-, resource-, efficiency- and strategic asset-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. Regulatory framework had significant relationships with market- and resource-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. The results of the Analysis of Variance revealed that investor status can be used to predict which non-financial nation brand image determinants played a role in the ultimate decision for taking up foreign direct investment opportunities in Zimbabwe. Further analysis of the role that the demographic profiles of the investors played in predicting which non-financial nation brand image determinants are considered influential in taking up foreign direct investment opportunities in Zimbabwe was confirmed in the Multivariate Analysis of Variance with thirty-four statically significant relationships identified. Further analysis by means of post-hoc Scheffé testing and Cohen’s d-values calculations confirm that thirty-nine practically significant mean differences were evident. This study makes a novel contribution to the empirical body of nation branding, foreign direct investment and investment promotion research by developing and testing a hypothetical model that synthesises facets of the three fields of study. This study represents a new discourse in the identification of the determinants of FDI (that being non-financial determinants) and provides an explanatory framework for the non-financial nation brand image determinants influencing each type of FDI inflow opportunity sought in Zimbabwe. It is within this framework that recommendations, based on empirical evidence, are made for the Government of Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwe Investment Authority. Some of these recommendations could be implemented within the short-term, while others may be more strategic in the long term. Recommendations made include that the Government of Zimbabwe undertakes significant policy reviews, continues its engagement with key external stakeholders such as other governments, supra-national financial institutions, and foreign investors, as well as adhering to existing favourable FDI policies. It is also recommended that the Zimbabwe Investment Authority adopt an intermediary role, by linking the Government of Zimbabwe with potential foreign investors through investor targeting, as well as promoting Zimbabwe as an investment destination by engaging in image-building activities such as public diplomacy, investor relations, specialised advertising and hosting investor forums with multiple, distinct investor segments. These image-building activities should be centered on the non-financial nation brand image determinants that foreign investors consider to be influential to foreign direct investment in Zimbabwe, and should be geared towards improving and managing the perceived image of Zimbabwe as an investment destination.
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Poensgen, Andreas. "Britain and West Germany in the 1970's - the economic dimension of the political relationship." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328978.
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Franzki, Hannah C. "Criminal trials, economic dimensions of state crime, and the politics of time in international criminal law : a German-Argentine constellation." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2018. http://bbktheses.da.ulcc.ac.uk/304/.
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In the past thirty years, International Criminal Law (ICL) has established itself as an influential framework through which claims for justice in relation to the past can be mediated. This thesis offers a critique of the particular way in which ICL links history, law and justice. To this end, it contrasts a transitional justice perspective on trials in response to state crime, with one that looks at such trials as sites of competing politics of time. While the former focuses on the stabilisation of political authority, the later privileges its destabilisation. This perspective is then brought to bear on two sets of trials. These are, on the one hand, the trials of German industrialists conducted by the Allies in the wake of World War II (1939-1945) and, on the other hand,the ongoing trials in Argentina which seek to address the economic dimensions of the last Argentinian dictatorship (1976-1983). Through the reading of these trials, ICL is shown to be a liberal concept of historical justice, not (merely) because it focuses on individual responsibility or because it seeks to foster the liberal rule of law, but, more importantly, because it understands the economic dimensions of state crime according to the ontological separation of the state and the economic which is inherited from political liberalism. As a consequence, ICL tends to authorise a liberal democratic order, while sidelining other political imaginaries and related claims to justice, especially those that would involve a reshaping of the political economy on which liberalism rests. This argument is developed in two parts. The first part, consisting of three chapters, contrasts what has become the predominant perspective from which to study trials in response to state crime, namely transitional justice, with a theoretical framework inspired by the work of Walter Benjamin – in particular, his philosophy of history and his critique of violence. The central difference between these approaches, this thesis will argue, lies with the way in which each conceives of the promise of justice that comes with the memory of past violence. Transitional justice literature links the duty to remember past violence to the promise of fostering a particular juridico-political order, namely the liberal rule of law. Walter Benjamin, by contrast, is interested in the past’s ability to expose the foundational violence of the present juridico-political order. Against this backdrop, the promise of trials in response to state crime can be located only at the place, where they unearth ‘rags of history’ that, if read, expose not only the the violence of the past, but also that of the present, thereby opening it anew for contestation. Chapters Four, Five and Six put this theoretical framework to work in close readings of several criminal trials which deal with the economic dimensions of state crime conducted in post-World War II Germany and contemporary Argentina. These readings bring into relief the way in which the ontological underpinnings of political liberalism – such as the separation of the economic from the political, and the categorisation of violence according to sanctioned and non-sanctioned manifestations – structures the way that ICL makes sense of the economic dimensions of state crime.
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Davide, Marinella <1981>. "The equity and development dimensions in the Paris agreement : assessment and policy responses." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/14083.
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This doctoral dissertation investigates equity and development issues in the context of the Paris Agreement. It first provides an overview of the main elements of the Paris Agreement, complemented by an assessment of how the equity principle is addressed in the final text and how its implementation has evolved over time within the UNFCCC process. The analysis then evaluates the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), which represent a crucial element of the agreement, according to different metrics based on equity. The third chapter uses a recursive-dynamic Computable General Equilibrium model coupled with an empirical analysis on past data to quantitatively estimate the future impacts of the mitigation objectives, included in the NDCs, on developing countries’ poverty and inequality, emphasizing also the relationship between climate change and two important Sustainable Development Goals. The research then explores the role of climate finance tools in offsetting potential trade-offs induced by the climate policy, focusing in particular on the effects of different allocation schemes of the Green Climate Fund on GDP and clean energy deployment. Overall findings suggest that the concept and implementation of the equity principle within the UNFCCC changed over the years, with the Common but Differentiated Responsibility losing its initial influence. Although the Paris Agreement abandoned the Annex I/non-Annex I countries dichotomy, the new language is not clear enough to avoid future challenges. In addition, the mitigation contributions proposed by countries are far from being consistent with the objectives of the Paris Agreement in terms of both stringency and equity. A significant gap affects the NDCs of major emitters with the only exception of India. Looking at the development opportunities, the analysis shows that the Paris Agreement is projected to slow down poverty reduction efforts, especially in countries that proposed a relatively more stringent mitigation objective. The aggregate effect, however, is not so broad. Conversely, potential synergies emerge between climate change interventions and within-country income inequality. Finally, the Green Climate Fund can play an important role in compensating for the cost of climate policy, even though the current distribution of funds could not incentivize countries to propose more ambitious emission reduction targets.
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Alouini, Olfa. "Country size, growth and the economic and monetary union." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16609.
