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Journal articles on the topic 'Political and social view'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 March 2023

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1

Savkin, Nikolay S. "Political Euphemisation: a View From Social Philosophy." Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education 22, no. 2 (March 31, 2022): 74–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.057.022.202201.074-082.

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Introduction. In conditions of a dosed democracy, the radically thinking scientific intelligentsia uses a special way of presenting material – political science euphemization and Aesopian language to express sufficiently sharp criticism of the existing system of authority. In politics, euphemisms are used to hide the true content of an article or book in order to mislead the reader. Research Methods. In the process of research the dialectical materialistic and synergistic methods were used, which made it possible to draw objective, scientifically grounded conclusions about the possibility and need to overcome the shortcomings in the ineffective applications of scientific achievements, about the need to stimulate the activity of young scientists, and take a set of measures to overcome the poverty of a part of the population. Of particular concern is the process of the formation of a modern system of education for a whole generation of people, whom academician V. B. Betelin called simulacra. Discussion and Conclusion. The expected effect of a critical analysis of the phenomena of euphemism and the use of the Aesopian language in scientific research and scientific communities, overcoming the non-interference of scientists in politics is the desire of state structures, branches of government to activate the policy of improving the educational system, strengthening the fundamental function of the state – to teach, heal and protect their citizens. Simulacrum is a term that is rarely used by our domestic philosophy, since this particular emerging generation of people is a matter of a possible future. Nevertheless, it requires close attention.

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Aslı SEZGIN, Ayşe, and Tuğba Tuğba YOLCU. "POLITICAL VIEW OF INFORMATIONALISM: SOCIAL MEDIA AND NETOCRACY." Intermedia International e-journal 4, no. 6 (June 29, 2017): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.21645/intermedia.2017.26.

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3

Rajcsányi, Péter. "The Process of Establishing the Hungarian Television." VIEW Journal of European Television History and Culture 10, no. 19 (June 24, 2021): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/view.273.

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The study discloses the secretly held facts of the establishment of Hungarian Television. It analyses the four-year-long process, including fiascos of political decisions, infighting in governmental economic and political organizations, financial aspects, as well as personal conflicts and battles. It discusses the factors leading to the original resolution of establishing Hungarian Television and also the factors contributing to the failure of the resolution. Beyond showing the role and activities of the Television Department itself, the article presents the peculiarities of Hungarian Television stemming from the changes sweeping the Hungarian political, economic and social life between 1952 and 1957.

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4

Lukovenkov, S. G. "Political Mission of University: A Retrospective View." Vysshee Obrazovanie v Rossii = Higher Education in Russia 29, no. 10 (October 15, 2020): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31992/0869-3617-2020-29-10-153-160.

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Academic3 space in its different manifestations has been taking an honorable position in social structure from the earliest stages of the history of human civilization by systematizing multitude experiences of both external and internal world of humankind. At the same time, educational landscape was formulating the different ways of how to theorize about and interact with the world. Simultaneously, there was always combating with the alternative systems and, what is more, this struggle wasn’t necessarily intellectual or polemical. Little has changed in how society perceives academy and its functions in the era of accomplished digital revolution, including its role as an instrument of surveillance and social sorting – these two important elements of power. In this article, an attempt is taken to comprehend University – and speaking broadly academic space as such – as a special kind of social and political field used to perform surveillance and social control. On the example of colonial colleges in the USA, this article examines how University may serve as a surveillance mechanism on the one hand and as a mean of cultural transformation on the other hand, and what conclusions can be made regarding the present and the future of University in the digital era.

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5

Carrier, John, and Ian Kendall. "Categories, Categorizations and the Political Economy of Welfare." Journal of Social Policy 15, no. 3 (July 1986): 315–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727940001518x.

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ABSTRACTMarxist accounts of welfare have been characterized by a critical view of social administration and an uncritical view of the concept of the ‘welfare state’. In this paper both these views are questioned. We explore the problems associated with basing analyses of welfare on the ‘welfare state’ and the limitations of certain criticisms of the ‘social administration tradition’. We conclude that whatever the merits of the more substantive elements in Marxist accounts of welfare, there are problems associated with their assumptions about social administration and the ‘welfare state’.

