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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political and managerial accountability'
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DI, DOMENICO GERMANA. "Towards performance governance in the public sector and administrations at international level: three essays." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Roma "Tor Vergata", 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2108/1391.
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La ricerca nasce dal dibattito a livello internazionale sui Sistemi pubblici manageriali orientati alla “performance” ed affronta il tema attraverso un approccio trasversale a livello sia di policy che di amministrazione nel contesto di entità istituzionali di tipo multilaterale, quali, in particolare, il sistema delle Nazioni Unite. Il focus dell’ analisi è la connessione tra performance e governance, investigando, nello specifico, la possible graduale transizione verso un sistema di “performance governance”, caratterizzato da condivisione di “poteri” e interazioni dinamiche tra i vari stakeholders coinvolti nei processi decisionali e di implementazione degli interventi amministrativi e di policy, affine di incrementarne l’efficacia e l’impatto sulla società. Attraverso una raccolta di tre saggi a cura dello stesso autore della ricerca, si studiano, in particolare, le seguenti realtà istituzionali, avvalendosi di una metodologia qualitativa improntata sul case-study: Servizi pubblici per l’impiego in Europa (capitolo 1 sezione II); Agenzie internazionali – UNESCO (capitolo 2 – sezione II); Organizzazioni mondiali – Sistema ONU (capitolo 3 – sezione II).The study moves from the international debates about performance-based public management systems and its purpose is to answer critical questions at both policy and administrative level through a cross-cutting issues approach (institutional-political, cultural and administrative) in multi-entity settings, such as, in particular, the United Nations System. Our main objective is indeed to explore the connection between (complex and inter-related aspects of) governance and performance and especially if/how the latter may be improved by “manipulating” the former within complex environments, thus designing a possible evolutionary path towards “performance management” and ideally “performance governance” where “power-sharing” and dynamic interactions between the network members are based on defined rules and shared objectives. Through a collection of three essays by the author herself, we therefore explore, through a qualitative methodological approach based on case-study, the functioning of public sector institutions and their societal impacts through improved policies and programs effectiveness across several levels: Employment Services at European level (chapter 1 section II); International Agencies – UNESCO (chapter 2 - section II); World-wide Organisations - United Nation System (chapter 3 – section II).
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Owens, Hayley. "Influencing accountability in organisations : a critical managerial competence." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/52285.
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Business, society and academic literature have all shown an increase in the demand for greater accountability. Despite this, and although accountability is central to improved performance within the workplace, it remains an ever-expanding, complex and elusive phenomenon. Although the literature has identified four overriding factors that influence accountability namely self, peers, managers and systems, there is very little empirical research that supports this. The aim of this study is to identify which of these factors has the greatest influence when holding an individual to account for performance in an organisation. Establishing the main drivers of accountability will enable managers and leaders to make better use of accountability mechanisms in order to improve the performance of their employees, teams and organisations.Mini Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2015.
zk2016
Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS)
MBA
Unrestricted
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Padró, i. Miquel Gerard. "Essays in political accountability." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/32401.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Economics, 2005."June 2005."
Includes bibliographical references.
This thesis is composed by three independent essays on the limits of political accountability. In the first essay I analyze an extremely stylized model of political agency with two dimensional outcomes. I show that the non-contractible nature of rewards to the agent (the politician) is especially taxing when the voters want to control outcomes in more than one dimension. I compare and contrast this environment with traditional multitasking analyses in the context of the theory of the firm. The second essay examines why political accountability has failed so miserably in post- colonial, sub-saharan Africa. I provide a theory based on the exploitation of ethnic divisions by self-interested but weak rulers. This cleavages allow the leaders to expropriate resources from the citizenry, included their own ethnic supporters and still remain in power. The model predicts ethnic bias, patronage, inefficient policies and absence of public investment. The third essay is an empirical analysis of legislative performance in the North Carolina General Assembly. Using a new dataset I am able to show that legislators find their good performance rewarded both within the state legislature and in their electoral careers. These findings have relevance for the discussion on term limits and the theoretical modeling of political agency.
by Gerard Padró i Miquel.
Ph.D.
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Guraieb, Duenas Marlene. "Information, Disclosure, and Accountability." Thesis, New York University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10618922.
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Democratic regimes have developed numerous institutions to enhance accountability through procedures that formally and informally probe public officials’ actions. The ongoing expansion of public evidence available to citizens has strengthened their ability to judge the performance of public officials. However, this increase in “investigative power” cannot be analyzed without regard for the structural cost of searching, sorting, and putting information to work to adjudicate open inquiries. Political accountability is tested in increasingly more sophisticated strategic settings where the principal's success in scrutinizing the agents depends both on the evidence made available and on the effort expended on investigation.
This work analyzes some of the main mechanisms that underlie these institutions. In chapter 2, I develop a model of endogenous information acquisition where politicians can choose how much evidence to disclose after taking a suspicious action. The model focuses on the effects of the open-ended nature of political investigations – they may uncover misdeeds related or unrelated to the event that triggered them – and sheds light on the previously unexplained nature of cover-up in political settings, including the presence of incentives for good incumbents to withhold as much information as possible from the investigative bodies. Chapter 3 studies the behavioral plausibility of these findings in a laboratory setting.
Chapter 4 is focused more on informal probing institutions, such as the continuous scrutiny of politicians through and by the media. The model explicitly differentiates between the quality of information (linked to the likelihood of producing dispositive results) and the cost associated with processing this information (linked to the resources needed to put it to use). One of the main results of this analysis is that citizens of democracies with lower cost of information may optimally choose to be less informed.
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Patrawart, Kraiyos. "Essays in political accountability and conflict." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.538758.
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Dodlova, Marina. "Political Accountability and Organization of Government." Thesis, Paris 10, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA100149.