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Der Zweck dieser Arbeit ist es, die Beziehung zwischen die Größe des Landes und das Wachstum auf internationaler Ebene und vergleichsweise in der Wirtschafts-und Währungsunion zu untersuchen und erarbeiten ihre Folgen für das Verhalten der wachstumsorientierte Finanzpolitik. Um ein globales Verständnis des Zusammenhangs zwischen Größe des Landes und das Wachstum in der EWU weiter verfolgen wir einen interdisziplinären Ansatz, einschließlich der makroökonomischen Modellierung (DSGE), Ökonometrie und Analyse der politischen Ökonomie. Die Kombination dieser Untersuchungen schließen wir, dass die Größe des Landes einen Einfluss auf die wirtschaftlichen Strukturen der Nationen, die Auswirkungen ihrer Politik und damit auf ihre Wachstumsdynamik hat. Aus diesem Grund ist es notwendig, die Bedeutung der Größe des Landes und ihre Folgen für die WWU wieder.The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the relationship between country size and growth at the international level and comparatively in the Economic and Monetary Union, and to draw up its consequences for the conduct of growth-orientated fiscal policies. To further a global understanding of the link between country size and growth in the EMU, we follow an interdisciplinary approach, including macro-economic modelling (DSGE), econometrics and political economy analysis. Combining these analyses, we conclude that country size has an incidence on the economic structures of nations, the effects of their policies and therefore on their pace of growth. For this reason there is a need to reinstate the importance of country size and its consequences for the EMU.
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Hacisalihoglu, Serdar. "Economic Dimensions of Civil Conflicts." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/17374.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThe thesis has five chapters (1) an introduction, (2) the economic risk factors causing civil conflicts, (3) the economic dimensions of peace building (4) a Kosovo case study, and (5) the conclusion. Chapter II discusses the economic risk factors that cause civil conflicts. Specific economic characteristics, such as the availability of natural resources, enduring economic decline (with its effects of low incomes and high unemployment), and diasporas make countries more prone to civil wars, both by providing revenues to insurgent groups and by weakening the power of the central authority. Chapter III provides information about war economies and presents the economic challenges of unstable post-conflict environment. The chapter emphasizes that challenges such as a fragile economic environment, illicit economic activities and peace spoilers must be overcome to achieve enduring peace. Chapter IV introduces a Kosovo case study to apply the economic dimensions discussed in the previous chapters. The chapter provides the background that led to civil war, explains the post-conflict economic environment, discusses the international communitys economic-recovery efforts, and recommends policy responses for economic development. Chapter V summarizes the main issues presented in the chapters. The conclusion also emphasizes the importance of studying economic dimensions to implement effective policies that will secure peace and provide development.
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Thomson, Tiffany Lynn. "Examining dimensions of political discussion and political knowledge." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1185903001.
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Thomson, Tiffany L. "Examining dimensions of political discussion and political knowledge." The Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1185903001.
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DeVault, Christopher. "Amorous Joyce: Ethical and Political Dimensions." Scholarly Repository, 2009. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/196.
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My dissertation challenges the longstanding dismissal of love in James Joyce's texts by examining the ethical and political implications of his love stories. Primarily using Martin Buber's works (but also including perspectives derived from bell hooks and Julia Kristeva), I define love as an affirmation of otherness and adopt a critical framework that promotes the love of others over the narcissistic devotion to oneself. In so doing, I highlight love as the ultimate challenge to authoritarian systems because the embrace of the other is necessary to transcend the boundaries that alienate individuals from each other and that justify imperialist and racist political structures. I thus offer a love ethic that not only compels meaningful individual interaction, but also establishes a model for effective social and civic participation, encouraging a climate of cooperation that embraces the solidarity and empathy needed for progressive politics. I also argue that analyzing Joyce's works provides a fruitful opportunity to recognize the individual and political viability of this love ethic. Focusing on Dubliners, Stephen Hero, A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, Exiles, and Ulysses, I examine the relationships between his characters' pursuits of love and their socio-political struggles, arguing that their love for others directly influences their acceptance of otherness within the colonialist discourses of Joyce's Dublin. For example, James Duffy's refusal of Emily Sinico in "A Painful Case" also rejects her advice to engage in the political cooperation that would promote his socialist ideas. Similarly, Stephen Dedalus's promotion of symbolic romance over real-world attachments focuses his aesthetics on ideal beauty instead of everyday Dublin, which alienates him from his audience and limits the practical success of his art. By contrast, Leopold Bloom's love for his wife Molly reflects a broader empathy for others that encourages social dialogue and counteracts what Joyce called "the old pap of racial hatred," an element in both British imperialism and Irish nationalism. My dissertation's afterword anticipates the amorous potential of Finnegans Wake, reading ALP's concluding soliloquy as a demonstration of her enduring affection for HCE that is reignited through each iteration of the text's cyclical narrative.
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Cusano, Christopher. "UNDERSTANDING TERRORISM: RELIGIOUS & POLITICAL DIMENSIONS." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3956.
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Terrorism in the twenty-first century has had one of greatest effects on the status quo of international relations, peace and war. It has become the  specter of our era and in many instances, it has been referred to as the predominant threat of modern civilization. Furthermore, it has the potential to drastically change the world we live in. For these reasons it has rightfully earned our attention and focus. Many efforts to understand terrorism have fallen short of recognizing the underlying causes. In many cases, acts of terror have either been of purely political motivation or have had socioeconomic conditions cited as the primary factor contributing to its occurrence. Some research has delved into the topic of the psychological makeup of terrorists while other attempts have looked at Islam itself  dealing primarily with the textual references to war. Over the past decade terrorism research has progressed a significant deal due to the security importance of the issue and consequently the sheer number of academics and politicians who have developed an interest in it. There still appears to be, however, significant gaps in the research, particularly from the Western academic and political fronts where it is greatly needed. When it comes to particular interpretations of certain Islamic topics as well as the political grievances of the Muslim world, the West has largely failed in its analysis and understanding of the far-reaching effects these both have on terrorism and its propagation. This research will set out to begin filling these gaps by focusing on two primary topics: a) the theological basis being cited as an Islamic position and used to justify today s acts of terrorism; and b) the commonly cited political grievances that the advocates of terrorism have built their arguments upon. It is the hypothesis of this research that these two critically important issues are amongst the major contributing factors to acts terrorism. Unfortunately they have largely been ignored and in some cases exacerbated by our very own attempts to thwart terrorism. Thus it has become even more significant and important that we reassess our strategies in order to slow and eventually reverse this continuously growing threat of our era. This research will attempt to explain what I hypothesize are the most prevalent factors that have contributed to the development of terrorism in modern times. I contend that there are both influential religious and political dimensions to current acts of terrorism that are too often overlooked because of a lack of interest in Islamic theology as well as the fear of appearing to be a terrorist sympathizer or anti-patriotic. There is undeniably a religious dimension to terrorism which is amongst the most influential factors in answering why it is happening. It is a particular ideology that has been the glue which is used to fit together arguments and provide justifications to such acts of terror. At the same time, to pass the burden off so simply without listening to and understanding the political grievances of the advocates of terrorism would make the goal of eradicating terrorism quite unrealistic. While this research will cover these important points, it should not be mistaken as providing legitimacy or justification to any religious or secular group attempting to rationalize terrorism as an ideology nor the individual acts themselves.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA
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CORONATO, MARIA. "La Dimensione geografica della Green economy: dimensione, prospettive e sviluppo territoriale. Il caso della Regione Sardegna." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Roma "Tor Vergata", 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2108/184670.
