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Journal articles on the topic 'Political and historical tensions'
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1
Eisenstadt, Shmuel N. "Tensions as Resources in Jewish Historical Civilizational Experience." European Journal of Sociology 50, no. 2 (2009): 233–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975609990130.
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AbstractThe article analyzes in a comparative framework the Jewish historical experience as a distinct – the first monotheistic – Axial civilization and the major characteristics thereof. Special emphasis is given to the multivalence of the major components of the cultural orientations, collective consciousness and institutional premises as they bear on its long historical continuity and their major carriers, including heterodoxies. The article points out some of the major differences of the modern Jewish historical experience as compared with medieval history.
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Guest Pryal, Katie Rose. "Democracy's Debt: The Historical Tensions Between Political and Economic Liberty, M. Lane Bruner." Rhetoric Review 31, no. 3 (2012): 343–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07350198.2012.684004.
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Kellogg, Paul. "Steger on Engels — A Brief Comment." Political Studies 49, no. 5 (2001): 969–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00350.
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Manfred Steger argues that properly to evaluate the last writings of Friedrich Engels, theorists must situate his work historically. With such a perspective, the tensions in his last major political work (what has come to be known as his ‘testament’) are easily explained. Engels was trying to preserve his revolutionary principles while outlining policies appropriate to a non-revolutionary situation. That tension was resolved in a positive direction, according to Steger, by Eduard Bernstein who discarded the revolutionary husk to preserve the liberal, reformist and realistic kernel. This article argues that Steger, while right to situate Engels' writings in their historical context, misjudges the subsequent history of Germany. This history, far from vindicating Bernstein's revisionism, provides stunning confirmation of Engels' revolutionary socialism.
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Morrill, Bruce T. "Models of Liturgical Memory: Mystical-Political Dimensions, Mythic-Historic Tensions." Studia Liturgica 50, no. 1 (2020): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320719884125.
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The exercise of memory, both within and in relation to the performance of sacramental rites, comprises a number of related phenomena rich in theological and anthropological complexity. Due to their symbolic and ritual natures, memory and liturgy each evade abstract, generalizing theories while nonetheless inviting historical, social-scientific, and theological analyses useful to pastoral ministry. Given the importance yet complexity of the role of memory in liturgy, the author proposes a typological approach, essaying a number of models of liturgical memory according to some dozen categories, while noting that the mystical and political dimensions of these overlap and mutually impact each other in the practices of actual assemblies.
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Howard, Judith A. "Tensions of Social Justice." Sociological Perspectives 46, no. 1 (2003): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2003.46.1.1.
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The achievement of social justice is vital to the future of human civilization. Debates about social justice are deeply complicated, however, as evident in the range of responses to the events of September 11, 2001. In this essay I trace micro-level phenomena and processes that contribute to understanding social justice and the tensions that surround it. I argue that the Western social contractarian conception of justice does not incorporate the legacies of historical inequities and therefore is less useful than conceptions of justice that emphasize compassion, need, and forgiveness. I review a wide-ranging social psychological literature on social cognitive and social interactive dynamics that both contribute to and could be used to minimize social inequities, emphasizing dynamics of social categorization and ways in which social power shapes the construction and use of social categorization. I argue that the achievement of social justice will require not only institutional interventions but, in the end, that individuals act for justice.
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Donini, Antonio. "Between a rock and a hard place: integration or independence of humanitarian action?" International Review of the Red Cross 93, no. 881 (2011): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383110000639.
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AbstractThis article looks at the tension between principles and politics in the response to the Afghan crisis, and more specifically at the extent to which humanitarian agencies have been able to protect themselves and their activities from overt instrumentalization by those pursuing partisan political agendas. After a short historical introduction, it focuses on the tensions around the issue of ‘coherence’ – the code word for the integration of humanitarian action into the wider political designs of the United Nations itself and of the UN-mandated military coalition that has been operating in Afghanistan since late 2001. The article ends with some more general conclusions on the humanitarian–political relationship and what Afghanistan ‘means’ for the future of humanitarian action.
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Brett, Peter, and Robert Guyver. "Postcolonial history education: Issues, tensions and opportunities." Historical Encounters: A journal of historical consciousness, historical cultures, and history education 8, no. 2 (2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.52289/hej8.210.
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This paper introduces a journal special issue devoted to an exploration of post-colonial history education with contributions from Ghana, Uganda, New Zealand, Canada, Botswana, Nigeria, Cyprus, Lebanon and London. It provides an overview of key issues, tensions and opportunities around decolonising the history curriculum. Relevant contexts such as the ‘History Wars’, subaltern studies, the conception of decolonising the mind and the possibilities of de-colonising pedagogies are explored. History education lenses around critical historical literacy, historical consciousness, multidimensional identities and multi-perspectivity are brought to bear upon the question of re-thinking forms of postcolonial history education. Specific political circumstances inform the nature of history education in every national jurisdiction; here the contemporary Black Lives Matter campaign, the fallout from the mismanagement of the fate of the ‘Windrush’ settlers in the UK and the recent focus of protestors globally upon colonial oppressors memorialised in statues frame the authors’ reflections. However, echoing the optimism of most of the special issue contributions, opportunities to build bridges between divided communities, open up more inclusive history curricula to student voices and nuance and complicate homogeneous national narratives are identified and recommended.
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Lisi, Marco, and João Loureiro. "Employer preferences and political alignments during the Eurocrisis: Evidence from the Portuguese case." Business and Politics 21, no. 3 (2019): 385–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2019.7.
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AbstractThis paper strives to shed light on the interaction between business groups and the main governing parties after the onset of the economic crisis through a “thick narrative” approach. By focusing on the Portuguese case, the study aims to examine the preferences of the employer confederations during the distinct phases of the economic crisis and to analyze the political alignments established with different party governments. This contribution confirms the fragmentation of business interests on the one hand and tensions between the right-wing government and the main employer confederations on the other. While a pragmatic approach to party politics seems to be the predominant trend, historical and institutional legacies are still important factors when considering the actions and inner tensions of these organizations.