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6

Koffas, Stefanos. "Social and Political Theory of Social Movements for the Social State." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2019-0001.

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Abstract Social movements, as collective entities, develop to stand up against the existing institutional status quo with a view to its reformation or radical transformation, while the degree to which they are political depends on wider socio-political factors. The diverse action that evolved through their organized mobilization marked the radical transformation of political response, but also the type of state intervention. Social movements exactly because they constitute wider socio-political undertakings that aim to bring about changes in the social, political, economic but also cultural processes, which seek to annul or sideline established standardizations, are considered one of the most readily available ways to express political and social claims; here they are understood to be dynamic interventions in institutionally and structurally complete social systems as in the case of the social state. Within the context of political mobilization and collective social action, social movements functioned at two interrelated levels: the level of expansion, but also of redefinition of social intervention processes in order to achieve the goals of the social state, and the cultural level, a symbolic promotion, in order to establish a greater degree of social justice. Mobilization of resources, collective behaviour for making claims, even contentious action and transaction with institutions and authorities, constitute views of social transformation and political process in the context of the creation and development of the social state.

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7

Mouzelis, Nicos. "Social and System Integration: Habermas' View." British Journal of Sociology 43, no. 2 (June 1992): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591468.

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8

Shapiro, Michael J., Algirdas Julien Greimas, Paul Perron, and Frank H. Collins. "The Social Sciences: A Semiotic View." Contemporary Sociology 20, no. 5 (September 1991): 805. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2072290.

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9

Yasmeen, Kausar, Ambreen Anjum, and Kashifa Yasmeen. "Role Model has an Impact on Fan’s Social view, Political view, Educational level, Motivation and Thoughts." International Journal of Industrial Marketing 1, no. 2 (August 11, 2011): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijim.v1i1.861.

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The aim of this study is to evaluate the impact of role model upon fan’s social view, political view, educational level, motivation and thoughts. Results of this study are drawn through a survey where Fatima Bhutto is taken as a role model and her fans are included in the survey. Research results proves that an ideal personality changes our thoughts, believes and ideas regarding our social, political, educational and motivational decisions.

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10

Sorrentino, Jasmin, and Martha Augoustinos. "‘I don't view myself as a woman politician, I view myself as a politician who's a woman’: The discursive management of gender identity in political leadership." British Journal of Social Psychology 55, no. 3 (January 29, 2016): 385–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/bjso.12138.

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11

Brown, Susan Love. "Society: Toward an Objective View." Journal of Ayn Rand Studies 9, no. 1 (2007): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41560349.

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Abstract This article seeks to clarify the nature of human society by reclaiming sociality as an attribute of human nature. Sociality—the need for human beings to connect physically and psychologically with other human beings—contributes to the development of the rational faculty, affecting the processes of identity formation, socialization, and enculturation. Following F.G. Bailey's model of political structures as a foundation, the article posits that social structures and their institutions derive from nine domains of human action: the social, economic, political, legal, educational, medical, spiritual, artistic, and sportive.

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12

Brown, Susan Love. "Society: Toward an Objective View." Journal of Ayn Rand Studies 9, no. 1 (2007): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaynrandstud.9.1.0113.

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Abstract This article seeks to clarify the nature of human society by reclaiming sociality as an attribute of human nature. Sociality—the need for human beings to connect physically and psychologically with other human beings—contributes to the development of the rational faculty, affecting the processes of identity formation, socialization, and enculturation. Following F.G. Bailey's model of political structures as a foundation, the article posits that social structures and their institutions derive from nine domains of human action: the social, economic, political, legal, educational, medical, spiritual, artistic, and sportive.

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13

Segall, Shlomi. "Political Participation as an Engine of Social Solidarity: A Sceptical View." Political Studies 53, no. 2 (June 2005): 362–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00533.x.

