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Journal articles on the topic 'Political and moral philosophy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Henley, Kenneth. "Moral and Political Philosophy." Teaching Philosophy 34, no. 2 (2011): 187–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/teachphil201134227.

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2

Larmore, Charles. "What Is Political Philosophy?" Journal of Moral Philosophy 10, no. 3 (2013): 276–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174552412x628896.

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What is political philosophy’s relation to moral philosophy? Does it simply form part of moral philosophy, focusing on the proper application of certain moral truths to political reality? Or must it instead form a more autonomous discipline, drawing its bearings from the specifically political problem of determining the bounds of legitimate coercion? In this essay I work out an answer to these questions by examining both some of the classical views on the nature of political philosophy and, more particularly, some recently published writings by Bernard Williams and G.A. Cohen.

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3

Maccarone, Ellen M. "Impartiality in Moral and Political Philosophy." Social Science Journal 41, no. 1 (2004): 157–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2003.10.019.

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4

Miller, David. "IN WHAT SENSE MUST POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY BE POLITICAL?" Social Philosophy and Policy 33, no. 1-2 (2016): 155–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052516000339.

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Abstract:Political philosophy appears to have recovered from its alleged death in the middle of the last century, but now faces the realist charge that in the work of John Rawls and those influenced by him it fails to be political in the right way; it is merely “applied moral philosophy.” I dismiss the hyper-realist position of authors such as Raymond Geuss for taking an implausibly narrow view of politics. There is more merit in Bernard Williams’s claim that legitimacy, not justice, is the central problem of political philosophy. Yet we cannot understand the significance of legitimation witho

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5

Southwood, Nicholas. "Political Versus Moral Justification." Southern Journal of Philosophy 41, no. 2 (2003): 261–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-6962.2003.tb00952.x.

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6

Yermolenko, Anatoliy. "GERMAN POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY: MORAL AND ETHICAL ASPECT." Filosofska dumka (Philosophical Thought) -, no. 3 (2020): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/fd2020.03.006.

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7

Vander Waerdt, P. A. "The Political Intention of Aristotle’s Moral Philosophy." Ancient Philosophy 5, no. 1 (1985): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil19855130.

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8

Harman, Gilbert. "Three Trends in Moral and Political Philosophy." Journal of Value Inquiry 37, no. 3 (2003): 415–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:inqu.0000013350.42507.c6.

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9

Klosko, George. "Rawls's “Political” Philosophy and American Democracy." American Political Science Review 87, no. 2 (1993): 348–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2939045.

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John Rawls has recently argued that political philosophy can significantly contribute to making democratic societies stable. He seeks moral principles that can ground what he calls an overlapping consensus and argues that his well-known principles of justice can serve in this capacity. I criticize both Rawls's general claims about the role of political philosophy and his particular defense of the principles of justice. Both arguments commit Rawls to specific empirical claims about existing liberal societies that are highly questionable. In particular, the Kantian moral views that Rawls believe

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10

Campagnolo, Gilles. "Du «spectateur impartial» au «travailleur impartial», un commentaire sur la relation entre philosophie morale et économie politique chez Adam Smith selon Jean Mathiot." Dialogue 50, no. 3 (2011): 469–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217311000515.

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ABSTRACT: As Smith freed moral philosophy from former control bodies (the Church, the state), the Scottish philosopher opened the field for a scientific political economy. In hisAdam Smith. Philosophie et économie(Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1990, p. 45), Jean Mathiot asked :«Should then one wonder that his [Smith’s] audacious stand became the historical grounding stone for political economy, then bringing recognition as an objectively-grounded field of knowledge?»Mathiot’s text and thought have been little debated to this day; this essay is meant to fill that gap, in particular w

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11

May, Larry, and Gregory S. Kavka. "Hobbesian Moral and Political Theory." Noûs 23, no. 4 (1989): 560. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2215887.

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12

Simmons, A. John, and Gregory S. Kavka. "Hobbesian Moral and Political Theory." Philosophical Review 98, no. 3 (1989): 404. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2185031.

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13

Jubb, Robert, and Enzo Rossi. "Political Norms and Moral Values." Journal of Philosophical Research 40 (2015): 455–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jpr201511539.

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14

Kleingeld, Pauline. "Kant's Moral and Political Cosmopolitanism." Philosophy Compass 11, no. 1 (2016): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phc3.12298.