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La bureaucratie joue un rôle-clé dans l'arène politique. Le pouvoir de l'administration publique a néanmoins souvent été sous-estimé, tandis que sa structure comme sa croissance constante restent mal compris. Cette thèse est consacrée à l'étude approfondie des principales caractéristiques de l'administration publique et plus particulièrement à son avantage informationnel dans la prise de décisions politiques. Dans une perspective normative, la thèse explore les questions de délégation dans une hiérarchie à trois niveaux, et de répartition de rente informationnelle en 'common agency' avec plusieurs mandataires politiques. Ceci me permet d'entrevoir ce que renferme la boîte noire de la structure organisationnelle composite du gouvernement. D'un point de vue positif, l'approche comparative me permet d'analyser et d'expliquer la croissance des administrations publiques dans les démocraties sur le plan de l'emploi de fonctionnaires d'ÉtatBureaucracy is a key player in political game. However, its power has been often underestimated as well as the questions of its structure and constant growth remain not properly understood. This thesis represents a detailed study of the major features of the government bureaucracy by focusing on its information leverage in policy making. Normatively, the thesis explores the issues of delegation in a three-tier hierarchy and information rent distribution in common agency with several political principals, and thus contributes to opening a black box of the composite organizational structure of government. Positively, the comparative approach helps to explain the growth of government bureaucracies in democracies in terms of government administration employment
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Carrillo-Viramontes, Jose Antonio. "Essays on political accountability and selection." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/51666/.
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The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the political agency literature by analysing theoretically how media can enhance political accountability and selection. In this thesis, I identify and analyse two channels in which media can affect political accountability and selection. First, media spillovers can improve voters' imperfect information and promote politicians' discipline. Second, journalism can affect the distribution of candidates' quality across levels of government. The thesis is composed of three chapters. In Chapter 1, I present a theoretical model that analyses how voters use information from media spillovers to discipline politicians, but the spillovers depend on the geographic localization of a jurisdiction. The yardstick competition model demonstrates that within isolated jurisdictions (without media spillovers) politicians are more likely to subtract private rents. Whereas in a jurisdiction connected with two neighbouring jurisdictions, politicians have a lower probability of engaging in rent extraction. Moreover, I also show that even incumbents in isolated jurisdictions have a lower probability of engaging in obtaining private rents due to positive spillovers from neighbouring jurisdictions via voters' incumbency advantage. Chapter 2 theoretically analyses the effects of a journalist on the distribution of bad and good candidates across levels of government. Specifically, how bad (good) candidates self-select to local or national office anticipating the journalist's decision to investigate at local or national level. In the model, candidates' decisions are driven by the relative difference in the rewards for being the representative at a local or national office; and in the case of bad candidates also by the potential scandal cost of being exposed by the journalist. The theoretical model demonstrates that increasing the scandal cost of being exposed in a journalist report, does not deter bad candidates from running nationally (when the reward ratio is large enough). Indeed, it only makes that both, bad and good candidates to be distributed evenly across levels of government. Also, I found that when the reward ratio is on a specific range, increasing the scandal cost of being exposed in a journalist report creates only two opposite types of equilibria: one in which a bad candidate runs locally, whereas, in the other one, a good candidate runs locally. Moreover, I found a non-monotonic relationship between the probability of a bad candidate being elected at a local level and the reward ratio. Chapter 3 provides a brief description and an overview of the political system in Mexico. In particular, it describes the economic and political consequences that a one-party hegemony has had on the political corruption and accountability in Mexico. As the evidence suggests, the characteristics of the Mexican political system along with the hegemony, high centralized public finances, and a lack of electoral punishment have increased Mexico's political corruption, and ultimately reduced political accountability.
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Page, Jennifer Marie. "Reparations and State Accountability." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17467498.
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In the United States, many associate the idea of reparations with the longstanding African American claim of being owed redress for slavery and Jim Crow. Many defend the black reparations claim based on the exceptional nature of the hardships that African Americans have endured: paying reparations to blacks need not open a Pandora’s Box of other grievances, it is argued. My dissertation puts forward a theory of reparations in the domestic liberal democratic context, grounded in a variety of real world cases, that suggests that governments owe reparations in a much wider range of situations than is usually recognized. Though some compelling reparations claims refer to racialized state-sponsored injustices (e.g., Japanese American internment, the illegal annexation of Hawaii, the Tuskegee syphilis study), others have little to do with race (e.g., eugenical sterilization surgeries, LSD experimentation conducted under the CIA’s MKULTRA program, harms to “Atomic” veterans). The argument for paying reparations to blacks is grounded in an argument for liberal democratic governments to pay reparations whenever political power is abused.
The core claim of the dissertation is that the government is unaccountable at the very times when it matters the most morally. When an injustice is conducted according to the law, not only are the activities of state personnel and taxpayer resources channeled towards unjust ends, an individual who is harmed does not have a viable means of recourse against the state. Sovereign immunity, the legal principle that the government cannot be sued without its consent, or “the King can do no wrong,” precludes redress in the majority of cases. Reparations seekers may appeal to the legislature, but this is an unreliable avenue to redress. I argue that reparations claims are fundamentally about the government’s accountability for injustice, and that reparations claimants are reasonable to call state power to account. On an accountability-based theory of reparations, liberal democratic governments should recognize that the safeguards against the abuse of power are not infallible, and observe a norm of redress. A liberal democracy that willingly takes responsibility for its abuses, apologizes, and pays reparations demonstrates its adherence to its legitimizing commitments.Government
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Distelhorst, Gregory Michael. "Publicity-driven accountability in China." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/84853.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2013.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
What, if anything, renders unelected bureaucrats accountable to the public? This thesis draws upon field research on contemporary China's news media, officials, and activists to theorize the role of publicity in non-electoral accountability. "Publicity-driven accountability" argues that even in highly undemocratic settings officials respond to critical media coverage for two reasons: revealing agency slippage and producing common knowledge about government failings. This mechanism empowers the news media and individual citizens even when formal political rights are severely curtailed, producing a degree of public accountability within authoritarian institutions. The study begins with original evidence that China's Internet news outlets created forms of journalistic autonomy within the constraints of state censorship. Next it documents the sensitivity of Chinese officials to negative media coverage with an original survey experiment on local bureaucrats. The third empirical chapter provides case studies of contemporary activists in China wielding publicity to change the behavior of unelected officials. Publicity-driven accountability has consequences for theories of political development and the roles of both authority and information in aligning nondemocratic governance with the public interest.
by Gregory Michael Distelhorst.
Ph.D.
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Greenwood, Margaret. "Financial accountability and managerial incentives in English NHS Hospital Trusts 2003-2008." Thesis, University of Bath, 2012. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.558860.