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D’Attorre, Alfredo. "Class struggle and populism : ties, transfigurations, tensions." Soft Power 6, no. 1 (2019): 120–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14718/softpower.2019.6.1.6.
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The article analyzes the complex and problematic relationship between populist insurgency and the return of the class struggle. The ‘populist moment’ is interpreted as a counter-movement with respect to the disruptive social results of the thirty-year period of neo-liberal globalization and as an obligatory passage, in the current historical conjuncture, to reactivate the possibility of a distributive conflict in a practicable political space, that of the National State. After the initial onset, however, populism is structurally inadequate, due to its very logic of functioning, to give form to a class struggle anchored in the pluralism of social interests and to resist the risk of reactionary drifts and colonization from above by the dominant economic forces.
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Ulver, Sofia. "Tickling tensions: Gazing into the parallax gap of the multicultural imaginary." Marketing Theory 21, no. 3 (2021): 391–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14705931211019081.
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This article explores why cultural branding – ideo-affective market communication addressing intense political tensions – paradoxically seems to lead to political inertia rather than political mobilization. I critically analyse advertising addressing political tensions related to race, ethnicity and immigration, but instead of only following the traced-out trajectory of postcolonial theory, I use the lens of Žižek’s radicalized Lacanian psychoanalysis and treat the therapeutic visuality in cultural branding as ideological fantasies of the market’s multicultural imaginary. Through critical visual methodologies, I situate four ‘multicultural’ commercials in their culture- and idea historical contexts, and juxtapose a postcolonial with a Žižekian reading for each of them. I come to argue that the market’s multicultural imaginary (unconsciously) serves important ideological functions in sustaining the political status quo not foremost because it placates anxiety, but because it doesn’t. Tapping into previous discussions in critical marketing on fetishistic disavowal and inversion, I offer yet another explanation. The political inertia following from ideo-affective dimensions of cultural branding does not primarily come from therapeutic sedation, but from the opposite, namely the parallax object’s upholding of gruesome tension and suspense; a fetishistic tickling. This article ends by critiquing the compulsory use of postcolonial theory in research on racial and ethnic relations. From the Žižekian reading, it appears that the postcolonial gaze is now a punishing agency like any dominant ideology, where the social inequality of global capitalism is deemed a more bearable alternative than the traumatic horror of visible racism, which, subsequently, closes the circuit from radical politics.
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Sutton, Nick. "Aśoka and Yudhisthira: A Historical Setting for the Ideological Tensions of theMahābhārata?" Religion 27, no. 4 (1997): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/reli.1997.0092.
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Kobierecki, Michał Marcin. "Dyplomacja sportowa w procesie łagodzenia konfliktów międzynarodowych." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 22 (October 17, 2017): 201–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.22.13.
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Sports diplomacy as a tool of easing international tensionsThe aim of the article is to theoretically analyse the issue of sports diplomacy from the perspective of its utility in easing international tensions. The research encompass clarification of the term sports diplomacy and investigation of two ways of using it in order to ease international tensions: changing perception of hostile states within particular societies and creating opportunities for political leaders from antagonistic countries to meet, which have been described with the use of actual historical cases.
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Churyumova, Elvira. "Why Do Kalmyks Want A New National Leader?" Inner Asia 17, no. 1 (2015): 100–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340035.
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This paper is a brief political and ethnographic commentary on the ‘issues of weakness’ in the current political leadership of Kalmykia. In the Republic of Kalmykia, southwest Russia, ideas about national leaders have been subject to change, depending on the political regime in Russia. Whereas in the Soviet period good leaders, both historical and contemporary, were thought to be skilful managers who did not necessarily have the power to change the course of history, in the post-Soviet period proper national leaders are considered to be those who are endowed with the power to influence history. According to the author, this change in the concept of leadership became possible owing to certain political developments in post-Soviet Kalmykia that allowed alternative ideas to contest some tenets of the Soviet historiography, such ideas remaining largely intact. The tension in Kalmyk historiography between old Soviet and new ideas is unresolved, a situation which is symptomatic of wider tensions and transformations occurring in Kalmyk society itself.
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Taub, Gadi, and Michal Hamo. "Dialectic textual negotiation." Journal of Language and Politics 10, no. 3 (2011): 416–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.10.3.06tau.
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The present study proposes a discourse-immanent view (following Wodak 2001) of political manifestos, examining them as sites for textually negotiating tensions and paradoxes, rather than focusing on their persuasive aspects. This approach is applied to the analysis of two founding documents of the Israeli religious settlers’ movement, where tensions between religious vision and actual politics have increased over time. Findings indicate that in the first manifesto (1974), discursive resources (temporality, point of view construction and terms of reference) are strategically used to contain tensions and maintain the movement’s dialectical vision of the relations between religion and politics. By contrast, the second manifesto (1980) exhibits simpler textual patterns which forgo this dialectical commitment, reflecting the eroding ability to textually reconcile ideological tensions as challenges to the movement’s vision grow. This is discussed as demonstrating the utility of discourse analysis for historical research in providing micro-evidence for the emergence of ideological change.
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THORPE, CHARLES. "COMMUNITY AND THE MARKET IN MICHAEL POLANYI'S PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE." Modern Intellectual History 6, no. 1 (2009): 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244308001947.
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The chemist and philosopher Michael Polanyi (1891–1976) is today recognized as one of the most important twentieth-century thinkers about scientific knowledge and scientific community. Yet Polanyi's philosophy of science exhibits an unresolved tension between science as a traditional community and science as an intellectual marketplace. Binding together these different models was important for his overall intellectual and political project, which was a defense of bourgeois liberal order. His philosophy of science and his economic thought were mutually supporting elements within this political project. Polanyi's intellectual corpus formed a contradictory unity, the tensions within which were manageable only under particular historical conditions. His attempt to hold together traditional authority and the free market fit with, and derived plausibility from, the social conditions under which his philosophical work came to maturity: Keynesian class compromise and surviving habits of social deference within postwar Britain.