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15

Simpson, Peter. "LIBERALISM: POLITICAL SUCCESS, MORAL FAILURE?" Journal of Social Philosophy 21, no. 1 (1990): 46–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9833.1990.tb00265.x.

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16

Weinstock, Daniel M. "Making Sense of Mill." Dialogue 35, no. 4 (1996): 791–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300008635.

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Wendy Donner's The Liberal Self: John Stuart Mill's Moral and Political Philosophy is an important and thought-provoking addition to the growing body of literature seeking to rescue Mill's practical philosophy from the rather lowly place it occupied in the estimation of many philosophers earlier this century, and to present him as a philosopher whose views form a coherent, systematic whole that can still contribute significantly to numerous moral and political debates. The book proposes an interpretation of the whole of Mill's practical philosophy, and attempts to reveal how aspects of Mill's

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17

Little, Daniel. "Socialist Morality: Towards a Political Philosophy for Democratic Socialism." Social Philosophy and Policy 6, no. 2 (1989): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000613.

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There has been much discussion in recent years of the role of moral ideas within Marxism. Marx's stringent criticisms of purely philosophical inquiry impose rather narrow limits on the form which a Marxian moral philosophy might take. For Marx often holds that moral ideas and moral theorizing are irremediably ideological. By this Marx appears to mean that moral ideas are part and parcel of a system of class domination, a way of preserving class domination through internalized norms. As many recent commentators have shown, however, these criticisms of moral reasoning, though present in Marx's s

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18

Sager, Alex. "Towards a Moral and Political Philosophy of Immigration." Radical Philosophy Review 22, no. 1 (2019): 165–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrev201922199.

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19

Kaufman, Whitley. "Peter Olsthoorn, Honor in Political and Moral Philosophy." Social Theory and Practice 41, no. 4 (2015): 755–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract201541441.

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20

Cojocaru, Mara-Daria. "Book Review: Political Theory: Anarchism and Moral Philosophy." Political Studies Review 10, no. 1 (2012): 89–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2011.00250_9.x.

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21

Kane, Laura Wildemann. "Childhood, Growth, and Dependency in Liberal Political Philosophy." Hypatia 31, no. 1 (2016): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12214.

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Political philosophy presents a static conception of childhood as a state of lack, a condition where intellectual, physical, and moral capacities are undeveloped. This view, referred to by David Kennedy as the deficit view of childhood, is problematic because it systematically disparages certain universal features of humanity—dependency and growth—and incorrectly characterizes them as features of childhood only. Thus there is a strict separation between childhood and adulthood because adults are characterized as fully autonomous agents who have reached the end of their moral and cognitive deve

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22

Edmundson, William A. "WHY LEGAL THEORY IS POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY." Legal Theory 19, no. 4 (2013): 331–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1352325213000189.

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The concept of law is not a theorist's invention but one that people use every day. Thus one measure of the adequacy of a theory of law is its degree of fidelity to the concept as it is understood by those who use it. That means “saving the truisms” as far as possible. There are important truisms about the law that have an evaluative cast. The theorist has either to say what would make those evaluative truisms true or to defend her choice to dismiss them as false of law or not of the essence of law. Thus the legal theorist must give an account of the truth grounds of the more central evaluativ

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23

Flannery, Kelly. "Political Philosophies in Moral Conflict." Teaching Philosophy 32, no. 4 (2009): 402–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/teachphil200932441.

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24

Romeiro, Richard. "LEO STRAUSS AND THE CHARACTER OF CLASSICAL POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY." Síntese: Revista de Filosofia 48, no. 151 (2021): 531. http://dx.doi.org/10.20911/21769389v48n151p531/2021.

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This paper aims to present Leo Strauss’s interpretation of the meaning of classical political philosophy. To this end, the paper will try to show how, for Strauss, classical political philosophy, emerging from the original conflict that opposes philosophic reason to the authorized opinions of the city, was organized as a fundamentally esoteric teaching that sought to make the practical and moral demands of political life, expressed exemplarily in the ideal of best regime, compatible with the defense of contemplative life as the most perfect and happy life for man.

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25

Forde, Steven. "“Mixed Modes” in John Locke's Moral and Political Philosophy." Review of Politics 73, no. 4 (2011): 581–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670511003652.