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A continuing programme of NPM reforms, grounded in quasi-market modes of governance and private sector best practice, have been applied to English NHS hospitals over the last thirty years in response to concerns about their performance efficiency and accountability. However, in the transition to market modes of governance, the retention of hierarchical features gave rise to a multi-layering of accountability. From 2001-02 balanced scorecard inspired performance measurement systems (PMS), were introduced into the NHS, aimed at improving service standards through improved cost efficiency. Study 1 in this thesis finds that, in this context, the relationship between service standards and cost efficiency is positive and that, consistent with it being a more effective PMS, this was stronger for the ‘Annual Health Check’, a PMS characterised by features aimed at reducing manipulation, than the Star ratings, its predecessor. The approach to the manipulation of financial breakeven, a key accountability measure, was however more relaxed, particularly when service standards were under threat. The system of ‘financial support’ had its roots in previous hierarchical relationships and acted to shift revenue across the NHS in order to allow Trusts in financial difficulty to meet their financial objectives without damaging service standards. These transfers, which were effected through the revenue account, were generally reversed out in future years with the result that financial support accelerated revenue recognition in Trusts receiving it. In Study 2, the receipt of financial support by Trusts in financial difficulty was found to be associated with an improvement in service standards and in future financial performance but, in an increasingly demanding performance regime and multi-layered accountability, evidence was also found of opportunistic exploitation of the system. Financial support had a considerable impact on the accountability of both NHS Trusts and the wider NHS because of the limited transparency around financial support transactions.
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Landauer, Matthew Walter. "Accountability and Advice in Greek Political Thought." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10365.
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This dissertation offers a new reading of Athenian democracy, focusing on the connection between the politics of accountability and the dynamics of political advice. I analyze Athenian institutions, norms, and practices comparatively, alongside their autocratic counterparts. I show how Greek thinkers relied on a common conceptual apparatus to understand, defend, and criticize patterns of accountability and unaccountability across regimes. I explore how powerful, unaccountable political actors – whether autocratic rulers or democratic assemblies – could solicit and secure good advice, and how accountable advisers could advise them effectively and safely. In stressing similarities between counsel across regime types, I challenge the characterization of Athens as a deliberative democracy. The sumboulos (adviser) was an important figure in Greek conceptions of both democratic and autocratic politics. Athenian orators are best understood – and understood themselves – as the accountable sumbouloi of the Athenian demos. This identification casts them not as co-deliberators with their fellow citizens but rather as participants in a common Greek tradition of advising powerful figures, a tradition that found expression across political contexts. The important role of sumbouloi in both democracies and autocracies follows from the structural similarity between the two regime types. The Athenian demos, gathered together in the Assembly and in the Popular Courts, was understood to have competencies and powers akin to those of an autocratic ruler. In particular, both the demos and the autocrat were recognized as unaccountable rulers able to hold others – including their advisers – to account. Given the power imbalances structuring relationships between sumbouloi and decision makers in both democracies and autocracies, both practicing orators and theoretically inclined observers came to see that the problems and opportunities associated with having (or choosing) to speak to the powerful were comparable across regimes. The issues at stake in the demos-adviser relationship could fruitfully be compared to those at stake in the autocrat-adviser relationship. Questions such as how the powerful could recognize good advice and good advisers and what the possibilities and limitations of frank advice were under conditions of risk were not regime-specific. Insofar as ancient Greeks had a theory of political counsel, it was a strikingly portable one.Government
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Araya, Esayas Kassa. "Political Control and Accountability in Ethiopian Rulemaking." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6301.
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Administrative rules have played a central role in Ethiopian public administration since 1994 when the current constitution was adopted. However, if the formulation and implementation of the rules are not politically controlled, and proper accountability is not applied, these same rules could become threats instead of assurances of the rule of law and order. This case study explored what strategic controls and accountability measures are in place to regulate the rulemaking process. To inform the study, the political control of bureaucracy framework in general and the principal-agency model, in particular, were used. The central research question focused on strategies that ensure the political control and accountability of rulemaking in Ethiopia. Purposive sampling methods were employed, with interviews of five legislators and five appointed officials, as well as supportive legislative documents providing the data. The data were coded and thematically analyzed using a coding framework and a continuous iterative process. The results revealed that in Ethiopia there is a constitutional framework of control and accountability, but there is no political control mechanism in place, and no accountability measures have been taken. The study findings may indicate that there is a need for further studies on administrative and judicial review mechanisms and federated states' control mechanisms to fully understand the situation. The implication for social change includes awareness and attitudinal change of lawmakers and administrative authorities towards the importance of controlling and limiting the power to make rules. Positive social change is nearly impossible where unlimited and uncontrolled power is exercised.
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Bezuidenhout, Lydia. "Evaluating political accountability in water projects with the aim of determining the impact of political accountability on project sustainability." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2449.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.The study investigated what the degree of political accountability is in water projects as practiced by project implementers. The evaluation was also aimed at determining the impact of political accountability on project sustainability. In order to evaluate the question, field research was conducted. Field research was of a quantitative nature, using a questionnaire. This involved (a) selecting two systems (project implementers, a municipality and a non-governmental organisation) where the systems’ political accountability within water projects could be compared, and (b) interviewing community respondents from a set questionnaire in four villages. The main findings are that (i) the level of political accountability in water projects depends on the system implementing a water project, (ii) three elements of political accountability (responsibility, information, and inclusion) differ significantly between the two systems, and (iii) political accountability has a significant impact on project sustainability. It is recommended that project implementers take into consideration the identified three elements of political accountability in order to improve project sustainability.
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Hoffman, Barak Daniel. "Political accountability at the local level in Tanzania." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3229904.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed October 11, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 223-232).