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Political theorists sometimes advocate the intensification of citizens' participation in politics, on the grounds that this serves as an engine for the cultivation of social solidarity and civic virtue. I argue against such an initiative and set out the case for a more nuanced examination of the effect of particular modes of political participation on social solidarity, in light of recent empirical literature. Against the assertions of the theorists in question, the research reveals that political participation per se does not cultivate the said virtues, whereas entrusting citizens with deliberating and deciding specific policy issues (specifically in the form of citizens' juries or CJs) does. Finally, it is argued that there is a rather limited scope to the implementation of deliberative bodies of the kind that cultivates solidarity. Consequently, intensifying political participation is not a reliable means through which social solidarity can be cultivated.

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14

Dontsova, O. I., V. A. Shumaev, and D. E. Morkovkin. "Classics of Political Economy about the Social Justice Theory: Modern View." OrelSIET Bulletin, no. 1 (47) (2019): 189–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.36683/2076-5347-2019-1-47-189-196.

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15

Pullen, John. "Malthus on social classes: higher, lower and middle." Cambridge Journal of Economics 43, no. 5 (January 9, 2019): 1417–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/bey056.

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Abstract Malthus’s views on the relative roles and importance of the social classes—higher, lower and middle—are presented. The view commonly expressed in the secondary literature that he was prejudiced in favour of the upper classes is questioned. The view that he was uncaring or unsympathetic toward the labouring classes is said to lack textual support. It is argued that the economic importance he attributed to the middle classes and to a greater equality in the distribution of property, income and wealth is an essential, although frequently neglected, feature of his political economy.

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16

Sun, Guodong. "Making the Social Work: toward a Functionalist View of Social Governance." Journal of Chinese Political Science 24, no. 3 (November 11, 2018): 495–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11366-018-9582-3.

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17

Muttakin, Mohammad Badrul, Dessalegn Getie Mihret, and Arifur Khan. "Corporate political connection and corporate social responsibility disclosures." Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 31, no. 2 (February 19, 2018): 725–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-06-2015-2078.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the association of corporate political connection with the level of voluntary corporate social responsibility (CSR) disclosures to determine how the relationships between the state and the corporate sector influence CSR engagement. Design/methodology/approach Based on a neo-pluralist view of legitimacy theory, which conceptualizes the state as a concentration of power amenable to exploitation by the corporate sector, the study develops and empirically tests a hypothesis that CSR disclosures are inversely associated with political connection. A sample of 936 firm-year observations is used with data collected from annual reports of companies listed on the Dhaka Stock Exchange in Bangladesh from 2005 to 2013. Findings Results indicate that corporate political connection is associated with reduced CSR disclosures. This finding suggests that the perceived need for CSR disclosures as a legitimation strategy diminishes for politically connected firms. The finding supports a neo-pluralist argument that political connection could enable firms to eschew stakeholder pressure associated with potential legitimacy threats originating from poor CSR performance. This conclusion challenges the pluralist view of legitimacy theory that considers the state as a neutral arbiter resolving conflict among stakeholder groups in society. Originality/value The study makes a significant contribution to the literature by developing a neo-pluralist theorization of voluntary CSR disclosures within legitimacy theory and empirically testing it. Because prior empirical CSR disclosure research is largely underpinned by the pluralistic conception of society, examining this phenomenon from a neo-pluralist perspective enables a more complete understanding of CSR disclosure behaviors of firms.

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18

Catton, William R. "Otto Larsen's Grand View of Social Science." Sociological Inquiry 62, no. 1 (January 1992): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-682x.1992.tb00180.x.

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19

Daloz, Jean-Pascal. "The Distinction of Social and Political Elites." Comparative Sociology 10, no. 4 (2011): 443–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913311x590574.

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AbstractThis article introduces the special issue on “The Distinction of Social and Political Elites.” It aims to provide some analytical reflections about the usefulness and limits of classical models of interpretation when confronted with empirical realities in very different societies. Although the separation between the societal and the political spheres is not always very clear, it is argued that the differentiation between the two corresponding types of elite is often significant from a theoretical point of view. Indeed, the symbolic superiority of political elites is frequently raised in rather specific terms because of the nature of their role as representatives.