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AbstractThe moral theory of “mixed modes” John Locke presents in hisEssay concerning Human Understandingis beset with paradoxes. On the one hand, he tells us that all mixed modes, including moral concepts, are “arbitrary” mental constructs. On the other hand, he speaks of an “eternal law” of right and wrong, and is well known as a champion of objective, universally valid natural law. This paradox stems from problems created by the new natural science. That science is predicated on the demolition of Aristotelian Scholasticism. Locke participates in that demolition on behalf of science, but it l

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26

Bilici, Mucahit. "Said Nursi's Moral Philosophy." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 19, no. 1 (2008): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340701770329.

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27

Nelson, Eric Sean. "Moral and Political Prudence in Kant." International Philosophical Quarterly 44, no. 3 (2004): 305–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq200444326.

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28

Sigmund, Paul E., and John Finnis. "Aquinas: Moral, Political, and Legal Theory." Philosophical Review 110, no. 1 (2001): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693614.

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29

LESSER, A. H. "The Holocaust: Moral and Political Lessons." Journal of Applied Philosophy 12, no. 2 (1995): 143–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5930.1995.tb00129.x.

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30

Sigmund, P. E. "AQUINAS: MORAL, POLITICAL, AND LEGAL THEORY." Philosophical Review 110, no. 1 (2001): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00318108-110-1-129.

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31

Larmore, Charles. "The Moral Basis of Political Liberalism." Journal of Philosophy 96, no. 12 (1999): 599. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2564695.

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32

Bolan, Mary M. "Understanding Modern Philosophy through Political Philosophy: The Unity of Ideal Subjects—Political, Epistemological, and Moral." Perspectives on Political Science 45, no. 1 (2016): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457097.2015.1024575.

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33

Hartman, Edwin M. "Moral Philosophy, Political Philosophy, and Organizational Ethics: A Response to Phillips and Margolis." Business Ethics Quarterly 11, no. 4 (2001): 673–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3857766.

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Abstract:Phillips and Margolis argue that moral philosophy is a poor basis for business ethics, but their narrow view of moral philosophy would exclude Aristotle, for one. They criticize me for assimilating states and organizations in using the Rawlsian device, but they put too much faith in Rawls’s distinction between states and voluntary organizations and pay too little attention to the continuities between them. Their plea for a conceptually autonomous ethics for organizations I interpret as reasonable and largely compatible with my own stated opinion.

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34

Khoma, Oleg. "Spinoza in the focus of national traditions. Stetter, J., & Ramond, C. (Eds.). (2019). Spinoza in 21st-century American and French philosophy: metaphysics, philosophy of mind, moral and political philosophy. London: Bloomsbury Academic." Sententiae 39, no. 2 (2020): 207–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31649/sent39.02.207.

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Review of Stetter, J., & Ramond, C. (Eds.). (2019). Spinoza in 21st-century American and French philosophy: metaphysics, philosophy of mind, moral and political philosophy. London: Bloomsbury Academic.

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35

Oyowe, Oritsegbubemi. "Individual and Community in Contemporary African Moral-Political Philosophy." Philosophia Africana 15, no. 2 (2013): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philafricana20131525.

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36

Hudson, Yeager. "Moral Justification of Reform Movements in American Political Philosophy." Social Philosophy Today 1 (1988): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday1988129.

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37

Chambers, Clare. "Lectures on the History of Moral and Political Philosophy." Philosophical Quarterly 65, no. 258 (2014): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pq/pqu048.

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38

RASHID, SALIM. "POLITICAL ECONOMY AS MORAL PHILOSOPHY: DUGALD STEWART OF EDINBURGH." Australian Economic Papers 26, no. 48 (1987): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8454.1987.tb00453.x.

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39

Christiano, Thomas. "Introduction to symposium on contemporary moral and political philosophy." Politics, Philosophy & Economics 17, no. 2 (2018): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x18774624.

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40

Wennerlind, Carl. "The Role of Political Economy in Hume’s Moral Philosophy." Hume Studies 37, no. 1 (2011): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hms.2011.0649.

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41

Yang, Xiao. "When political philosophy meets moral psychology: Expressivism in theMencius." Dao 5, no. 2 (2006): 257–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02868035.