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Martínez, Bravo Mónica. "Essays on political accountability in non-democratic regimes." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/57704.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Economics, 2010.Page 173 blank. Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
This thesis is a collection of three independent essays on the causes and consequences of local elections in non-democratic regimes. The first essay examines the political consequences of local elections on the first democratic election after the fall of an autocratic regime. My theoretical analysis highlights that officials that were appointed by upper levels of government have a stronger incentive to continue to use local patronage networks to signal their alignment to upper levels of government, in order to protect their jobs. Therefore, if the previous dictator's party has a substantial probability of winning the election, appointed leaders will promote their electoral chances, which could become an impediment for the process of democratic consolidation. In contrast, elected local officials have a weaker incentive to signal their political leanings since their continuity in their positions does not depend on changes in upper levels of government. I provide evidence from the first democratic election in Indonesia after the fall of Suharto that corroborates the implications of the model. The second essay evaluates the economic and social impact of the introduction of local elections rural China during the last three decades. Our empirical findings highlight that elections led to a substantial reduction in income and income growth, decreased within village inequality and relaxed the enforcement of unpopular policies. These effects seem to be driven by a redistribution of assets from firms to households. We provide a simple model to illustrate how these findings can theoretically be a consequence of the shift in the accountability of local leaders, from the central government towards villagers. The third essay investigates the determinants of the existence of local elections in nondemocratic regimes. I develop a theoretical framework to explore the trade-offs for a dictator in the decision to allow local elections. The model highlights that, if the dictator values the competence of local politicians and voters have intermediate costs of military intervention, the dictator prefers local elections over an appointment system. In this scenario, elections aggregate voters' private information on competence efficiently and the ex-post alignment of voters' and dictator's preferences is maximized.
by Mónica Martínez Bravo.
Ph.D.
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Sibanda, Desire Mutize. "Financial accountability in the Government of Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of Dundee, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364916.
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Woodhouse, Diana. "The constitutional accountability of ministers : 1979-1990." Thesis, Open University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.293013.
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Marshall, John Louis. "Information Consumption and Electoral Accountability in Mexico." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493495.
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Electoral accountability rests on voters re-electing high-performing and removing low-performing incumbents. However, voters in many developing contexts are poorly informed about incumbent performance, particularly of local politicians. This dissertation asks: how do voters in low-information environments hold local governments to account for their performance in office?
I seek to explain when Mexican voters obtain performance information pertaining to their municipal incumbents, and ultimately how it impacts their beliefs and voting behavior. I argue that voters are able and willing to sanction local governments upon receiving incumbent performance indicators. However, electoral accountability requires incentives for voters and media outlets to respectively acquire and supply politically-relevant news. Information in the news just before elections, when these incentives align, thus strongly influences electoral accountability. I test these propositions by examining in detail voter responses to two key issues in Mexican politics - malfeasance in office and violent crime.
The first chapter, coauthored with Eric Arias, Horacio Larreguy and Pablo Querubín, uses a large-scale field experiment to establish that voters indeed update from and act on malfeasance revelations. Reflecting voters’ negative priors, the distribution of leaflets documenting mayoral malfeasance increases the incumbent party’s vote share on average. However, consistent with Bayesian learning, these rewards decrease with positive prior beliefs, the strength of such priors, the severity of malfeasance revelations, and the extent of negative updating. Moreover, surprising information mobilizes turnout, while relatively unsurprising information reduces turnout.
The second chapter then explores when and why voters choose to become informed. I argue that voters strategically acquire costly political information to cultivate a reputation among their peers as politically sophisticated. Leveraging a field experiment and observational variation, I demonstrate that social incentives increase political knowledge among voters nested in groups that collectively value political knowledge. This effect is most pronounced among relatively unsophisticated voters seeking to reach a minimum standard within their group, but is also evident among more sophisticated voters seeking to differentiate themselves from less-informed peers.
The third chapter, coauthored with Horacio Larreguy and James Snyder, shows how broadcast media regulates access to relevant incumbent performance indicators. Supporting our argument that a media station’s potential audience shapes their incentives to provide local news, voters only sanction malfeasant parties in precincts covered by media stations whose principal audience resides in the precinct's municipality. Conversely, media outlets based outside the municipality do not aid, and in fact crowd out, electoral accountability.
The final chapter combines these insights to explain how voters hold incumbents to account for homicides in their municipality. I argue that even short-term performance indicators in the news prior to elections shape the voting behavior of poorly informed citizens. I show that voters consume most news before elections and update about incumbent performance from pre-election homicide shocks reported at that time. Unlike longer-term homicide trends, pre-election homicides substantially reduce the incumbent party's probability of re-election. Sanctioning again requires, and increases with, access to local media, and is concentrated where voter priors are weakest.Government
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Ispas, Ileana Alexandra. "Political accountability in practice : a conversation analytic study of ministerial accountability towards the Scottish parliamentary committees." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4496.
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This study examines political accountability within the context of ministerial accountability towards the Scottish parliamentary committees. A review of the existing literature on accountability identified striking discrepancies between different disciplinary perspectives. In particular, political science research (e.g. Mayer, 1999) focuses on describing the structural mechanisms available for constraining the behaviour of those being made accountable. This literature includes research on ministerial accountability (e.g. Flinders, 1991), although largely focusing on accountability towards the parliamentary Chamber rather than the committees. By contrast, the psychological literature does not focus on accountability, but rather on developing a classification of accounts (e.g. Scott and Lyman, 1968) doing the kind of work that is examined in political science under ‘accountability’ (i.e. providing excuses and justifications to explain problematic behaviours), and testing these accounts using experimental designs (e.g. Weiner et al., 1987). However, given its focus on classification and experimental designs, the psychological literature on accounts treats language as reified and abstract. A third (discourse and conversation analytic) research tradition uses recordings of real-life verbal interactions to examine the turn-by-turn unfolding of interactions (e.g. Atkinson and Drew, 1979), but few studies focus on accountability, and none specifically investigate political accountability. My study is the first to bridge the gap between these three disciplinary perspectives by examining the practice of political accountability through the turn-by-turn unfolding of interactions between ministers and members of Scottish parliamentary committees. The thesis aims to contribute to an understanding of democracy in action by providing an insight into the practical ways in which accountability is accomplished within this specific real-life setting. The corpus of data was compiled from 27 hours of video recordings of interactions between ministers and members of four Scottish parliamentary committees. I analysed the data using conversation analysis (CA). Use of CA led me to identify indirectness as a pervading characteristic of the ways in which challenges are formulated and attended to in the interactions between committee members and ministers, as well as a number of ways in which committee members and ministers attended to matters of stake and interest in relation to such challenges. In addition, CA has allowed an insight into the limits of accountability by showing how ministers can avoid answering particular questions. These findings stand in stark contrast to the political science literature, which emphasises the adversarial nature of interactions within parliamentary settings and the availability of mechanisms for holding ministers to account (e.g. parliamentary committees) without investigating the way in which these mechanisms are used in practice. Furthermore, these findings contribute to the psychological literature on accounts by investigating their use within a real-life setting, and to the discourse and conversation analytic literature by showing the way in which well-known conversational devices (e.g. footing) are adapted to suit the specific context of parliamentary committee meetings with ministers.