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20

Tuychiyeva, Rano Almamatovna. "LATE XX CEN TE XX CENTURY – EARL Y – EARLY XXI CEN Y XXI CENTURY GEOPOLI Y GEOPOLITICAL VIEW TICAL VIEW OF THE ASIAN REGION." Scientific Reports of Bukhara State University 5, no. 2 (May 24, 2021): 228–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.52297/2181-1466/2021/5/2/21.

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Introduction. Describe the geopolitical structure of the Asian region - to cover political, economic, social, cultural and ethnic issues in East Asia, Southeast Asia (the main part of the Asia-Pacific region), South Asia, the Indian Ocean region, Central Asia and the Middle East. The number of dedicated scientific publications is significantly exceeding the number and volume of similar texts being written about other regions of the world. A review of Asian security shows that security concerns have spread throughout Asia. At the same time, such problems also have a significant negative impact on mutual economic, trade and investment relations. Research methods. In writing this article, historical, the methods of comparative analysis, theoretical, general logic and forecasting of political science were used. In particular, the formation and development of the political system of different societies in Asia during this period was covered by historical and chronological approaches, while the development of individuals, social groups, nations and peoples, peoples and states was analyzed using the method of comparative analysis.

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21

Codell, Julie. "THE PICTURESQUE, PORTRAITURE, AND THE MANOR HOUSE: THE SOCIAL FUNCTIONS OF ART IN MARY AUGUSTA WARD'S MARCELLA." Victorian Literature and Culture 45, no. 4 (November 8, 2017): 857–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150317000250.

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The very first line of Mary Augusta Ward's novel Marcella ends with the word “beautiful,” repeated twice, the second time in italics. In this paper I will argue that this symbolizes the central role of aesthetics in the novel in a discourse that engages the social criticism of John Ruskin and William Morris. Some scholars have assessed Marcella (1894) as having a retrograde ending of Marcella marrying a Tory politician and landowner. Judith Wilt's critical study of Ward is entitled Behind Her Times, an indication of the general view of Ward as a political conservative, although Wilt argues that she was also progressive in many ways, and Ward has enjoyed other nuanced, sensitive re-readings and assessments (Argyle; Sutton-Ramspeck). I, too, am arguing that Ward's political and social views in this novel are complex and mixed and that examining the novel's Victorian cultural discourses can illuminate complex socio-political content that draws on late-century art world debates. The very texture of Marcella belies an unstable view of class and social problems, as the eponymous protagonist goes through several stages of thinking and trial-and-error solutions, some socialist, to problems of poverty and class disparity.

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22

Gans, Carl. "Punctuated Equilibria and Political Science: A Neontological View." Politics and the Life Sciences 5, no. 2 (February 1987): 220–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400002148.

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When I was invited to participate in a symposium designed to consider the possible implications of the theory of punctuated equilibria for the study of political science, I faced the need to reexamine some fundamental questions. These transcended such issues as whether and how frequently the phenomenon referred to as punctuated equilibrium occurred, and whether it might indeed be similar to some phenomena studied by political scientists. Rather, I felt it necessary to establish for myself whether, when, and how any biologically based theory or set of hypotheses could be applied to the realm of the social sciences and what cautions might be demanded by such application.

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23

Alexander, Karl L. "Contemporary Social Psychology: Four Points of View." Social Forces 68, no. 1 (September 1989): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2579215.

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24

Alexander, K. L. "Contemporary Social Psychology: Four Points of View." Social Forces 68, no. 1 (September 1, 1989): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/68.1.15.

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25

Carbonell, Caride. "Social Inequality, Cultural Diversity: A View in Education Sociology." ENDLESS: International Journal of Future Studies 5, no. 2 (August 15, 2022): 123–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/endlessjournal.v5i2.82.