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42

Renzo, Massimo, and Bjarke Viskum. "Introduction: Law and Philosophy—Moral, Legal and Political Perspectives." Res Publica 14, no. 4 (2008): 237–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-008-9068-9.

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43

Gerson, Lloyd P. "WHO OWNS WHAT? SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE FOUNDATION OF POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY." Social Philosophy and Policy 29, no. 1 (2011): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052511000069.

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AbstractNeither a doctrine of rights nor a doctrine of justice can provide a non-question-begging foundation for political philosophy. Instead, all political philosophical theories must rest on the recognition of the existence of moral agents, individual members of a natural kind capable of entering into associations with other moral agents. Beginning with moral agency, we can deduce that for there to be any associations, political or otherwise, there has to be the mutual recognition of self-ownership. The nature of moral agency excludes the possibility that groups like states or societies or

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44

Horton, Keith. "Philosophy and Activism." Social Theory and Practice 46, no. 1 (2020): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract202021780.

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In this article I develop and defend what I call the ‘Epistemic Argument for Activism.’ According to this argument, some moral and political philosophers have certain features that give them epistemic advantages when tackling topics such as the moral status of certain practices, policies, and institutions (‘PPIs’). Because of these advantages, when these philosophers study those PPIs carefully they generally develop views about the moral status of those PPIs that have a number of enhanced epistemic properties. And because their views have such enhanced epistemic properties, these philosophers

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45

Cavallar, Georg, and August Reinisch. "Kant, Intervention and the ‘Failed State’." Kantian Review 2 (March 1998): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1369415400000212.

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Nowadays Kant's practical philosophy (including his political philosophy) is as highly regarded as his theoretical philosophy. This is an important development since the more constructive side of Kant's philosophy is to be found in his moral and political works. The main task of the Critique of Pure Reason is to clarify its concepts and to get rid of basic errors, and thus only ‘negative’. The moral and political writings, on the other hand, try to expand the scope of reason ‘for practical purposes’ (‘in praktischer Absicht’). Establishing principles of moral and political conduct, their main

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46

Deigh, John. "Hobbes’s Philosophy in De Cive and Leviathan." Hobbes Studies 25, no. 2 (2012): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-02502005.

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This commentary on Bernard Gert’s Hobbes: Prince of Peace offers criticism of Gert’s assumption that the conceptual basis of the moral and political theory that Hobbes expounds in De Cive is the same as the conceptual basis of his moral and political theory in Leviathan.

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47

LaFollette, Hugh. "The Moral and Political Status of Children." Australasian Journal of Philosophy 82, no. 4 (2004): 658–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713659908.

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48

Heath, Joseph, Jeffrey Moriarty, and Wayne Norman. "Business Ethics and (or as) Political Philosophy." Business Ethics Quarterly 20, no. 3 (2010): 427–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/beq201020329.

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ABSTRACT:There is considerable overlap between the interests of business ethicists and those of political philosophers. Questions about the moral justifiability of the capitalist system, the basis of property rights, and the problem of inequality in the distribution of income have been of central importance in both fields. However, political philosophers have developed, especially over the past four decades, a set of tools and concepts for addressing these questions that are in many ways quite distinctive. Most business ethicists, on the other hand, consider their field to be primarily a domai

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49

Rosenberg, Alexander. "The Political Philosophy of Biological Endowments: Some Considerations." Social Philosophy and Policy 5, no. 1 (1987): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500001229.

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Is a government required or permitted to redistribute the gains and losses that differences in biological endowments generate? In particular, does the fact that individuals possess different biological endowments lead to unfair advantages within a market economy? These are questions on which some people are apt to have strong intuitions and ready arguments. Egalitarians may say yes and argue that as unearned, undeserved advantages and disadvantages, biological endowments are never fair, and that the market simply exacerbates these inequities. Libertarians may say no, holding that the possessio

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50

Engster, Daniel. "Rethinking Care Theory: The Practice of Caring and the Obligation to Care." Hypatia 20, no. 3 (2005): 50–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2005.tb00486.x.

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Care theorists have made significant gains over the past twenty-five years in establishing caring as a viable moral and political concept. Nonetheless, the concept of caring remains underdeveloped as a basis for a moral and political philosophy, and there is no fully developed account of our moral obligation to care. This article advances thinking about caring by developing a definition of caring and a theory of obligation to care sufficient to ground a general moral and political philosophy.

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