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McPherson, Robert H., Stewart Pisecco, Nancy S. Elman, Margaret Crosbie-Burnett, and Thomas V. Sayger. "Counseling Psychology’s Ambivalent Relationship with Master’s-Level Training." Counseling Psychologist 28, no. 5 (2000): 687–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011000000285006.
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Inspired by efforts by those who seek to redefine the practice of psychology as a master’s-level specialty, the authors examine counseling psychology’s heightened ambivalence regarding master’s-level training. First, they present a historical review of this issue. Next, they discuss current social and political pressures that, they suggest, have resulted in renewed tensions in the training of master’s-level practitioners for the field of counseling psychology. They conclude with specific recommendations regarding the manner in which counseling psychology should (a) train master’-level providers, (b) attempt to document the added value doctoral training, and (c) politically respond to this issue.
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Abdel-Hafez Fawaz, Ahmed. "The Muslims in Russia: between historical legacy and contemporary problematics." Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 3 (2016): 365–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2016.1201939.
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Czarist Russia, the Soviet Union and Post-Soviet Russia had a history of relations with their Muslims that varied between integration or coexistence and resistance or conflict. Russia had perpetually reaffirmed that its war in Chechnya in the 1990s was not against Muslims per se, but rather against terrorist groups that were attempting to disseminate their radical ideas in the Muslim Chechen Republic as well as throughout the other republics of the North Caucasus. From their standpoint Chechen fighters described the struggle as a new round of Russian efforts to bury Chechen demands for independence. Nevertheless, this historical experience of struggle also coincided with periods of peaceful coexistence witnessed in other regions such as the Volga and Ural River Basin. Thus, the question remains: what of the contemporary challenges faced by the Muslims of Russia in their relations with the state and their relations among themselves? This research seeks to answer the following questions: How is it that religious and sectarian tolerance came to predominate in Tatarstan but regressed in Chechnya and Dagestan? Why have relations between Sufis and Salafists been subject to increasing tensions in the North Caucasus? Do the tensions witnessed in Dagestan and Chechnya reflect a genuine sectarian struggle or is the matter more complicated than that? How has the Russian media impacted – positively or negatively – ethnic and sectarian relations within the state?
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Jaramillo, George Steve, Melinda Harlov-Csortán, Stefan Moitra, and Roberta Garruccio. "Historical Cultures Under Conditions of Deindustrialization Working Group Report." International Labor and Working-Class History 97 (2020): 180–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547919000280.
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Crumbling smokestacks, shuttered furnaces, and abandoned quarries are all striking representations of deindustrialization. These and other images construct a discourse whose ideological undertones, far from confining them to the realm of symbolic nostalgia, have profound effects on contemporary societies. In 2015, within the European Labor History Network (ELHN), a working group on historical cultures of labor under conditions of deindustrialization (working group) began to critically study and reflect on this nascent theme. It grew from a small group of researchers to a network of academics across Europe and beyond. Though the study of deindustrialization is not new, contemporary work offers insights into the continuing struggle over the meaning of classical industrial work and its loss, revealing unresolved social, cultural, and political tensions. Yet, existing representations of deindustrialization have been criticized as “smokestack nostalgia.” In order to chart how we understand contemporary industrial decay in our political, cultural, and economic climate, the working group explores representations and more-than representations of loss and regeneration in deindustrialized regions, primarily in Europe but widening to include a growing global network.
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Kratochwil, Friedrich. "How (Il)liberal is the Liberal Theory of Law? Some Critical Remarks on Slaughter’s Approach." Comparative Sociology 9, no. 1 (2010): 120–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913210x12535202814478-2.
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This article explores the limits of Anne-Marie Slaughter’s liberal theory of (international) law. Despite her admirable interdisciplinary work, Slaughter falls prey to proposing largely technical solutions based on best practices and buttressed by universal norms. She thereby misses the purpose of law as a source of meaning, not to mention the historicity and content-independent authority of law that can be legitimized only politically. Despite all universality, a closer look reveals that the practices of the US are taken to be best practices which then make them part of an imperial project. They are not a means of mediating between the inevitable cultural, political, and historical tensions that are part of our predicament.
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Conway, Martin. "On fragile democracy: Contemporary and historical perspectives—Introduction." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 4 (2019): 422–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419880456.
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The concept of fragility provides an alternative means of approaching the history of democracy, which has often been seen as the ineluctable consequence of Europe’s social and political modernisation. This is especially so in Scandinavia, as well as in Finland, where the emergence of a particular Nordic model of democracy from the early decades of the twentieth century onwards has often been explained with reference to embedded traditions of local self-government and long-term trends towards social egalitarianism. In contrast, this article emphasises the tensions present within the practices and understandings of democracy in the principal states of Scandinavia during the twentieth century. In doing so, it provides an introduction to the articles that compose this Special Issue, as well as contributing to the wider literature on the fragility of present-day structures of democracy.
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Flecker, Michael. "Early Chinese Voyaging in the South China Sea: Implications on Territorial Claims." Journal of Maritime Studies and National Integration 1, no. 1 (2017): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jmsni.v1i1.1367.
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The main purpose of this paper is to examine historically issues of territorial claims over the South China Sea. As it is known that at present there are at least six countries claiming part or all of South China Sea territory. In this case China is the most ambitious country to control all areas in the South China Sea. This has led to political and military tensions in the region. It is strange that the South China Sea waters has actually been a shipping thoroughfare for the last two millennia. Therefore, this historical study will contribute to an understanding of the issues that could provoke international conflict.
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Freeman, Carla. "From “Blood Transfusion” to “Harmonious Development”: The Political Economy of Fiscal Allocations to China's Ethnic Regions." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 41, no. 4 (2012): 11–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261204100402.