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Il lavoro di tesi sui temi della Green Economy, dal titolo ‘La dimensione geografica della green economy: applicaizoni, prospettive, sviluppo territoriale. Il caso della Regione Sardegna’, ha l’obiettivo di analizzare le opportunità di sviluppo territoriale rappresentate dalla green economy.
Partendo dall’analisi della letteratura di livello nazionale, europea ed internazionale guardando, oltre a quanto prodotto dalle discipline prevalentemente geografiche, anche quanto suggerito dall’Unione Europea in termini di competitività territoriale (Agenda di Lisbona, 2000 e sue rivisitazioni) e di sostenibilità (Agenda di Gothenbourg, 2001, Rio+20, 2012, Europe 2020 Strategy, ecc), il lavoro si è concentrato nello studiare le politiche energetiche a livello europeo e nazionale soffermandosi in particolare sul paradigma della Green Economy. Dal confronto dei documenti prodotti (nazionali, europei ed internazionali), si è scelto di applicare alla tesi di dottorato, un approccio di tipo territoriale delle scelte di policy, preferendolo ad un approccio "spatial". Un approccio di tipo territoriale applicato alle questioni della sostenibilità delle attività umane mette al centro delle osservazioni il territorio e i suoi rapporti con le attività umane, rapporti che oltre all’occupazione di suolo includono lo sfruttamento delle risorse naturali locali, che eventualmente producono degrado, inquinamento, perdita di biodiversità ecc., ma che comprendono anche le relazioni economiche e sociali delle comunità insediate e le relative esigenze di sviluppo. Una chiave di lettura territorialista propone il territorio come un insieme di relazioni materiali ed immateriali complesse che non appartengono alla sola sfera socio economica (non si esauriscono solo nelle reti tra attori sociali) ma interessano anche le relazioni con l’ambiente e con gli ecosistemi (Capitolo 1).
Nell’ambito dei nuovi indirizzi comunitari, la green economy è stata posta in relazione alla politica di coesione europea, valutandone la coerenza, il supporto e le opportunità che da essa ne scaturiscono. Essa appare infatti come uno strumento di sviluppo territoriale in grado di favorire il raggiungimento del livello di coesione, intesa come mezzo, strumento e obiettivo di misura delle diverse opportunità di sviluppo dei territori riducendo gli squilibri economico-sociali, ambientali e culturali (Capitolo 2).
La transizione verso uno sviluppo sostenibile richiede l’elaborazione di criteri quantitativi e qualitativi per misurare la capacità dei sistemi ambientali di supportare la pressione attuale e potenziale delle attività umane. Si tratta in pratica di stabilire i livelli di uso di risorse ambientali in rapporto alla capacità dell’ambiente di ripristinare condizioni di integrità e produttività, stabilire quindi la c.d. capacità di carico dell’ambiente (carrying capacity) che, applicata allo sviluppo sostenibile intende uno sviluppo la cui domanda di risorse e la cui pressione esercitata attraverso l’emissione di sostanze inquinanti non supera la capacità di assorbimento e riproduttiva dell’ambiente.
Tuttavia è chiaro che transitare verso un nuovo modello economico richiede un'evoluzione anche degli strumenti attuativi e delle valutazioni delle policy. Il tenere in considerazione la dimensione territoriale di fianco a quella ambientale, sociale ed economica è un primo importante passo nello stabilire le basi di un nuovo modello di sviluppo territoriale. Si evince quindi l'inadeguatezza dei tradizionali indicatori di tipo esclusivamente quantitativo ed il bisogno di un nuovo approccio alle scelte economiche, sociali ed ambientali che richiede anche l'utilizzo di nuovi strumenti di valutazione delle policy. L’attuale crisi energetica, ambientale, finanziaria ed economica ha sostenuto il bisogno di ricorrere a nuovi indicatori di performarce economica ed ambientale che siano in grado di guidare i decisori politici nella definizione delle politiche territoriali di sviluppo.
Diventa sempre più importante l’individuazione dei cosiddetti sistemi di “indicatori di sviluppo sostenibile”, ossia l’insieme di indicatori ambientali, economici e sociali il cui utilizzo congiunto rende visibili i processi e le complesse interazioni tra le diverse dimensioni dello sviluppo sostenibile alle diverse scale e, in ultima analisi, tra sistema antropico e sistema ambientale al fine di stimare la distanza che separa la società da una reale sostenibilità ambientale. Lo studio evidenzia il bisogno sempre maggiore di raggiungere una crescita economica sostenibile, che tuteli il patrimonio naturale affinché esso possa fornirci le risorse e i servizi ambientali sui quali si basa il nostro attuale benessere.
Al fine di misurare, quantitativamente e qualitativamente, le opportunità provenienti dalla green economy, attraverso un’attenta selezione/costruzione degli indicatori relativi al cambiamento climatico, al rischio energetico e potenzialità energetiche, alla qualità della vita, e indicatori economici più tradizionali, è risultato opportuno lavorare a livello di policy ricorrendo quindi al Territorial Impact Assessment. Tra le varie metodologie nazionali ed internazionali sviluppate per la valutazione ex ante e misurazione ex post degli impatti delle scelte di policy sullo sviluppo territoriale locale, regionale e nazionale, si è scelto il Sustainable Territorial environmental Management Approach – SteMA (Prezioso, 2001) per la valutazione delle potenzialità offerte dalla green economy per la Regione Sardegna (Capitolo 3).
Attraverso un confronto tra la situazione ex ante (territorializzate) e quella ex post (territorializzata) verificatesi a seguito dell’applicazione di politiche coerenti con la Europe 2020 strategy, si sono misurati gli impatti territoriali delle scelte di policy green oriented. La metodologia è stata applicata al caso studio della Regione Sardegna (Capitolo 4).
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NAPOLITANO, ESTER. "Motivations, travel constraints and experiential dimensions of wine tourists' behaviour." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Cagliari, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11584/285099.