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Rodan, G., and Caroline Hughes. "The Politics of Accountability in South East Asia." Oxford University Press, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/10062.
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NoCalls by political leaders, social activists, and international policy and aid actors for accountability reforms to improve governance have never been more widespread. For some analysts, the unprecedented scale of these pressures reflects the functional imperatives and power of liberal and democratic institutions accompanying greater global economic integration. This book offers a different perspective, investigating the crucial role of contrasting ideologies informing accountability movements and mediating reform directions in Southeast Asia. It argues that the most influential ideologies are not those promoting the political authority of democratic sovereign people or of liberalism's freely contracting individuals. Instead, in both post-authoritarian and authoritarian regimes, it is ideologies advancing the political authority of moral guardians interpreting or ordaining correct modes of behaviour for public officials. Elites exploit such ideologies to deflect and contain pressures for democratic and liberal reforms to governance institutions. The book's case studies include human rights, political decentralization, anticorruption, and social accountability reform movements in Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. These studies highlight how effective propagation of moral ideologies is boosted by the presence of powerful organizations, notably religious bodies, political parties, and broadcast media. Meanwhile, civil society organizations of comparable clout advancing liberalism or democracy are lacking. The theoretical framework of the book has wide applicability. In other regions, with contrasting histories and political economies, the nature and extent of organizations and social actors shaping accountability politics will differ, but the importance of these factors to which ideologies prevail to shape reform directions will not.
Australian Research Council
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Ågren, Hanna. "Essays on political representation, electoral accountability and strategic interactions /." Uppsala : Department of Economics, Uppsala University, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6052.
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Koo, Ming-chu Pearl, and 古明珠. "A study of political accountability in the HKSAR government." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31966536.
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GARRÌ, ICONIO. "ELECTORAL ACCOUNTABILITY, POLITICAL SHORT - TERMISM, AND POLICY (UN) PERSISTENCE." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/503.
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Nei paesi democratici, le elezioni rappresentano il principale meccanismo per garantire che, una volta eletto, un politico agisca effettivamente nell'interesse della collettività. Nel primo capitolo, presento una rassegna della letteratura sull'electoral accountability. Nel secondo capitolo, mostro come la presenza delle elezioni possa essere la causa della riluttanza dei politici ad investire in beni pubblici di lungo periodo (political short-termism), e come tale comportamento possa essere ottimale per la collettività. Nel terzo capitolo, mostro come l'interesse per la rielezione possa indurre un politico a continuare una politica che aveva intrapreso in passato anche quando sarebbe ottimale per la collettività cambiare politica , e a non continuare una politica introdotta in passato da un politico rivale anche quando sarebbe ottimale per la collettività non cambiare politica. Questi risultati possono aiutare a spiegare perchè i politici in carica hanno un "vantaggio elettorale" rispetto ai nuovi politici.In the democratic countries, elections are the primary mechanism for ensuring that, once in office, a politician actually acts in the collectivity's interest. In the first chapter, I present a survey of the literature on electoral accountability. In the second chapter, I show that the presence of the elections may be the cause of the politicians' reluctance to invest in long-term public goods (political short-termism), and such behavior may be optimal for the collectivity. In the third chapter, I show that reelection concern may induce a politician to continue a policy he introduced in the past even when a policy change would be optimal for the collectivity, and not to continue a policy introduced in the past by a rival politician even when a policy change would not be optimal for the collectivity. These results may help to explain why the incumbent politicians have an "electoral advantage" over new politicians.
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Markakis, Menelaos. "Political and legal accountability in economic and monetary union." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5a9a0090-1dca-4461-8733-e09dd617d183.
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This thesis looks at the constitutional implications of the Euro crisis for the European Union and its Member States, which entails consideration of comparative public law as well as EU law. It focuses on political and legal accountability in Economic and Monetary Union, and examines three sets of issues: the revised EU economic governance framework and its bearing on national economic and fiscal policy; the respective roles of the EU and national institutions within this multi-level system of economic governance; and judicial review of economic and monetary policy measures at national and EU level. The new EU economic rules could potentially have a great impact on fundamental rights, the horizontal and vertical division of power in the EU, and the welfare state. It is hoped that the policy proposals put forward in this thesis will, if implemented, serve to strengthen political and legal accountability and bolster legitimacy in this pluralistic landscape.
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Koo, Ming-chu Pearl. "A study of political accountability in the HKSAR government." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk:8888/cgi-bin/hkuto%5Ftoc%5Fpdf?B23295399.
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De, Benedictis-Kessner Justin. "Local accountability : the role of attribution, institutions, and communication." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/113491.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2017.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages A61-A75).
How do people hold local governments accountable? My dissertation shows how cognitive and perceptual biases, as well as electoral institutions and strategic communication, can hinder voters' ability to hold government accountable. I gather data on local politics -- a level of government that people interact with on a daily basis, and one that encompasses the vast majority of elected officials and elections in the United States. My evidence comes from large-scale elections and communications data, surveys, and partnerships with governments and service providers. My findings indicate that widespread confusion around government responsibilities and a cognitive bias favoring recent information shape how voters evaluate government for performance, that election timing can prevent voters from effectively holding their incumbent politicians accountable, and that strategic communication by municipal governments can further bias the balance of information that citizens rely on to judge government. Together, these papers demonstrate how three facets of politics can frustrate accountability in cities. This work contributes to theoretical knowledge on political behavior and political institutions, as well as the urban politics literature, and does so using three independent sources of data that provide fertile ground for future extensions of this work.
by Justin de Benedictis-Kessner.
Ph. D.
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Castro, Pedro Ernesto Vicente de. "Representação política e accountability eleitoral: genealogia e crítica." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-12072018-131343/.