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For six decades, China's central authorities have promoted development in ethnic regions through special fiscal allocations with the idea that economic development is the key to national integration and inter-ethnic harmony. Yet, inter-ethnic tensions and violence persist in China. Focusing on historical changes to fiscal allocations as the principal policy instrument used by Beijing to promote development in ethnic areas, this analysis finds these changes mirror broad shifts in the country's national development strategy. As the study argues, this pattern reflects an approach to development policy in ethnic regions whereby policies serve central objectives consistent with a policy process for determining the fiscal allocations to ethnic regions that has been both centrally concentrated and non-participatory. With evidence that this “non-engaging” approach may be exacerbating ethnic tensions, Beijing has made efforts to introduce more “inclusive” approaches to determining policies for ethnic regions; however, whether these approaches will be institutionalized remains unclear.
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Brickell, Chris. "A short history of same-sex marriage in New Zealand." Sexualities 23, no. 8 (2020): 1417–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460720902713.
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Is same-sex marriage a recent outcome of concerted political action, or does it have a much longer history? This article critically examines the historical tensions and complexities around same-sex marriage by focusing on the New Zealand context. It argues that same-sex marriage is not simply a matter of legal provisions, but also reflects shared customs and incipient forms of politics that took hold before the era of marriage equality and have since been further transformed. By offering an overview of the New Zealand situation between the mid-19th century and the present day, this article examines the cultural and political complexities of same-sex marriage in order to tease out the intricate intersections between historical continuities and social change.
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Mader, Gottfried. "Demagogic Style and Historical Method: Locating Cleon's Mytilenean Rhetoric (Thucydides 3.37–40)." Rhetorica 35, no. 1 (2017): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2017.35.1.1.
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Truth-construction and -mediation are theorized both by Thucydides xyngrapheus and by the internal rhetores in his History, with tensions between these perspectives highlighting rhetorically significant moments of political communication. The historian posits the (negative) configuration “contest – pleasure – hearing – untruth – useless” as contrastive foil to his own model of “rigorous enquiry – pleasure disavowed – seeing – truth – useful.” Cleon the demagogue, in a process of rhetorical “contaminatio” or creative fusion, artfully (mis)appropriates and instrumentalizes this model in his critique of Athenian assembly culture, embedding the signature Thucydidean categories in a spirited anti-Thucydidean argument. His distinctive approach, conflating Thucydidean categories and noteworthy Periclean echoes, marks him as both anti-Pericles and anti-Thucydides, and signals a counter-model to the historian's own schema of truth-construction. As such, Cleon's tirade fits into the History's wider concern with the corruption of political discourse over the course of the war.
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Sabet, Amr G. E. "Tensions and Transitions in the Muslim World." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (2005): 126–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.1684.
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This book belongs to the genre of studies attempting to extend and broadenMuslim channels of communication to “western” academic and intellectualcircles in general, and to their American counterparts in particular. It startsfrom the conventional apologetic premise that Islam is misunderstood and,in many instances, mystified both by unrepresentative scholarly works onthe one hand, and the dynamics of Muslim history and actions on the other.Marked differences between the historical, social, and political experiencesof Muslims and Europeans, as reflected in different modes of organizationand discourse, have put serious impediments in the way of mutual understandingacross the cultural divide separating the two worlds.One reflection of such distrust is manifested in the indifference shownby American scholars and statesmen toward what Safi designates as“Islamic reformists” and their forward-looking agenda. Despite the latter’sambitions to advance a pluralist and democratic society in consonance withthe modern world, the former continue to dismiss such claims as both“opportunistic” and insincere. These perceptions, according to the author,are driven by a strong sense of skepticism about the commensurability ofIslamic values with modern western ideals as well as by vested Americangeostrategic interests.Safi challenges such attitudes by emphasizing the importance and vitalsignificance of Islamic reform, which he defines as the “middle ground andthe moral synthesis between the nationalist-secularist and the moral-Islamist forces” at the heart of the unsettling tensions that inform sociopoliticaltransformations in the Arab and Islamic worlds (p. xii). Reform ofthis kind should be able to appropriate the universal elements of the historicalMuslim experience in order to transcend the political and cultural institutionsof classical and contemporary Muslim societies, and to bring abouta creative synthesis of Islam and modernity (p. xi). Safi’s main contention ...
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Cummings, William. "The Dynamics of Resistance and Emulation in Makassarese History." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 32, no. 3 (2001): 423–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463401000236.
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This article situates historical struggles for supremacy in early modern Makassar within a framework of intrafamily rivalry in which cooperation and competition coexisted. Through a reading of two texts, it examines the connections between resistance and emulation in a society that viewed social and political relationships within the structuring context of kinship. These contradictory impulses produced tensions fostering cycles of alliance and rivalry characteristic of centre–periphery dynamics in South Sulawesi.
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Karki, Karun Kishor. "Walking the complexities between two worlds: A personal story of epistemological tensions in knowledge production." Qualitative Social Work 15, no. 5-6 (2016): 628–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473325016652678.
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In this article, I tell the autoethnographic stories of epistemological tensions emerging from my entanglement with Indigenous and Western ways of knowing in my journey towards my doctoral research in social work. I link these tensions to broader socio-political and historical tensions that tie together the West and the Global South. I highlight the sharp contrasts and contradictions as well as the nuanced contestations in the production of knowledge. I follow a chronological order to organize my narratives into four parts. In the first part, I describe my experiences of walking in two worlds. In the second part, I explore how I knew what I knew, depicting my indigenous ways of knowing. In the third part, I examine Western ways of knowing, depicting the subjugation of my indigenous ways of knowing. In the final part, I address the hybrid ways of knowing that I embody by walking in many worlds.
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Iqbal, Afshan, and Asghar Ali Dashti. "http://habibiaislamicus.com/index.php/hirj/article/view/175." Habibia Islamicus 5, no. 1 (2021): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.47720/hi.2021.0501u03.
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In this article it is examined that end of the British Raj and the independence of India and Pakistan which took place on August 14 and 15, 1947 seems one of modern history's real transformation.This article is based on historical analysis and qualitative approach is adopted in this article. All major political events are analyzed in chronological order. This is a historical study beginning from those factors and forces which played their role to create an independent Muslim state in subcontinent. In this article it is also analyzed that the partition of India and its unavoidable consequences of conflicting and clashing Muslim-Hindu differences and rising communal tensions, the impact of the second World War, the political preferences, British Military Establishment's point of view and interests of the British government during the partition of India. British government had always tried to take benefit from Muslim - Hindu political division.