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The purpose of this PhD thesis is to deepen actual literature on visitors’ perceptions of destination attributes, their travel motivations and travel constraints, as well as their level of perceived authenticity in order to investigate their influence on wine tourist behaviour. The thesis adopts a three paper-based structure and is based on empirical data collected from visitors at ten Sardinian wineries in 2015. The aim of the first paper was to contribute to the current literature about the profile of wine tourists adopting a motivation-based approach. Specifically, it applies a cluster analysis to a sample of 267 wine visitors to classify respondents into sub-groups based on their wine-oriented travel motivations. Furthermore, a series of statistical tests (Chi-square and ANOVA tests) were carried out to explore whether significant differences do exist among subgroups according to their socio-demographics, previous wine tourism experience, their perceptions of wine tourism destination attributes and wine travel-related constraints. Findings of this study reveal that three different typologies of winery travellers visit the Sardinian wine region, with distinct push (i.e. wine-related and general travel motives) and pull motivations (i.e. wine tourism destination attributes) and travel barriers. Specifically, three clusters representing a specialist-generalist continuum were identified, i.e. ‘wine lovers’, ‘wine culture tourists’ and ‘casual wine tourist’. However, no significant differences were found in terms of their socio-demographic aspects.
The second paper applies a factor-cluster analysis to profile a convenience sample of 261 wine tourists and to investigate whether visitors’ perceived authenticity (i.e. object-based and existential) can be used as a suitable segmentation variable in wine tourism. Specifically, two clusters were identified, namely ‘enthusiastic’ and ‘indifferent’, as a result of the different scores given to the authenticity-related items. Moreover, a series of Chi-square tests and ANOVA tests were run to analyse whether substantial differences do exist among segments based on their socio-demographics, buying behaviour at wineries, satisfaction and behavioural intentions. Findings reveal that there were no significant differences between clusters in terms of the socio-demographic characteristics and their actual and future willingness to buy Sardinian typical products. In contrast, the findings of the ANOVA tests show that significant differences exist among clusters as the respondents in the ‘enthusiastic’ group were more satisfied with their visit, more likely to repeat it and/or to recommend the wine destination to others through online and offline channels compared to those of the ‘indifferent’ group.
The third paper aims to expand the scientific debate on the comparative role that servicescape (i.e. physical environment, facilities, and personnel interaction) and authenticity (i.e. object-based authenticity and existential authenticity) play in wine tourist behaviour, using a convenience sample of 267 winery visitors. Multiple regression analyses were conducted to test the influence of servicescape and perceived authenticity on overall satisfaction and three types of behavioural intentions. Based on our findings, the contributions of this thesis to the current body of academic knowledge and managerial implications are discussed, together with the limitations of the study and suggestions for further research.
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Cinquanta, Giulio <1988>. "Three essays on social mobility: mobility dimensions, welfare evaluation and questionnaires evidence." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/17802.
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The first chapter provides a theoretical contribution in the field of social welfare measurement and social choice over social
mobility matters. In the second chapter I develop an experimental questionnaire aiming at investigating individuals’ evaluation of social mobility, both in terms of inter-generational mobility and in terms of intra-generational mobility. In the third chapter I develop a further experimental questionnaire aiming at capturing individuals' perception about several mobility measures.
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Zafar, Sameen. "Multiple dimensions of poverty in Punjab." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2016. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/34102/.
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The central aim of this thesis is to examine the multiple dimensions of poverty, using the Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS, 2008 and 2011) for the Punjab province of Pakistan. The thesis is based on three core chapters, with a focus on the measurement and determinants (particularly household size) of poverty. Chapter 3 calculates and analyses the multidimensional poverty index (MPI) developed by Alkire and Foster (2007) and the destitution measure (strict subset of the MPI), using health, education and standard of living dimensions for 2011. Chapter 4 extends the multidimensional poverty framework to a multi-period context by investigating the changes in the MPI and destitution measure from 2008 to 2011, and it contributes to the literature by assessing the impact of the severe 2010 floods on poverty. Applying probit and IV-probit methodologies on MICS 2008 data, Chapter 5 examines the complex and largely unexplored relationship between household size and poverty (income, child health and education), and highlights other important poverty determinants. The key results for 2011 illustrate that rural South Punjab experienced considerably greater deprivation than the urban North, that almost half of the MPI poor households were also destitute, and that the ‘years of schooling’ indicator was the highest contributor to both MPI and destitution, reflecting the dire state of education in Punjab. The intertemporal results indicate that the MPI increased from 2008 to 2011, with an intensification of poverty for rural households, especially in the flood-affected zones. Providing a micro lens for viewing deprivation, the destitution results showed that households in many districts and towns graduated into the less extreme form of multidimensional poverty. The econometric results of Chapter 5 show that larger households experienced lesser income and education poverty when endogeneity was controlled for, but household size was not a significant determinant of child health deprivation. No clear causal link could be established among the different poverty dimensions and household size. The results of this thesis paint a comprehensive and dynamic regional picture of the various dimensions of poverty in Punjab, providing policymakers insights for formulating targeted poverty reduction strategies.
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Bastarolo, Lucia <1997>. "An Assessment of Sustainability within the Special Economic Zones Literature: A multi-dimensional framework." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/20450.
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Le zone economiche speciali sono una politica industriale adottata per dare uno slancio alla crescita economica del paese in cui vengono istituite. Più nel concreto, esse corrispondono generalmente ad un territorio circoscritto, all’interno del quale viene adottato un quadro giuridico diverso rispetto all’economia aperta e volto all’attrazione di investimenti, all’aumento della produzione e delle esportazioni, allo sviluppo tecnologico dell’economia locale oppure ad altri tipi di esternalità positive. L’obiettivo di questo elaborato è di investigare su come le zone economiche speciali vengono solitamente valutate in letteratura. In particolare, l’interesse dell’analisi è di comprendere in che misura la valutazione dell’impatto e della performance delle zone economiche speciali in letteratura tiene in considerazione le dimensioni sociale, economica ed ambientale. Il metodo di ricerca è la catalogazione di alcune fonti provenienti dalla letteratura che valuta e discute gli effetti dell’istituzione di ZES. Infine, alla luce del concetto di sostenibilità incontrato nel corso della ricerca, l’analisi mira ad approfondire la retorica con la quale si affronta il tema della sostenibilità nelle ZES all’interno della letteratura.
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Cope, Zak. "Dimensions of prejudice towards a political economy of bigotry." Oxford Bern Berlin Bruxelles Frankfurt, M New York, NY Wien Lang, 2008. http://d-nb.info/990413160/04.
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Rebollo, Diego Aboal. "Political institutions and economic growth." Thesis, University of Essex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504878.