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The purpose of this study is to analyze social inequality, cultural diversity from the point of view of Sociology of Education. This research uses qualitative research with descriptive analysis approach. The type of data used in this study is secondary data obtained from library research. The type of data presentation in this study uses a qualitative approach. Based on the results of the analysis, it can be concluded that integration must be won day by day with the exercise, by all, of solidarity and the will to negotiate, with the fight against all forms of exclusion and for a true equality of opportunities and civic and political rights. An active and unequivocal will is required on both sides to resolve the inevitable conflicts that will cause the diversity of values and customs, but above all social and political inequality. In the integration process, it is a question of jointly creating a new social space, which will probably be governed by new norms, born of negotiation and the joint creativity of the members of the majority group and those belonging to the minority group. Integration, creativity and negotiation are, therefore, inseparable concepts.

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26

Boyd, Glenn E. "Pastoral conversation: A social construction view." Pastoral Psychology 44, no. 4 (March 1996): 215–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02266897.

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27

Jaan, Syed Hidayat Ullah, Haris Ullah, and Syed Latif Ullah Jaan. "An over view about Maulana Abdul Haqq’s educational, social and political contributions." Al Khadim Research journal of Islamic culture and Civilization 3, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 160–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/arjicc.v3.01(22)u12.160-168.

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Maulana Abd-ul-Haqq was a great and famous Islamic scholar, basically his family was migrated from Afghanistan centuries ago and settled in Akora Khattak (Khyber PakhtunKhwah, Pakistan). He was belonged to a religious family, His father was also a religious scholar. He received his primary education at home and at last visited university of “Darul Uloom Deoband India” for higher education, late after he founded “Darul Uloom Haqqania Akora Khattak, Kp, pakistan” which is one of the best Islamic teaching university among the world, He not only contribute in the education field only but also play a well-known role in the social affairs and in the national politics as well that’s why He reformed various traditions of marriage and grief. He fully opposed the Ahmadiyya’s movement on the floor of the assembly. Here we get an over view about is educational, social and political contributions that shows various fruitful dimensions about his life.

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28

Swartz, Leslie. "Political Oppression, Social Change and the Family: A View from South Africa." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Family Therapy 22, no. 1 (March 2001): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1467-8438.2001.tb01293.x.

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29

Bessonova, Olga. "Ideology in Social Development of Russia: New View." Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniya, no. 1 (January 2022): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013216250017233-9.

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30

Knöbl, Wolfgang. "Social Theory from a Sartrean Point of View." European Journal of Social Theory 2, no. 4 (November 1999): 403–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13684319922224581.

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31

Bunge, Mario. "Testing Political Philosophies." Philosophy of the Social Sciences 49, no. 3 (March 21, 2019): 232–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0048393119835159.

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The purposes of the present article are to note the paucity of tests in the politological literature and to advance the thesis that some social movements have unwittingly supported certain political philosophies, whereas others have undermined them. For example, recent trends in longevity statistics favor free and universal health care policies while undermining the private health care ones. Likewise, economic statistics can be used to test the view that free trade favors its practitioners.

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32

Laitinen, Arto, and Arvi Särkelä. "Four conceptions of social pathology." European Journal of Social Theory 22, no. 1 (May 17, 2018): 80–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431018769593.

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This article starts with the idea that the task of social philosophy can be defined as the diagnosis and therapy of social pathologies. It discusses four conceptions of social pathology. The first two conceptions are ‘normativist’ and hold that something is a social pathology if it is socially wrong. On the first view, there is no encompassing characterization of social pathologies available: it is a cluster concept of family resemblances. On the second view, social pathologies share a structure (e.g. second-order disorder). The last two conceptions are ‘naturalist’ and hold that something is wrong because it is pathological. The third view takes it that society is the kind of substance that can fall ill – an organism. The fourth view operates with the notion of a social life that can degenerate. The four conceptions are compared along six criteria: (1) is the view plausible?; (2) is it informative (if true)?; (3) does it help define the task of social philosophy?; (4) does it take naturalistic vocabulary seriously?; (5) does it hold that pathologies share a structure?; and (6) how does it see the primacy of being wrong and being pathological?

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Park, Sang-jun, and Do-yeon Won. "The View and Political Meaning of Happiness in the Happiness Index." Korea Association Of Cultural Economics 25, no. 3 (December 31, 2022): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36234/kace.2022.25.3.35.