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Essa dissertação tem dois objetivos. O primeiro é fazer uma genealogia da mais popular concepção de representação na ciência política: a do accountability eleitoral. A teoria do accountability eleitoral é um produto da reflexão teórica e normativa da ciência política de meados do século XX em diante, especialmente de duas literaturas. Uma é a de congruência ou responsividade, que adota a congruência entre as preferências por políticas ou a ideologia do representante e aquelas do representado como ideal normativo. A outra é a do voto retrospectivo, que encontra sua versão mais sofisticada nos modelos de agência política. Para essa literatura, normativamente atraente é a seleção de representantes competentes, que entreguem bons resultados. Ambas especificam a relação entre eleições e representação: por meio das eleições, o representado consegue fazer o representante lhe entregar o que ele quer. A primeira parte do trabalho reconstrói a trajetória dessas duas literaturas, ressaltando seus impasses. O principal desses impasses envolve a bem documentada desinformação do eleitor: como eleitores desinformados podem controlar seus representantes? O segundo objetivo é avaliar a teoria do accountability eleitoral à luz das evidências empíricas pertinentes. Para tanto, o trabalho investiga as evidências sobre o problema da desinformação do eleitor, e de sua competência em geral. O saldo das evidências recomenda ceticismo a respeito do accountability eleitoral. Diante disso, o que podemos então esperar da representação política? O trabalho sugere que um caminho é inverter a perspectiva do accountability eleitoral e enxergar a representação política como uma relação em que o representante é quem mobiliza, de cima para baixo, o representado. O apoio político do representado é um recurso que o representante tenta angariar para perseguir seus próprios objetivos políticos. Esse pode ser um caminho para reconciliar a teoria da representação com o fenômeno da liderança política.This thesis has two goals. The first one is to put together a genealogy of the most popular conception of representation in political science: that of electoral accountability. The theory of electoral accountability is a product of theoretical and normative reflection of political science from mid-20th century on, and especially of two different literatures. One is the literature on policy congruence or policy responsiveness, which takes congruence between the representatives and the constituents policy preferences or ideology as a normative ideal. The other one is the retrospective voting literature, which finds its most sophisticated version in political agency models. For this literature, what is normatively appealing is the selection of competent representatives, who are able to deliver good results. Both literatures specify the connection between elections and representation: through elections, constituents can get representatives to deliver what they want. The first part of this work retells these literatures trajectories, point out their impasses. The main one regards voters well documented lack of information: how can uninformed voters control their representatives? This works second aim is to assess the theory of electoral accountability in light of the pertinent empirical evidence. In order to do so, the work investigates the evidence on the problem of voters lack of information and voter competence in general. The balance of the evidence suggests skepticism towards electoral accountability. Given this, what can we expect from political representation? The thesis suggests that a possible path is to reverse the point of view of electoral accountability and see political representation as a top-down relationship in which representatives mobilize constituents. Constituents political support is a resource that representatives try to gather in order to pursue their own political objectives. This can be a way to reconcile the theory of representation with the phenomenon of political leadership.
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Chaplin, M. Ann. "Officers of Parliament: Accountability, virtue and the Constitution." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28452.
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The officers of Parliament now form a group which includes the Auditor General and seven other "ethical regulators"i. Because of its independence and the nature of its members' mandates, this group is thought to be key to restoring the public's faith in government. However, the officers do not clearly fall within one of the three branches of government and are not fully subject to democratic accountability mechanisms, raising questions about the legitimacy of their exercise of authority. This thesis explores alternative theories for supporting the legitimacy of officers of Parliament and draws lessons from that exercise for the future development of this virtues-based institution.
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Shaw, Eric. "Managerial control in the Labour Party 1951-1986." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294015.
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O'Neill, Aileen. "Quangos, accountability and devolution : the case of Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365396.
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Pöschl, Caroline. "Local government taxation and accountability in Mexico." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3680/.
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The taxation-accountability theory broadly states that if governments are dependent on taxation, they will become less corrupt and more accountable to citizens. The need to raise tax revenue is said to spark incentives that lead to mutually beneficial bargaining between government and citizens. Citizens agree to make tax payments in return for more accountable governance and increased influence in government decision-making. Several scholars have shown empirical evidence in support of this taxationaccountability theory at the national level, yet few have studied it at the local government level. This paper explores this theory in the context of Mexican municipal governments using a mixed methods research approach. It first surveys the relationship between taxation and accountability using econometric analysis and then employs a comparative case study of six urban municipalities that are under considerable pressure to raise their tax revenue. The latter is based on several months of field research conducted in the states of Guerrero, Tabasco, Baja California Sur, Aguascalientes, Yucatán and Coahuila. It reveals the processes that evolve from revenue pressure, whether they lead to tax bargaining, and the extent to which greater accountability can be expected as a result. The findings provide some evidence of tax bargaining and positive correlations between the importance of taxation in a government’s budget and accountability. However, the causal link to greater accountability is not straightforward and is greatly hindered by the institutional framework surrounding local government. While implicit agreements between government and citizens showed that equilibrium between taxation and accountability was consistently maintained, restrictions on local power and other institutional factors stood in the way of increased local taxation sparking greater local accountability. These factors may be remedied by reform.
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Carnaghan, Carla Ann. "Factors influencing managerial decisions about intangible asset disclosures, the role of accountability theory and impression management." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape7/PQDD_0035/NQ46814.pdf.
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Karbhari, Yusuf. "Managerial reforms in government and the impact of the agencification programme on accounting, accountability and effectiveness." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388479.
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Green, Jane. "Beyond managerial rhetoric : reclaiming what is practical, personal and implicit in the idea of educational accountability." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2007. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10019306/.
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The starting-point of this thesis is a wide spectrum of concerns relating to the detrimental effects which 'new public management' (NPM) and the managerialism it creates have had on education, its organization, its conduct and its content. Pursuing these concerns, Part I of the thesis aims: (i) to establish the ideological and coercive nature of managerialism. Drawing on neo-liberalism in order to articulate its own rhetoric, managerialism has emerged as an ideology in its own right, requiring all who work in the public sector to conform to its own 'managerial' ends; (ii) to demonstrate the philosophical unpersuasiveness of the idea that explicitness-transmitted through a rhetoric of 'transparency'-is the sine qua non for public accountability. Part II explores why the ideology of managerialism is inimical to moral agency. A neo-Aristotelian model of practical rationality is introduced to show how an agent's decision-making, if it is to aim at virtuous ends in the public interest, depends on (i) a structure of reasoning analogous to that which phronesis suggests and on (ii) the practical, personal and implicit knowledge drawn from the agent's 'formation' (ethismos, Bildung). The Aristotelian perspective provides insights for policy-makers concerned with educational accountability: a public rationality that offers a more robust concept of professional and civic responsibility-responsibLeness-than any that managerialism promotes. Part III attends to the objection that no intrinsic value attaches to the idea of implicit ('tacit') knowledge: far better to codify it. An argument, resonating with this idea, to show that practical knowledge-'know-how’ can be reduced without residue to explicit propositional knowledge is rejected. The thesis draws to its conclusion by arguing that managerialism, with its emphasis on explicit, pre-specified objectives designed to gauge agent accountability, undermines (paradoxically) the pre-conditions under which trustworthiness and public spirit may play their part in organizational life.