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Ermakova, E. V. ""LETTER TO THE KING" BY JULES DESTRY: FROM SEPARATISM TO UNITARISM IN BELGIUM." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(48) (June 28, 2016): 102–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-3-48-102-111.
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Contradictions between the regions of Belgium - Wallonia and Flanders - have a long history associated with uneven political, economic and cultural development of the territories, which in 1830 became parts of an independent state, the Kingdom of Belgium. The "Letter to the King", written by eminent Belgian politician and writer, socialist Jules Destree (1863 - 1936 gg.), is one of the most interesting sources on the history of Belgium of this period, It became a kind of manifesto of balance between the ideas of separatism and unitarianism. This article includes excerpts from the "Letter to the King", which were given for the first time in the author's Russian translation and conducted historical criticism of the source. The study is based on a set of scientific methods and approaches, including the principle of scientific objectivity and systematic approach, used in historical research. The main methods are problematic and historical-comparative analysis, classification and comparison of political and historical concepts. An external source of criticism included information about the place and the time of the creation of document, the biography of the author studies; internal critic source recreates the idea of the letter and the background of historical events. Prominent Belgian politician and writer, socialist Jules Destree (1863 - 1936), highly appreciated the personal qualities of King Albert I, appealed to his experience and political vision, describing all the problems Walloons faced in their opposition to the Flemish. Destree in his letter opposed the unequal development of the regions of Belgium and the protectionist policies of the central government in respect to the detriment of Flanders Wallonia. He summarized and formulated the factors that, in his opinion, interfere with the full development of his country. Destree pays great attention to linguistic differences, which were at the heart of conflicts between Walloons and Flemings, and are still shaken by Belgium. He reflects on the fact that the central government should be doing to reduce the national tensions that unites two people, and that the shares, which should be a system of education that future generations were able to overcome the historical alienation of such geographically close and ideologically distant peoples. Although Jules Destree firmly defends separatism idea for Wallonia as the only solution to the problem, however, by the end of his letter, reasoning it takes a more balanced position. The idea of a unitary state was not denied completely, but Destree emphasizes the importance of a balanced central government policy in relation to the regions in order to reduce internal tensions between the two nations. The ideas embodied in his "Letter to the King", formed the basis of the principles of peaceful co-existence of further autonomous regions as part of the union, which was manifested in the future during the First World War, when the Walloons and Flemings alongside confronted a common enemy.
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Paternoster, Henry John, Deborah Warr, and Keith Jacobs. "The enigma of the bogan and its significance to class in Australia: A socio-historical analysis." Journal of Sociology 54, no. 3 (2018): 429–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318769752.
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This analysis offers a historical perspective to chart the contested discourses that inform understandings of the figure of the ‘bogan’, suggesting its evocation reflects unresolved tensions and accumulated meanings left by the various reconfigurations of class politics since colonial settlement in Australia. We focus on three key historical periods to show how socio-political formations influence both classed identities and class relations: the 1890s, when the ethos of the labour movement was established as the central imaginative motif of a nascent Australian nation; the post-war years, when Robert Menzies offered a political project grounded in the experiences of the middle classes; and the 1990s, where there were complex translocations of class allegiances. We trace how several meaning(s) of class have accumulated and been reworked across these periods and, related to this, how the ‘bogan’ is a composite of left- and right-wing political ideas that articulate different kinds of virtue and unworthiness.
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Pries, Johan, and Erik Jönsson. "Remaking the People’s Park: Heritage Renewal Troubled by Past Political Struggles?" Culture Unbound 11, no. 1 (2019): 78–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.201911178.
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This article explores how a series of heritage-driven renewal plans in the Swedish city Malmö dealt with a landscape deeply shaped by radical politics: Malmö People’s Park (Folkets Park). Arguing against notions of heritage where the past is essentially considered a malleable resource for present commercial or political concerns, we scrutinise plans for the People’s Park from the 1980s onward to emphasise how even within renewal attempts built on seemingly uncontroversial nostalgic readings of the park’s past, tensions proved impossible to keep at bay. This had profound effects on the studied development process.
 Established by the city’s social-democratic labour movement in 1891, the People’s Park is both enmeshed with historical narratives, and full of material artefacts left by a century when the Social Democrats had a decisive presence in the city. As municipal planners and politicians targeted this piece of land, the tensions they had to navigate included not only what present ideas to bring to bear on the making of heritage, but also how to deal with past politics and the park as a material landscape. Our findings point to how the kinds of labour politics that had faded for decades became impossible to dismiss in urban renewal. Both political representations and de-politicising nostalgic representations of Malmö People’s Park’s past provoked (often unexpected) resistance undoing planning visions.
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Abboud, Samer. "Tensions and Transitions in the Muslim World." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 2 (2006): 103–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i2.1626.
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Safi’s text interrogates the potential of Islamic reform movements to articulatea democratic and pluralistic politics throughout the Middle East and thebroader Islamic world. He begins by arguing that these reform movementsexert the greatest influence in determining the direction of sociopoliticalreforms in the Middle East, and, as a result, constitute a core movement fromwhich to understand and interpret the dynamics of the region’s cultural andsociopolitical reality. Furthermore, the author argues that in the contemporaryMiddle Eastern intellectual climate, Islamic reformists represent a synthesisbetween the opposing programs of moralist-Islamists on the one hand,and nationalist-secularists on the other. This synthesis constitutes the mostviable and realistic program for genuine reform and for developing a pluralisticsociety and participatory politics. In support of this thesis, Safi dividesthe text into nine chapters constituting four interrelated parts: “Democratizationand the Islamic State,” “Visions of Reform,” “Islamic Law and HumanRights,” and “Islam in a Global Cultural Order.”The first part poses the question of whether democracy and pluralism canflourish in a society in which Islamic law commands the majority’s allegiance.His answer is cautiously affirmative, as it depends on the rejuvenationof cultural and legal reforms grounded in a historical Muslim experience that offers the tools to transcend current political and cultural institutions.As such, both the secular state and Islamist movements preclude such arenewal: the former because its structures negate the possibility of pluralisticpolitics, and the latter because its merging of state structures with the communalstructure of the historical Shari`ah contradicts the nature of the Islamicpolity as established by the Prophet.These restrictions can be overcome through grounding the state in twopillars. First, this means severing the link between the state and the ummah,a separation necessary to ensure that the state and its institutions are nothijacked by particularistic interests or erected as obstructions to the Islamiccommunity’s spiritual and conceptual development. Such an Islamic state,which privileges the marshalling of state resources toward the Islamiccommunity’s spiritual goals, also has, as its second pillar, the concept of consensus(ijma` ). Classical jurists viewed this concept as the fundamentalprinciple that confers legitimacy upon the state. Therefore, the state gainsits legitimacy insofar as it reflects the ummah’s will ...