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Electoral systems are rules trough which votes translate into seats in parliament. The political economy literature tells us that alternative electoral systems can generate different distributions of power among different social groups in the legislature and therefore lead to dissimilar equilibrium economic policies~ On the other hand, we know from the endogenous economic growth literature that economic policy can affect growth. vVhat the literature is lacking is a clear link between electoral systems and economic growth. The main objective of this thesis is to establish a connection between them. Once this link is constructed we move our focus to a more primitive question: what are the factors that determine which electoral system is chosen over another? Providing an answer to this question is the second objective of the thesis. We build a dynastic model with heterogeneous agents where one of the engines of growth is public capital. In our model there are three social classes with different levels of wealth and productivity. The source of conflict among these social classes is the level of public capital. Alternative electoral systems can generate different distributions of power in parliament and different equilibrium levels of public capital. Different patterns of capital accumulation lead to different economic growth equilibrium. Social classes who are' aware that alternative electoral systems imply different public policy and welfare choose an electoral system following a simple process of bargaining. A precise ranking of electoral systems in terms of economic growth requires the knowledge of the social structure of the country. Alternative social structures can lead to different rankings. Under complete enfranchisement, equal and not polarized societies choose majoritarian electoral systems, while equal but polarized societies generate proportional representation systems. Only highly unequal societies can lead to anarchy. The empirical evidence supports some of the propositions of the thesis.
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Mizuno, Nobuhiro. "Political Economy and Economic Development." Kyoto University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/120727.
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Massengill, William. "The Political and Economic Roots of Corporate Political Activity." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1553961091240596.
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Sennett, James Ross. "Innovation and the spatial dimensions of information capture." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2000. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1318010/.
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Recent theories from the field of industrial geography contend that region-specific, 'untraded interdependencies', including networking, conventions and rules within the business community, are important assets in enabling small, innovative firms to learn about technological and organisational development. The 'learning region' has since been adopted as a slogan for economic development and renewal, despite limited empirical analysis on the spatial dimensions of actual learning processes. The purpose of this study is to analyse how innovative firms combine sources of information in a spatial setting. Analysis from the empirical findings reveals that small, innovative firms in the case study example of the instrumentation and control sector located in the outer area of the London Metropolitan Region (LMR), predominantly rely on a few key sources of information, recombined with knowledge of information from past employment. These key sources are usually linkages with other firms, particularly customers, that transcend regional and national boundaries. The spatial dimensions of information acquisition depend on the type of information. Sources that are more important at the regional level are relatively more important to more generalised aspects of information acquisition. Underpinning these observations is the significance of the relationship between the spatial dimensions of information flows and the nature of the firms' innovation characteristics. The specific information required for technological development is spatially dispersed from the firms' home region, whereas more generalised types of information diffuse more easily from region to region. The location behaviour of the firms is nevertheless explained by the need to co-ordinate information flows. This is because transport links are important in enabling the firms to access specific information beyond the region. The availability of various sources of more generalised information in the London Metropolitan Region is still regarded as a vital support mechanism for small-scale innovation in the IC sector. The policy implications of this analysis are addressed.
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Attwood-Charles, William. "Post-Bureaucratic Organizations: Normative and Technical Dimensions." Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108138.
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Thesis advisor: Juliet B. SchorIn this dissertation, I study dynamics of inequality in three post-bureaucratic organizations: a makerspace and two on-demand labor platforms for couriers. I focus on three aspects of post-bureaucracy: 1) Identity work and social clorure. 2) Dynamics of status and distinction making. 3) Technology as an alternative to rational-bureaucratic and value-rational organizations, and the experience of technologically organized work. Collectively, these cases explore how institutional orders are created, reproduced, and transformed in organizations that reject interpersonal authority relationships. As a social technology for coordinating activity, bureaucracies rely upon formalized rules, responsibilities, and impersonal authority relationships. In a completely rationalized bureaucracy, coordination is achieved through rigid adherence to codified roles and procedures, as well as deference to designated superiors within a bureaucratic hierarchy. Post-bureaucratic organizations, by contrast, eschew formalized interpersonal authority relationships - typically emphasizing normative and technical controls. For example, many high-tech organizations group workers into teams that negotiate and enforce norms. Material technology may also be used by organizations as a method to coordinate and manage workers, as in the case of on-demand labor platforms that direct workers via software technology. Like conventional bureaucracies, post-bureaucratic organizations are susceptible to a variety of pathologies. Two tendencies, however, are particularly salient: anomie and reification. Technical control involves reifying aspects of an institutional order that otherwise would be interactively negotiated and enforced. One risk in reifying an institutional order is that it will be incapable of responding to changes in the environment. In contrast to the problem of an institutional order that is too stable, anomie is a quality of normlessness and an ambiguous institutional order. Previous research suggests commitment forms of organizing are susceptible to anomic tendencies. In such weakly institutionalized environments where norms are open for negotiation, there can be considerable competition between individuals over how to define norms and practices. These individual status competitions may come at the expense of collective goals, in addition to being an avenue by which race, gender, and class inequalities are produced and reproduced
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Sociology
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Ferreras, Isabelle 1975. "On economic bicameralism." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/28755.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004."September 2004."
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 99-104).
(cont.) for both economic profitability and democratic justice, is explored after the roots of the idea of economic bicameralism in socio-economic history and existing socio-economic institutions (such as Works Councils) are reviewed. Economic bicameralism is thus an original form of governance of the firm with regards to both its philosophy and its institutions. It is founded on the recognition that two quests take place within the context of the firm, each of which is pursued primarily by one of the firm's two major agents, capital and labor. In the structure of economic bicameralism, two chambers, one representing each group of agents, govern the firm jointly. The Chamber of Capital assembles the investors in capital, who value an instrumental rationality while seeking profit as their foremost objective; and the Chamber of Labor assembles the investors in person, who display a political rationality and are best understood as seeking democratic justice as their primary goal. While investors in capital remain the sole legal shareholders of the bicameral firm, the governance of the firm is managed by these two chambers, which occupy an equal footing and are consequently bound to cooperate in order to allow the firm to function efficiently. The collaboration hence induced between investors in capital and investors in labor enables the firm to effectively respect the aspiration towards democratic justice that infuses the work experience with the objective of economic profitability that motivates first the investors in capital.
This study contributes to normative democratic theory by exploring the relevance of the democratic ideal within the context of the capitalist economic system. It reviews the five traditional arguments for economic democracy before advancing a sixth, original argument, which both encompasses and surpasses its predecessors, based on the political meaning of the work experience. This provides for an understanding of the "political rationality" that animates workers, who, in investing their own person in the firm, experience work as an expressive, political experience that places them in a public space where their conceptions of the just are challenged in complying with the rules of the workplace. In the traditional capitalist shareholder firm, where workers are not entitled to take part in setting those rules, this political rationality also involves a normative content: an aspiration towards democratic justice within the context of the firm, embodied in the idea that every investor-in person as well as in capital- should have a say in the decisions that concern the organization. Consequently, after reviewing the limits of the traditional models of the shareholder firm and the stakeholder firm, this study introduces a theory of the firm capable of reflecting the two rationalities that animate the firm: on the one hand, the traditional rationality of the capitalist firm which is instrumental, displayed by the shareholders (the investors in capital), which is tied to the quest for economic profitability, and on the other hand the political rationality, displayed by the workers (the investors in person), informed by a quest for democratic justice. The scheme of the bicameral firm, whose institutions are conceived in order to jointly address the quests
by Isabelle Ferreras.