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Rabrenović, Aleksandra. "Financial accountability as a condition for EU membership." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2007. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2265/.
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The objective of this thesis is to provide advice on how to establish a reliable system of financial accountability in Serbia, as a condition for EU membership. The creation of a functional financial accountability system in Serbia is important not only for further Serbian development, but also to secure efficient and effective use of the EU/Member States’ monies, which are already being used in Serbia. This thesis analyses financial accountability systems of two EU Member States: UK and France and a supranational EU system, which are then compared with the Serbian system. The legal frameworks of these systems of financial accountability are analysed against their socio-historical backgrounds, focusing on the key challenges they face in both their strategic developments and everyday work. The conclusion is that Serbia has still not met the financial accountability conditions for EU membership outlined in the acquis communitaure. The comparative socio-legal analysis has demonstrated that the application of pure, more advanced Western European models of financial accountability would not be possible in the transitional Serbian environment. However, specific elements of these systems, exemplified in the emerging European system of financial accountability, could be well applied in the Serbian context.
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Macfarlane, Alastair. "Labour control : managerial strategies in the Namibian mining sector 1970-1985." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.280640.
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Mat, Isa Azman. "Records management and the accountability of governance." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2009. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1421/.
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Governance is the process by which power and authority are exercised in a society by which government, the private sector, and citizens' groups articulate their interests, mediate their differences, and exercise their legal rights and obligations. Governance in public organisations is different from that in private organisations as they both possess different types of institutional stakeholders. Governments are directly answerable to the public. Therefore, it is essential for governments to be transparent in order to avoid any triggers in the accountability process that might adversely affect people's trust. The proper creation, capture, distribution and preservation of judicial evidence in the form of records can help avoid these problems. A trusted government is one that can demonstrate its accountability and transparency and is continually striving to improve value delivery and increase cost-effectiveness. The freedom of information demands governments to be more transparent and accountable for their actions and decisions. Whilst governments promote corporate governance to provide transparency and objectivity it can only give stakeholders better tools to do their job, it does not and cannot do it for them. The need for managing risk and audit culture is imperative to balance and satisfy the expectation of citizen and stakeholders. The accountability of a government can arguably only be achieved when it demonstrates considerable transparency, which in turn can only happen when trust is supported by authentic and reliable records. The records management community claims that records have to be preserved for accountability, but they rarely explore what 'accountability' is and what role records play in the accountability processes. In addition, the contribution of records management to good governance and accountability are often not recognised by other professions and management. In an age where corporate governance and transparency is a global agenda, it is imperative for the records management community to scrutinise their present role and approach in order to change the perception by other professions about their contribution towards achieving organisational goals in a highly regulated and compliant bound environment in the public and private sectors. The contention of this thesis is that record keeping is just a tool that ensures the availability of evidence for the accountability of governance, which in turn relies on the ethical standard of those involved.
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Ebenezer, Ph D. Leo the Great [Verfasser]. "Political Accountability and Voter Turnout in Nigeria / Leo the Great Ebenezer Ph.D." München : GRIN Verlag, 2020. http://d-nb.info/122016335X/34.
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Lopez, John Emile. "Negotiating accountability: Administrative and legislative conceptions, characterizations, and strategies." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/279896.
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This study examined senior academic administrators' and state legislators' conceptions of accountability, characterizations of one another, and negotiation strategies to understand more clearly the dynamics related to this dimension of higher education policymaking and practice. The design of this study was multiple case studies anchored in qualitative data gathering. I interviewed 14 individuals in a Midwestern state and 14 in a Western state. In each state, I interviewed seven state legislators and seven academic administrators from two public higher education institutions and the System Office. I analyzed the data by identifying first- and second-order themes, completing a categorical analysis, and using a conceptually ordered data matrix to conduct cross-case analysis. The study suggests that administrators and legislators: (1) have noticeably different conceptions of accountability, (2) somewhat accurately perceived how the other group conceives of accountability, and (3) report using problem-solving strategies and that members of the other group use contending strategies.
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Johnson, Bryan Michael. "The Miseducation of the Underclass: A Historical Political Analysis of No Child Left Behind." Digital Commons at Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School, 2008. https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/etd/553.
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No Child Left Behind (NCLB) (2002) is the most significant piece of federal education legislation since the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) in 1965. The policy changes made through NCLB, though, did not emerge from a vacuum: NCLB is a product of our times, an evolved cousin of previous policy texts that have influenced its creation and implenetation.
This study seeks to understand the historical antecedents to NCLB, the political intent behind NCLB, and the effect of this legislation on students of low socioeconomic status. Using a historical political analysis of policy texts, secondary artifacts, and narrative analysis of policy activity, this study discusses the historical foundations for NCLB, the intersection of NCLB and A Nation at Risk, and their effects upon students of low socioeconomic status. Finally, this study posits recommendations for enacting socially just, policy-based education reform in the United States.
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Ho, Ah-ying Rose, and 何亞英. "The accountability system for senior officials in HKSAR." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2003. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31967188.
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FitzGerald, Michael. "Indigenous Party Formation and Success: The Strategic Roles of Reserved Seats, Parties, and Horizontal Accountability." PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5269.