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In this study aims to understand the changes in happinessism that the country aims for through the analysis of happiness indicators developed into national categories in Korea. In addition, the main implications derived through changes in happiness indicators in the national category developed during the presidency of Lee Myung-Bak, Moon Jae-In, and Park Geun-Hye can be summarized in two ways. First. The perspective of happiness that the state-oriented state-oriented happiness theory that the state-oriented relationship with social happiness theory, which has changed the relationship with social happiness theory.And this means that the direction of happiness that the direction of happiness that was considered as individual electricity of society.In particular, the standard of region structure may be seen as “social wealth” in the “social wealth” and horizontal network, reliability, reliability, reliability, and horizontal network. Second. The policy meaning of the happiness index carries out its institutional function as a state's role in community recovery. Recent indicators have extended the perception of the multi-dimensional concept of happiness by using happiness in the direct concept of the indicator, suggesting that interest in happiness has increased more than in previous times. And the indicator is that in the midst of misfortunes arising from social structural problems, the state is an alternative to protection for the maintenance and recovery of the community, which can be understood as the state's institutional management of community recovery.

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Voleansek, Mary L. "JUDICIAL SELECTION: THE SOCIAL SCIENTISTS' VIEW*." Policy Studies Journal 10, no. 4 (September 9, 2005): 726–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.1982.tb00650.x.

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35

Segaard, Signe Bock. "Perceptions of Social Media." Nordicom Review 36, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2015-0017.

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AbstractWhile observers have focused on the political use of social media when exploring their democratic potential, we know little about users’ perceptions of these media. These perceptions could well be important to understanding the political use of social media. In exploring users’ perceptions, the article asks whether politicians and voters view social media in a similar way, and to what extent they consider social media to be an apt arena for political communication. Within a Norwegian context, which may prove useful as a critical case, and using the technological frames model, we find that although voters’ and politicians’ opinions are not that dissimilar overall, politicians are more likely to recognize the political communicative role of social media. However, social media do indeed have the potential to become arenas for political mobilization among groups that traditionally are less visible in political arenas.

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36

Graham, John R. "Book Review: Social Welfare: A World View." International Social Work 42, no. 4 (October 1999): 504–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002087289904200412.

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37

Goldfarb, S. I. "Isaac Goldberg’s Political View of the Idea of a Constituent Assembly." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 35 (2021): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2021.35.38.

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The paper has presented social and political scene in Siberia in the early XX century in the context of social and political movements’ activities. Democratic principles of building a sustainable administration through establishing a Constituent Assembly were the key idea of the activities. I. G. Goldberg was a key player representing Siberian democracy in the paper. Goldberg’s activity has been viewed both as a Siberian Socialist Revolutionary Party’s member, and a social activist. The author highlighted some key issues related to advancing the idea of establishing a Constituent Assembly and internal political struggle resulting from fruitful activity of Goldberg and socialist revolutionaries in Siberia. Peaceful and constructive opposition to the Civil War, Bolshevism’s and Kolchak’s dictatorship, and statelessness were at center stage.

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38

Patton, Paul. "Recent Work on Nietzsche’s Social and Political Philosophy." Nietzsche-Studien 50, no. 1 (September 8, 2021): 382–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nietzstu-2021-500122.

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Abstract Against a widely supported view that Nietzsche was not a political thinker, there have been a number of edited collections and monographs devoted either to Nietzsche’s politics or, what is not quite the same thing, relationships between his thought and contemporary political philosophy. What is striking about this secondary literature is the degree of divergence among the positions taken. The books discussed in the present review provide further illustration of this diversity. This applies not only to the question whether he was or was not a political thinker, but also to the further question what kind of political thinker.

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39

Patton, Paul. "Recent Work on Nietzsche’s Social and Political Philosophy." Nietzsche-Studien 50, no. 1 (August 18, 2021): 382–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nietzstu-2021-0020.