S.M.
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Liebenberg, Andre. "The relationship between economic freedom, political freedom and economic growth." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/30619.
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The research aims to investigate the relationship between economic freedom, political freedom and economic growth. The Arab Spring placed renewed interest on the topic of freedom, yet current economic conditions seemingly contradicted the established theory. The largest free economies were being outperformed by those with less political and economic freedom.Three objectives were specified to answer the research question. The first objective aimed to determine the association between economic freedom, political freedom and economic growth, for which Spearman’s correlation was used. The second objective aimed to investigate causal relationships between the variables, for which Granger’s causality was employed. The third objective aimed to examine complex relationships between the variables, for which vector autoregression was used.Economic growth was weakly correlated with the independent variables. Civil liberties, political rights and economic freedom, however, had strong correlations with each other. Economic freedom and economic growth had bi-directional Granger-causality. Political rights Granger-caused economic freedom whilst civil liberties Granger-caused political rights and economic freedom. Using vector autoregression, the model consisting of economic growth, economic freedom and civil liberties had the greatest explanatory power towards economic growth. Existing theory therefore remains valid: political freedom enhances economic freedom, which, in turn, enhances economic growth.The relationship between economic freedom, political freedom and economic growthDissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS)
unrestricted
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Shashenkov, Maxim V. "Stability and instability in Central Asia : security dimensions, 1991-1993." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270475.
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Kent, J. "The international dimensions of British West African policy 1939-1949." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372433.
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Nedrebo, Oystein. "Transnational dimensions of civil conflict severity." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2123.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In an otherwise broad literature on civil conflict little attention has so far been paid to actual conflict violence and variation in severity. Existing work is also hampered by a reliance on a ‘closed polity’ model of the state, leading to disregard of the transnational dimensions of internal conflict, and by a dependence on over‐aggregated data. The present inquiry expands on the existing explanatory framework for variation in civil conflict severity by including transnational factors and characteristics of sub‐national actors. Data on conflict battle deaths are combined with recently available data on transnational ethnic linkages, transnational support and neighbouring conflict as well as other actor and country characteristics. Results from ordinary least squares regression analysis indicate that support for rebel groups from external non‐state actors increase conflict severity, while rebel presence in other states is associated with less severe conflicts. In addition, severity increases with duration but with a diminishing marginal return. Internal armed conflicts are less severe in democratic and ethnically polarised countries but rebel territorial control increases the level of violence.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die andersins omvangryke literatuur oor burgerlike konflik is daar tot op hede min aandag geskenk aan werklike konflikgeweld en variasie in felheid (vernietigende omvang). Bestaande werk word ook belemmer omdat dit staat maak op ’n model van die staat as ‘geslote regering’, wat lei tot verontagsaming van die transnasionale dimensies van interne konflik, en staat maak op oor‐geaggregeerde data. Hierdie ondersoek brei uit op die bestaande verklarende raamwerk vir variasie in felheid van burgerlike konflik deur transnasionale faktore en eienskappe van subnasionale deelnemers in te sluit. Data oor konflikgevegsterftes is gekombineer met onlangse data oor transnasionale etniese koppelings, transnasionale steun en naburige konflik, sowel as ander deelnemer‐ en landeienskappe. Resultate van gewone kleinstekwadrate‐regressie‐analise dui daarop dat steun aan rebellegroepe deur eksterne nie‐staatsdeelnemers konflikfelheid laat toeneem, terwyl rebelleteenwoordigheid in ander lande geassosieer word met minder fel konflikte. Felheid neem ook toe saam met duur maar met ’n afnemende marginale opbrengs. Interne gewapende konflikte is minder fel in demokratiese en etnies gepolariseerde lande, maar rebellebeheer oor grondgebied verhoog die vlak van geweld.
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Gilboa, David. "The economic conditions of political liberty." The Ohio State University, 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/42197316.html.
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Qizilbash, M. "Corruption, political systems and economic theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358574.
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Navajas, Alvaro Ruiz. "Socio-political determinants of economic growth." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499872.
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Coen, Stephanie E. "Economic and social dimensions of neighbourhood trade-stores in Cochabamba, Bolivia." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99362.
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Neighbourhood trade-stores, or small scale retail outlets specialising in domestic provisions sold in small quantities, are common features of residential landscapes in developing countries. While these shops are fixtures in the everyday micro-geographies of urban places, little is known as to how they are economically and socially bound up with the neighbourhoods in which they are situated and, in turn, how these linkages influence the day-to-day life circumstances of local people. Through such a local-level investigation utilising multiple qualitative methods, I examine the intra-neighbourhood economic and social roles of small trade-stores in an urban neighbourhood in Cochabamba, Bolivia. My analysis reveals that trade-stores were a key influence on the welfare of neighbourhood residents. Economically, these shops functioned as safeguards for family economies by providing multidimensional material support. Socially, trade-stores acted as mechanisms for informal social control, nodes of local information exchange, and sources of local social opportunities and social support.
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Vetsopoulos, Apostolos. "The economic dimensions of the Marshall Plan in Greece, 1947-1952." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317677/.
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This thesis concerns the economic dimensions of the Marshall Plan in Greece from 1947 to 1952. The Marshall Aid Program and Mission contributed to the reconstruction and development of the Greek economy after the destruction of World War II and the Greek Civil War. However, because of the shortcomings of its backward economy, Greece was a special case in the implementation of the Marshall Plan in Europe. In particular, the problems of inefficiency and corruption influenced political and social issues on the decision-making process, while uniquely, the Marshall planners tried to create institutions in order to facilitate reconstruction and to improve Greek people's life. The implementation of the Marshall Plan aimed at the development of the Greek economy parallel to the economic development of the other European countries. The Marshall Plan tried to help the backward Greek economy participate in international trade, and created the foundations for the post-war development of the Greek economy. The principal argument of the thesis is that the Greek economy was too weak to absorb fully the enormous aid granted because private and state investments were too negligible to meet further economic development, while a number of Greek politicians and bourgeoisie prevented the implementation of the economic programme. This forced the American Marshall planners to 'freeze' a great part of the aid in order to cover the budget deficit and to hold inflation. The 'frozen' aid 'counterpart funds' were utilised in the two fiscal years following June 1952. Therefore, in the post-war period, the Marshall Plan was the first systematic effort to stabilise the Greek economy, thereby in due course enabling Greece to join the European Economic Community in 1980.
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Verrelli, Stefano. "Antecedents and consequences of ideological conflict along social and economic dimensions." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/21901.