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More than twenty legislatures reserve a portion of seats for ethnic minority groups, often in an attempt to prevent violent conflict and redress historical oppression. The intention of reserved seats coincides with indigenous group objectives--to achieve political representation while maintaining autonomy. Yet the formation and electoral success of indigenous parties does not always follow adoption of a reserved seat system. I explain this inconsistency by taking reserved seats as a necessary but insufficient condition of indigenous party formation, and arguing that two additional conditions must be met to motivate indigenous groups to form a viable party: the failure of the existing party system to respond to group interests and the failure of grievance resolution mechanisms to fairly adjudicate disputes between indigenous groups and the state. I compare this model of indigenous party formation to three case studies--Colombia, New Zealand, and Taiwan--each with a reserved seat system for indigenous peoples but nonetheless exhibiting different levels of indigenous party formation and success. This research makes three significant contributions: it explores how indigenous groups strategically balance autonomy and participation; it suggests reconsidering how indigenous party formation and reserved seats are conceptualized by rational choice approaches; and it points to new ways of thinking about how elites can manipulate reserved seats to cultivate state legitimacy and enforce minority group assimilation.
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Cho, Yoon Jik. "Trust in managerial leadership within federal agencies antecedents, outcomes, and contextual factors /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3331254.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, School of Public and Environmental Affairs, 2008.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 23, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-11, Section: A, page: 4493. Advisers: James L. Perry; Evan Ringquist.
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Sama, Isa Mohammed. "Governance and accountability : a comparative study of Murtala-Obasanjo and Shagari regimes in Nigeria." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364369.
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Teleki, Paul. "Rethinking Accountability: Making Canadian Democracy Work Toward an Interactive and Ethical Public Space." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28560.
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Canadian Westminster democracy is representational and problematic because it maintains accountability structures at the bureaucratic and hierarchical level from the top-down. This results in the exclusion of citizens from the accountability process and a public service and government that makes decisions that mayor may not represent the citizenry. Broadening the democratic context to promote inclusivity, through participatory and deliberative democratic theory, will provide the space for an ethical and active accountability to flourish. Philosophically justifying the need to transition from our current accountability regime to include Alan Gewirth's conception of the community of rights (1996) will make political leaders ethically obliged to effectuate citizen preferences in political processes. By establishing the moral obligation of political leaders to effectively engage citizens in political processes, there must be a discussion of the actual policies and procedures that could guide the process of effectuating citizen preferences. We suggest that information and communication technologies in conjunction with face-to-face consultations may provide a conduit for the successful integration of citizen preferences, thereby resulting in an interactive democratic context which facilitates active accountability for citizens.
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Barrows, Sam George. "Political Responses to Educational Performance Data." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13065019.
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Researchers have found considerable evidence that information about school performance affects people's choices about which schools to send their children to and even where to live. In contrast, little attention has been paid to the effects of school performance information on people's political behavior. Yet Hirschman (1970) famously highlighted the importance of taking seriously not only economic forces, but also the role of "political mechanisms", that is, "non-market forces" or "voice", in analyzing people's responses to school performance and the implications of these responses for school outcomes. This dissertation explores the effect of information about student and school performance on people's political attitudes and behavior. I first present findings from an original dataset of school board elections in Florida that indicate that voters fail to punish school board incumbents in response to information signaling poor school performance. There is even evidence that voters sometimes reward incumbents for failure. I next analyze a dataset that links student test scores in England to a subsequent survey, and find that that informational signals about individual student performance can have long−lasting effects on parental behavior. Finally, I analyze the results of a survey experiment administered to a nationally representative sample of Americans, and find that information about the relative performance of local schools depresses average perceptions of local school quality and increases support for school reforms.Government
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Freitas, Marisleily Rodrigues de. "Accountability e formulação de políticas públicas via web." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2012. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/4658.
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With the advent of the twentieth century, the world was faced with an intense transformation in the means of mass communication. The new forms of communication quickly dominated the world scene because they can cover a much more significant number of people, besides they transmit a much larger amount of information in less time. Thus, new possibilities have emerged to bridge the gap between government and voters. However, the media are not impartial when it comes to political debate. The commercial media are still the main sources of information and entertainment. From this perspective, the Internet as alternative media means such as printed newspapers, radio and TV could be a significant instrument for the formation of citizens politically participatory and be an affordable way to obtain political information.
Com o advento do século XX, o mundo se viu diante de uma intensa transformação nos meios de comunicação de massa. As novas formas de comunicação rapidamente dominaram o cenário mundial porque podem abarcar um número muito mais significativo de pessoas, alem de veicularem um montante muito maior de informações em menor tempo. Assim, novas possibilidades surgiram para diminuir a distância entre governo e eleitores. Contudo, os meios de comunicação não são imparciais quando o assunto é debate político. As mídias comerciais ainda são as principais fontes de informação e entretenimento. Nessa perspectiva, a Internet como mídia alternativa a meios como o jornal impresso, o rádio e a TV, poderia ser instrumento significativo para a formação de cidadãos politicamente participativos bem como ser uma forma mais acessível para a obtenção de informação política.
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Meyer, Christoph Olaf. "Towards a European public sphere? : the European Commission, the media and political accountability." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.621115.
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Dasgupta, Shomik. "Ethics, distance and accountability : the political thought of Rammohun Roy, c. 1803-32." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2016. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/ethics-distance-and-accountability-the-political-thought-of-rammohun-roy-c-180332(a463f549-6946-48eb-acaf-b1a8e0583af2).html.
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In my thesis I will argue that the most important context of the writings of Rammohun Roy (1772/3(?)-1833) was making the political power of the East India Company accountable to an ethical Bengali public. Rammohun’s political thought was concerned with three distinct but related themes: 1) the restructuring of the Company’s administration from a distant and invisible government at London to Calcutta; 2) the importance of ethical practice in Bengali society; and 3) the legal and ethical obligation of the Company to be accountable to its subjects. Contrary to current scholarship, I argue that a unity of thought can be identified in Rammohun’s writings. The thesis will show that, throughout his career as a native intellectual (1803-32), Rammohun consistently stressed the importance of societal ethics and highlighted the consequences of the distance between London and Bengal on governmental accountability. The title, ‘Ethics, Distance and Accountability’ articulates this argument by focusing on the core concerns of his political thought. Rammohun’s political thought was influenced by philosophy of ak̲h̲lāq, the Dharmaśāstras, as well as by his association with the Company’s district administration (1804-14). Rammohun intended his work to be widely read by the Bengali public (sarvvasadharan lok), Company officials and the native elite and referred to a diversity of traditions (the Purāṇas, Liberal philosophy, British history, Persian poetry and the Upaniṣads) to explain his ideas to his intended audience.
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Keeler, Rebecca L. "Democratic Accountability for Outsourced Government Services." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/654.
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