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Milne, Drew. "Cheerful History: the Political Theatre of John McGrath." New Theatre Quarterly 18, no. 4 (2002): 313–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x02000428.
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In this essay, Drew Milne suggests affinities between the dramatization of history in the work of John McGrath and Karl Marx. He shows how both Marx and McGrath refused to mourn the histories of Germany and Scotland as tragedies, but that differences emerge in the politics of McGrath's radical populism – differences apparent in McGrath's use of music, historical quotation, and direct address. McGrath's layered theatricality engages audience sympathies in ways that emphasize awkward parallels between modern and pre-modern Scotland, and this can lead to unreconciled tensions between nationalism and socialism which are constitutive of McGrath's plays. Drew Milne is the Judith E. Wilson Lecturer in Drama and Poetry, Faculty of English, University of Cambridge, and a Fellow of Trinity Hall. He has published various articles on drama and performance, including essays on the work of August Boal, Samuel Beckett, and Harold Pinter, and is currently completing a book entitled Performance Criticism.
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Bunger, Amy. "Founding the Criminal Law: Punishment and Political Thought in the Origins of America. By Ronald J. Pestritto. Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2000. 191p. $36.00." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (2001): 483–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401452026.
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Political theory reminds us that punishment is a fundamentally political action, an exercise of political power. This book is about penal reform and the philosophy of punishment as both were debated in postrevolutionary America. Pestritto combs through original writings of the founders and state constitutions in an effort to elucidate leading philosophies about the purpose of the criminal law and punishment. At a macro level, the book provides a window into how the American system, in Pestritto's venues of Pennsylvania, New York, and Virginia, mediates between the tensions of the preservation of individual liberty and maintenance of public order. The book attempts to bridge the historical gap from our founding to current issues in sentencing, such as the three-strikes rule, determinate or mandatory sentencing laws, and state experimentation in marrying sentences to available prison space, or the cost of incapacitation. Pestritto's greatest contribution is to mine new material in these historical conversations on punishment, which allows them to be heard in our contemporary debates.
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Magliocca, Gerard N. "George W. Bush in Political Time: The Janus Presidency." Law & Social Inquiry 34, no. 02 (2009): 473–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2009.01153.x.
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This essay places George W. Bush's presidency and the Bush administration in some historical context by applying the model of “political time” developed in recent books by Stephen Skowronek (2008) and Keith Whittington (2007). My thesis is that Bush's political failure during his second term was largely the result of structural tensions created by the attacks of September 11, 2001, that no leader could have overcome. This argument is an extension of Skowronek's and Whittington's views that the executive branch's relationship to other governing institutions is shaped primarily by the president's relative position in the party system. In essence, 9/11 undermined the coalition forged by Ronald Reagan by pushing President George W. Bush to pursue radical change. These actions could not be squared with his need, as the leader of the majority party, to maintain electoral stability. A presidency divided against itself in this way cannot, and did not, stand.
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Pretty, Dave. "The Saints of the Revolution: Political Activists in 1890s Ivanovo-Voznesensk and the Path of Most Resistance." Slavic Review 54, no. 2 (1995): 276–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501623.
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Much of what we know about the prerevolutionary Russian working class comes to us through the prism of its more politically active and committed element, or through the historical record of events resulting from the interaction of "conscious" and less "conscious" workers. The tensions between intelligent^ and activist workers and, to a lesser extent, between activist and nonactivist workers have been ably portrayed in various monographs; of these, however, those studies that focus on the making, so to speak, of worker activists have tended to depict their subjects either on very broad canvases or in finely drawn miniatures.
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Picco, Sofía, and Silvina Cordero. "Articulations and tensions between General Didactics and Science Education: some analytical perspectives." Praxis Educativa 25, no. 1 (2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/praxiseducativa-2021-250115.
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The relationships between General Didactics (GD) and content-specific Didactics (CED), in this case, Science Education (SE) have proven to be fertile in theoretical-epistemological terms. But despite the progress in the consolidation of a fluid exchange, there are still controversial dimensions to continue deepening. For this reason, we analyze, from own four perspectives, different dimensions and problems in order to identify and problematize articulations and emerging tensions in debates around GD and SE. The analysis perspectives that we construct are: 1- sociology of science; 2- historical-contextual; 3- investigation and / or intervention; and 4- curricular-institutional. Among other conclusions, we visualize a series of challenges to face, mainly related to the consolidation of a rich and fruitful interdisciplinary work that has a substantial impact on the improvement of teaching practices, from a socio-political project in which values of social justice prevail.
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Liparteliani, Vladimir. "Unseen Contributor to the Tensions in Georgia`." International Journal of World Policy and Development Studies, no. 510 (October 31, 2019): 100–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/ijwpds.510.100.105.