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Decades of research has consistently demonstrated that, compared to liberals, conservatives are more prejudiced towards a variety of target groups. Recent research, however, has challenged this finding by demonstrating that liberals and conservatives both express prejudice towards ideologically dissimilar others. This effect also appears to be dimension-specific, with social and economic ideologies differentially predicting prejudice against targets who vary on the social and economic dimensions of ideology, respectively. The current thesis sought to advance this work by developing and testing two novel hypotheses related to the multi-dimensional nature of ideological conflict. First, in three studies (N = 573), I tested the differential antecedent hypothesis, which predicts that the dimension-specific contributions of social and economic ideologies on prejudice should be differentially affected by distinct “pre-political” beliefs about the social world, namely dangerous and competitive worldviews, respectively. The results generally supported this hypothesis, but also suggested that dangerous world beliefs underlie people’s economic ideology and prejudice towards economic target groups. Second, in three additional studies (N = 1030), I tested the differential mediation hypothesis, which predicts that the dimension-specific contributions of social and economic ideologies on prejudice should be differentially mediated by symbolic and realistic threat, respectively. The findings for this hypothesis were mixed, and suggested that symbolic threat is the key driver of ideological conflict across both dimensions. Together, these findings provide new insights into the possible antecedents and consequences of ideological conflict along social and economic dimensions. Importantly, this research further challenges the assumptions that prejudice is an affliction of the political right and that a one-dimensional model of ideology can provide a complete account of prejudice.
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D’Errico, Marco <1974>. "Assessing poverty with survey data. Uni-dimensional, multidimensional and resilience poverty analysis in Kenya." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/4194/1/marco_derrico_tesi.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Traditionally Poverty has been measured by a unique indicator, income, assuming this was the most relevant dimension of poverty.
Sen’s approach has dramatically changed this idea shedding light over the existence of many more dimensions and over the multifaceted nature of poverty; poverty cannot be represented by a unique indicator that only can evaluate a specific aspect of poverty.
This thesis tracks an ideal path along with the evolution of the poverty analysis. Starting from the unidimensional analysis based on income and consumptions, this research enter the world of multidimensional analysis. After reviewing the principal approaches, the Foster and Alkire method is critically analyzed and implemented over data from Kenya. A step further is moved in the third part of the thesis, introducing a new approach to multidimensional poverty assessment: the resilience analysis.
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D’Errico, Marco <1974>. "Assessing poverty with survey data. Uni-dimensional, multidimensional and resilience poverty analysis in Kenya." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/4194/.
Full textAbstract:
Traditionally Poverty has been measured by a unique indicator, income, assuming this was the most relevant dimension of poverty.
Sen’s approach has dramatically changed this idea shedding light over the existence of many more dimensions and over the multifaceted nature of poverty; poverty cannot be represented by a unique indicator that only can evaluate a specific aspect of poverty.
This thesis tracks an ideal path along with the evolution of the poverty analysis. Starting from the unidimensional analysis based on income and consumptions, this research enter the world of multidimensional analysis. After reviewing the principal approaches, the Foster and Alkire method is critically analyzed and implemented over data from Kenya. A step further is moved in the third part of the thesis, introducing a new approach to multidimensional poverty assessment: the resilience analysis.
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Haw, Kaye. "Education for Muslim girls in contemporary Britain : social and political dimensions." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1995. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11026/.
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This research examines how the discourses of gender, 'race ', culture and religion are articulated in the educational experiences of Muslim girls. Using the data collected in a private Muslim girls' school (old Town High) and a single-sex state school with a high proportion of Muslim girls (City State) it critically examines how stereotypical representations may come to constitute a commonsense understanding of Muslim women and how these representations can exercise an important influence in shaping teacher perceptions about the presumed needs of their Muslim students. The theoretical perspective adopted, is shaped principally by ideas within poststructuralism viewed through the lens of feminism. This allows for an exploration of the interplay between the discourses of 'race', gender, culture and religion and their shifting nature. It also allows for a critical examination of the micro-political - that is how power is exercised at local levels, how oppression works, is experienced and where resistance is possible. The thesis is divided into three Parts. The first Part provides a background to the case studies. The second Part is concerned to detail the theoretical framework of the research followed by a methodological placing and evaluation of the case studies and the third Part concerns itself with a multi-layered analysis of the data. Throughout the phases of this analysis the treatment of 'race' and gender as a duality and the repercussions this has for the Muslim students in the state school emerges strongly. These findings have many implications for equal opportunities initiatives in state schools for the research indicates that the matter of 'difference' in equal opportunity work is not dealt with in any adequate way at all. It concludes by arguing for the introduction of strategies which go beyond practical, structural and 'problem solving' equal opportunity mode. It argues for strategies which combine perspectives which deal with, fragmentation, hybridity and pluralism with critical perspectives which centre on an examination of how it is that some students are positioned at the margins of school life and value systems and how they can be repositioned at the centre.
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Sherazi, Anusha Batool. "Political Dimensions of Climate Change Adaptation : Framing Financial Attributes in Pakistan." Thesis, KTH, Historiska studier av teknik, vetenskap och miljö, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-286791.
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The interest towards climate change adaptation has gradually increased from local tointernational levels around the globe. This is one reason that there is less than the dueattention paid previously, on its implementation, besides relatively lower levels offunding available for the adaptation related activities. To elaborate on the trickyrelationship between adaptation funding and policy priorities in the global South, thisthesis focuses on the case of Pakistan. Pakistan is one of the most climate changesprone countries with several events of climate change related disasters taking place onan annual basis. However, there is an extremely weak mechanism of climate changeadaptation that could help the vulnerable communities to resist the disaster impacts.The respective study findings suggest that the primary cause of this issue is the lack ofan effective climate change policy. The existing National Climate Change Policy ofPakistan (NCCP), is not a living document at this point, that can address the climatechange adaptation issues. The existing policy was not only drafted by the fundingagencies themselves, who enabled the formulation of the policy, but it was alsoproposed before the 18th constitutional amendment in the country, which producedsignificant changes. Since the 18th amendment (2010), the implementation of theadaptation policy has been affected due to the change in administrative power andauthority levels, from national to provincial. Another important aspect which isassociated with the adaptation of climate change is the politics behind the funding thatmay enter the country from international sources. The national policy does not provideany comprehensive guideline for the funding agencies regarding the adaptationpriorities, vulnerability and adaptive capacity of the locals, or the organization of funds atvarious scales. This leads the international funding agencies to lose their trust in thegovernment; and lead these agencies to set up their own channels for enabling thefunds to implement the projects on climate change adaptation or mitigation. Similarly,the lack of interest for the national government towards adaptation activities furtherdeviates the flow of funds into adaptation actions, and the focus remains overmitigation. This master’s thesis adopted the in-depth case study research strategy, andsemi structured interviews were conducted with 23 climate change experts, including2but not limited to policy makers and international organizations staff. The results of thestudy were organized in four major focused areas including, a) priorities in adaptation,b) actors of adaptation, c) question of scales, and d) vulnerability and adaptive capacityof the affected communities. This study concludes that climate change adaptation is aneglected topic in Pakistan, and the mishandling of adaptation funds, under the weakpolicy guidelines, end up in maladaptation.
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Greer, Jane. "When literacies converage : the personal and political dimensions of reading narrative." The Ohio State University, 1994. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1287416610.
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Greer, Jane. "When literacies converge: the personal and political dimensions of reading narrative /." The Ohio State University, 1994. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487856906260435.
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Sokol, Martin. "Regional dimensions of the knowledge economy : implications for the "new Europe"." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/353.
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This thesis examines the implications of the alleged rise of the `knowledge economy' for regional economic change in Europe. In particular, it is concerned with `postindustrial' trajectories of less-favoured regions, in both the Western and Eastern parts of the `New Europe'. In doing so, the thesis critically engages with the `new regionalism' economic geography approaches that draw on institutional/evolutionary economics, and on the `knowledge economy' or 'learning economy' discourses. These approaches invariably identify localised forms of knowledge production and learning and various supporting institutions as key factors behind regional prosperity. Considered as the most important organisational units of contemporary global knowledge-intensive capitalism, economically successful regions are understood as `learning regions' acting as collectors and repositories of knowledge, and displaying the ability to learn and innovate, while being supported by regional `institutional thickness'. Less-favoured regions are themselves claimed to have a capacity to improve their own economic fortunes by becoming `learning regions'. These claims are exposed to a theoretical scrutiny that reveals serious conceptual weaknesses in the `knowledge economy' and `learning region' paradigms and the thesis suggests an alternative conceptualisation of regional economic change. This alternative conceptualisation places emphasis on the `socio-spatial divisions of labour' and the accompanying `socio-spatial value chains/networks' as a useful prism through which increasingly uneven regional development in Europe can be understood. The case studies of two former industrial region-states are then presented - one in the `Western' periphery (Scotland) and one in the `Eastern' post-socialist periphery (Slovakia) of the `New Europe' - both attempting a transformation to the high value-added `knowledge-based' economy. The empirical evidence supports the view that, although institutions can play an important role in economic development of regions, their room for manoeuvre is nevertheless significantly constrained by their own historical legacies and the wider neo-liberal political economy.
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Le, Thanh, and Luz Bruno Picasso Wejrot. "Global competitiveness, human capital, and Hofstede’s cultural dimensions: Does culture influence national competitiveness?" Thesis, Blekinge Tekniska Högskola, Institutionen för industriell ekonomi, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:bth-13238.
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National economic competitiveness is a major concern to governments, firms, and individuals in an increasingly globalised world. Culture is known affect economic competitiveness, but there is little existing research that links Hofstede’s cultural dimensions with the Human Capital Indicators in the World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Index. U-blox is an international firm with offices around the world. The firm has grown through acquisitions and has become a key player in the wireless communication and positioning semiconductors business. The chosen topic will study the cultural aspects of a selected group of u-blox subsidiaries. The values in a workplace are in fact influenced by culture and by their human capital. Using Hofstede’s dimensions to analyse the cultural factors, it is possible to study the international context of the human capital in each subsidiary by using reliable international indicators provided in the Global Competitiveness Index.
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Börner, Kira Astrid. "Political Institutions and Incentives for Economic Reforms." Diss., lmu, 2005. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:19-31652.
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Dell, Melissa. "Essays in economic development and political economy." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/72831.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Economics, 2012.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 183-197).
This thesis examines three topics. The first chapter, entitled "Persistent Effects of Peru's Mining Mita" utilizes regression discontinuity to examine the long-run impacts of the mita, an extensive forced mining labor system in effect in Peru and Bolivia between 1573 and 1812. Results indicate that a mita effect lowers household consumption by around 25% and increases the prevalence of stunted growth in children by around six percentage points in subjected districts today. Using data from the Spanish Empire and Peruvian Republic to trace channels of institutional persistence, I show that the mita's influence has persisted through its impacts on land tenure and public goods provision. Mita districts historically had fewer large landowners and lower educational attainment. Today, they are less integrated into road networks, and their residents are substantially more likely to be subsistence farmers. The second chapter, entitled "Trafficking Networks and the Mexican Drug War" examines how drug traffickers' economic objectives influence the direct and spillover effects of Mexican policy towards the drug trade. Drug trade-related violence has escalated dramatically in Mexico during the past five years, claiming over 40,000 lives. By exploiting variation from close mayoral elections and a network model of drug trafficking, the study develops three sets of results. First, regression discontinuity estimates show that drug trade-related violence in a municipality increases substantially after the close election of a mayor from the conservative National Action Party (PAN), which has spearheaded the war on drug trafficking. This violence consists primarily of individuals involved in the drug trade killing each other. The empirical evidence suggests that the violence reflects rival traffickers' attempts to wrest control of territories after crackdowns initiated by PAN mayors have challenged the incumbent criminals. Second, the study predicts the diversion of drug traffic following close PAN victories by estimating a model of equilibrium routes for trafficking drugs across the Mexican road network to the U.S. When drug traffic is diverted to other municipalities, drug trade-related violence in these municipalities increases. Moreover, female labor force participation and informal sector wages fall, corroborating qualitative evidence that traffickers extort informal sector producers. Finally, the study uses the trafficking model and estimated spillover effects to examine the allocation of law enforcement resources. Overall, the results demonstrate how traffickers' economic objectives and constraints imposed by the routes network affect the policy outcomes of the Mexican Drug War. The third chapter, entitled "Insurgency and Long-Run Development: Lessons from the Mexican Revolution" exploits within-state variation in drought severity to identify how insurgency during the Mexican Revolution, a major early 20th century armed conflict, impacted subsequent government policies and long-run economic development. Using a novel municipal-level dataset on revolutionary insurgency, the study documents that municipalities experiencing severe drought just prior to the Revolution were substantially more likely to have insurgent activity than municipalities where drought was less severe. Many insurgents demanded land reform, and following the Revolution, Mexico redistributed over half of its surface area in the form of ejidos: farms comprised of individual and communal plots that were granted to a group of petitioners. Rights to ejido plots were non-transferable, renting plots was prohibited, and many decisions about the use of ejido lands had to be countersigned by politicians. Instrumental variables estimates show that municipalities with revolutionary insurgency had 22 percentage points more of their surface area redistributed as ejidos. Today, insurgent municipalities are 20 percentage points more agricultural and 6 percentage points less industrial. Incomes in insurgent municipalities are lower and alternations between political parties for the mayorship have been substantially less common. Overall, the results support the hypothesis that land reform, while successful at placating insurgent regions, stymied long-run economic development.
by Melissa Dell.
Ph.D.