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The purpose of the research is to examine importance of Georgia’s current relations with its neighboring Russia and Azerbaijan and to estimate risks that deterioration of these relations can bring to Georgia’s economy. Of particular interest is to understand who stands behind the tensions happened in Georgia in the run-up to the tourist season of 2019 or at least to figure out possible motives behind the events. Interdependence of the states is analyzed through historical review of their relations and estimation of their current mutual interests. Considering risks and aspirations of the sides in the tensions, the motives behind are suggested. The data received depicts that none of these tensions were initiated by Georgia following its interests, on the contrary, its ruling party’s most visible achievement had been the ability to maintain positive and beneficial relations with both Russia and Azerbaijan. Thus, the Georgian government considered to be a victim in this case. The paper concludes that Georgian government is unable to react on provocations in a timely fashion due to absence of agreement in the ruling party and being quite fragile for outside forces that try to influence the country’s political processes. Unless Georgia manages to build more interdependent or less dependent relations with superpowers, it will be unable to avoid repetition of such manipulations.
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Seeleib-Kaiser, Martin. "Migration, social policy, and power in historical perspective." Global Social Policy 19, no. 3 (2019): 266–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018119832403.
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Migration and social policy have become fiercely contested issues in Europe and North America. In this article, I highlight how mobility and migration, on one hand, and social policy, on the other hand, have historically been closely interwoven and shaped by power relations. It is argued that European states actively assisted their poor to leave ‘home’ and settle in far-away places. I will elaborate some of the tensions between freedom of movement and the role of social policy in the North German Confederation ( Norddeutscher Bund [NDB]) and the British Empire. Finally, it is argued that many of the current challenges and issues associated with migration and social policy in Europe are historically not unique.
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Lalli, Roberto. "Patterns to scientific internationalism: What can a comparative history of IAU and IUPAP teach us?" Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 13, S349 (2018): 189–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921319000309.
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AbstractInternational scientific institutions are preferred settings to explore prominent topics in the transnational approaches to the recent history of science. These include: the dichotomy between universalism and contextualism in the historical evolution of exact sciences; the historical transformation of the ideals of scientific internationalism; the tensions between these historically changing ideals and scientists’ national allegiances; the balance between scientific and diplomatic activities of such institutions; and the issue of how the complex ideological, socio-political roles these institutions play affected the actual evolution of science.Inspired by these overreaching themes, the paper presents a conceptual framework for pursuing a comparative analysis of IAU and IUPAP. A bird’s-eye view of the parallel historical developments of these two unions shows that, in spite of their common origins in the highly politicized context of the post-WWI reconstruction of international cooperation, IAU and IUPAP followed diverging trajectories in many respects. It is argued that a deeper study of these differences might give important insights to properly understand the relevance of specific disciplines’ scientific needs in the way the ideals and practices of scientific internationalism were actualized through the 20th century.
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Peck, Jamie, and Yoshihiro Miyamachi. "Regulating Japan? Regulation Theory versus the Japanese Experience." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 12, no. 6 (1994): 639–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d120639.
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The tensions between the analytical framework provided by regulation theory and the specificities of the Japanese development trajectory are explored in this paper. Superficially at least, the Japanese case would seem to be (regulation-)theoretically intractable, given the country's unique postwar development path and given the apparent inconsistency of its growth pattern with classic notions of (Atlantic) Fordism, As such, the Japanese experience raises questions about conventional treatments of the historical geography of capitalist restructuring within (different readings of) regulation theory. Regulation theory, it is argued, represents an evolving political-economic method, not a rigid transition model. By implication, the idiosyncrasies of the Japanese experience present an opportunity to interrogate and develop regulationist categories. Critically reviewing the recent regulationist literature from and on Japan, the authors argue that the tension between the theory and this ambiguous case can be rendered a creative one.
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Rendleman, Dennis A. "“Morals and ethics and law, oh my!” – an historical perspective on the aba model rules of professional conduct." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 6, no. 2 (2013): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjlp-2013-0009.
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ABSTRACT This paper discusses the tensions between moral obligations, ethical rules and legal requirements contained within the American Bar Association Model Rules of Professional Conducts by reviewing the history and evolution of the Model Rules and the conflicting societal purposes served by the Rules regarding client protection, attorney regulation, jurisprudential philosophy and social justice. Equally important is a discussion of the parallel development of attorney discipline.
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Fritz, Elisabeth. "Wirksame Kunst. Spektakel als kritische Form und soziale Praxis." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 81, no. 4 (2018): 499–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zkg-2018-0038.
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Abstract Whereas the spectacle is traditionally regarded in contrast to socio-political engagement, this contribution examines how recent activist art projects tend to challenge this opposition. Building on a historical and theoretical reconstruction of the actual tensions between concepts of social and aesthetic critique, the article proposes a more neutral, descriptive usage of the term ‘spectacle’ and analyzes the critical potential of spectacular strategies in contemporary art based on case studies (Alfredo Jaar, Center for Political Beauty, Yvon Chabrowski). In this context the creation of normatively ambivalent situations as well as a self-reflective move that scrutinizes the idea of political critique in art per se, are described as central characteristics of a critical approach.
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Spohn, Willfried. "An appraisal of Shmuel Noah Eisenstadt’s global historical sociology." Journal of Classical Sociology 11, no. 3 (2011): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468795x11406025.
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Shmuel N. Eisenstadt was one of the great sociologists of the second half of the twentieth century and a major visionary for the sociological challenges of the twenty-first century. As I claim, his overall work should be understood as a life-long critical conversation with the classical modernization paradigm from a heterodox and peripheral point of view — reflecting the Holocaust experience of European modernity as well as the precarious construction of a modern society in Israel. As such, his oeuvre can be viewed as an alternative, neo-Weberian synthesis of classical sociology to mainstream sociology. To demonstrate this claim, I firstly reconstruct Eisenstadt’s heterodox theory of modernity, emphasizing the tensions, contradictions and paradoxes of global modernity. Secondly, I highlight the contours of his comparative-civilizational, multiple modernities approach that has materialized in numerous path-breaking analyses of several civilizations — not only of Western but particularly of non-Western civilizational complexes. Thirdly, I emphasize the innovative research direction of his civilizational analysis for the new field of world history. Fourthly, I show also his innovative research direction in the recently growing area of the sociology of globalization and world society. Taken together, I see Shmuel Eisenstadt’s oeuvre as one of the great inspirations for a global historical sociology of the twenty-first century.
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Mihálik, Jaroslav. "The Rise of Anti-Roma Positions in Slovakia and Hungary: a New Social and Political Dimension of Nationalism." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 7, no. 2 (2014): 179–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjlp-2015-0007.
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ABSTRACT This article discusses the continuous substitution of traditional mutual conflicts and historical grievances between Slovakia and Hungary that has created fertile ground for nationalists on both sides. Currently, we witness the rise of anti-Roma positions and negativism oriented toward this particular group of the population in Slovakia and Hungary. For this reason, we track the sources of new nationalism associated with the hatred of the Roma population. This can be demonstrated by a variety of political incentives and measuring extremism as a tool of acquiring and maintaining political power. The aim of the article is to investigate the extent and reasons of the new social and political dimensions of Slovak and Hungarian nationalism. We assume that the traditional form of bilateral nationalism based on historical, political and social tensions between Slovakia and Hungary is being transformed by the ethnic nationalism against the Roma minority in Central Europe. To support our argumentation, we use the qualitative data from in-depth interviews with young respondents from two contrasting research field sites in Slovakia from EC research project MYPLACE (Memory, Youth, Political Legacy and Civic Engagement).
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Sverdlick, Ingrid. "Inclusión educativa y derecho a la educación. La disputa de los sentidos." education policy analysis archives 27 (March 18, 2019): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.27.3197.
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This article discusses, from a historical perspective, the political dispute over the senses that the right to education and inclusive education have been in different models or educational proposals over time and its particular configuration in the today. It is an analysis that incorporates a look over power struggles that they occur in the field of discourse, understanding the senses that can have the words and the concepts associated with them, to occupy fields that are not only theoretical or speech fields, but they are also fields of political practice. On the other hand, this political reflection is complemented with a critical analysis of school educational inclusion practices, from seeing the results of a research that asked about the forms of appropriation of public policy in secondary schools with projects of educational inclusion of the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina between 2013 and 2015. We are particularly interested in the senses and tensions that assumes the educational inclusion in the discourses and practices of principals and teachers, as much as by the aspects of school life that limit and put in tension these conceptualizations, discourses and practices.
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Soutou, Georges-Henri. "Cold War History between Revision and New Insights, and their Consequences for Military History." International Bibliography of Military History 34, no. 1 (2014): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22115757-03401004.
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This overview of the academic literature on the Cold War argues that current historiography is characterised by a combination of classical historical approaches and political science methodology. Military history alone cannot explain the phenomenon; it has to reach out into political, economic, and ideological fields. Towards the end of the Cold War, revisionist approaches blaming the West to a large extent for the international tension after 1945, seemed to gain ground, but after the opening of the former Eastern Bloc archives, they lost credibility. Recently, based on cultural history approaches, they appear to be gaining ground again. Recent historiography also looks at the rifts within the Communist world, both the tensions between states in the Soviet orbit, and at the role of Western Communist parties. In many ways, the crisis years of 1958–1962 emerge as the pivotal period of the Cold War (Berlin, Cuba, etc.). Finally, the way the origins of the Cold War are interpreted has a direct impact on how its eventual termination is explained. Was it due to cultural factors, to nato cohesion, or to German Ostpolitik?
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Clay, Ruthann, and Peter N. Stearns. "Don’t Forget to Say “Thank You”: Toward a Modern History of Gratitude." Journal of Social History 53, no. 4 (2020): 1060–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shy120.
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Abstract Gratitude is much discussed these days as an area of research in the positive psychology movement. But the quality has not been given much historical attention—despite the surge of historical attention to other types of emotional response. This article lays out the evidence for extensive reliance on gratitude in the nineteenth-century United States and its measurable decline in the twentieth century—at least until the recent revival. From childrearing materials to comments on etiquette, both references and conventions shifted measurably. The essay goes on to establish the context for these changes, relating gratitude to developments in gender relations and, particularly, to a heightened sense of self and, arguably, of self-entitlement. Current efforts to promote gratitude operate against the contemporary historical dynamic, and the resulting tensions deserve attention from historians and psychologists alike.
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Mitchell, Angus. "Historical revisit: Mythistory and the making of Ireland: Alice Stopford Green's undoing." Irish Historical Studies 44, no. 166 (2020): 349–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2020.40.
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AbstractThe publication in 1908 of The making of Ireland and its undoing, 1200–1600 by the London-based Irish historian, Alice Stopford Green, provoked a controversy that reveals much about the deepening political tensions at the heart of historical practice in the decade before 1916. Stopford Green took a deliberately controversial approach to the rewriting of medieval Ireland that triggered a bombardment of both positive and negative reactions. Supporters of Irish home rule applauded the work for its innovative analysis and contemporary relevance. But the book elicited a flurry of exasperation from a united front of ‘history men’, who dismissed Stopford Green and her work as ‘political’ and largely fictitious. Anticipating the reaction from a profession that was predominantly sympathetic to a unionist interpretation, Stopford Green had a well-prepared plan that harnessed both her gender and her transnational networks of influence to maximise the dissemination of her radical reimagining of the late medieval Gaelic world. By understanding these deeper strategies of defiance, Alice Stopford Green's history might be reclaimed as a key intervention in the structuring of both Ireland's national tradition and collective consciousness in preparation for independence.
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Kun, Josh. "Sonic Turbulence." Boom 2, no. 4 (2012): 68–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/boom.2012.2.4.68.
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This past spring, the exhibition Trouble in Paradise: Music and Los Angeles 1945–75 opened at The Grammy Museum in Los Angeles as part of the Getty’s Pacific Standard Time initiative. The show—which featured an audio-visual timeline wall, a digital jukebox, and two galleries of video, music, photography, and historical artifacts—explored the popular myths, social realities, and political upheavals of life in post-WWII LA through the city’s multiple music scenes. The following is the text from the exhibit’s timeline, a guide to the key political tensions, cultural breakthroughs, and musical moments of the period that helped shape the making of this exhibition