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Abstract Against a widely supported view that Nietzsche was not a political thinker, there have been a number of edited collections and monographs devoted either to Nietzsche’s politics or, what is not quite the same thing, relationships between his thought and contemporary political philosophy. What is striking about this secondary literature is the degree of divergence among the positions taken. The books discussed in the present review provide further illustration of this diversity. This applies not only to the question whether he was or was not a political thinker, but also to the further question what kind of political thinker.

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Ekstrom, Pierce D., Brianna A. Smith, Allison L. Williams, and Hannah Kim. "Social Network Disagreement and Reasoned Candidate Preferences." American Politics Research 48, no. 1 (June 28, 2019): 132–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x19858343.

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This study investigates the effects of social network disagreement on candidate preferences. Although much research has explored the effects of disagreement on political tolerance and disengagement, less work has examined the relation between disagreement and political reasoning. We predicted that because disagreement reveals conflicting points of view and motivates people to consider these views, it should promote more effortful reasoning—and thus increased reliance on policy preferences and decreased reliance on party identification when choosing between candidates. Using panel data from the 2008 and 2012 U.S. Presidential elections, we find that respondents in high-disagreement networks tend to shift their candidate preferences to align with their policy preferences regardless of their party identification. In low-disagreement networks, respondents tended to follow party over policy. In sum, the determinants of candidate preferences differ depending on individuals’ social networks. In some cases, disagreement may promote more normatively desirable political decision-making.

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Kryukov, V., T. Rubancova, and E. Sotnikova. "BASIC POLITICAL VALUES." National Association of Scientists 1, no. 71 (October 10, 2021): 49–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/nas.2413-5291.2021.1.71.468.

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In the article, from the point of view of the theory of values, the main categories of political philosophy are considered: politics, management, power. The tribal community was governed by rituals and taboos. In civil society, it is necessary to develop an order of relations between strangers, and for this it is necessary to adopt some rules of behavior that become laws and develop into legal codes, sets of legal norms. Two circumstances are of fundamental importance in the functioning of social roles: due to the fact that the social role is a secondary and transformed form of personality, it represents, replaces one, several or many personalities. The phenomenon of representation is dialectically accompanied by its reverse side – the personification of a social role. The performer of a particular social role, occupying a position, being nominated for a particular post, being endowed with a certain rank, rank or degree and title, not only freely, but also out of necessity identifies himself and his social position.

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Marot, John. "Lenin, Bolshevism, and Social-Democratic Political Theory." Historical Materialism 22, no. 3-4 (December 2, 2014): 129–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341370.

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Lars Lih has contributed to our knowledge of Russian Social Democracy lately. However, serious methodological flaws bedevil this advance in knowledge. Lih’s overall approach displays a very static understanding of political ideas in relation to political movements. In the first section, ‘Lenin, the St Petersburg Bolshevik Leadership, and the 1905 Soviet’, I challenge Lih’s position that Lenin never changed his mind about bringing socialist consciousness into the working class ‘from without’. In the second section, ‘Lenin, “Old Bolshevism” and Permanent Revolution: The Soviets in 1917’, I challenge Lih’s revisionist view that Old Bolshevism’s pre-1917 goal of ‘democratic revolution to the end’ drove Lenin’s partisans to make a working-class, socialist revolution in 1917. On this singular account, Lenin’s April Theses, which called for the overthrow of the Provisional Government and the transfer of all power to the soviets, was merely a further expression of Old Bolshevik politics, not a break with it, as has almost universally been held.

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Glatzer, Wolfgang, Geraldine Hallein-Benze, and Sara Weckemann. "Social Cohesion in Germany." Tocqueville Review 31, no. 1 (January 2010): 41–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.31.1.41.

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It is a political insight that every society has a structural need for social cohesion (Council of Europe 2005, p. 15). But social cohesion is a complex, multidimensional and transnational concepts which is difficult to define. The literature dedicated to this topic presents a number of different approaches. According to the international view of the OECD, social cohesion is defined as “the capacity of a society to ensure well-begin for all its members, minimising disparities, and accentuating the importance of social actora joint responsibility for its attainment” (Conseil de l’Eutope 2008: 11). In views like these, social cohesion is conceived as one of the ultimate goals of society.

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Estlund, David. "Political Quality." Social Philosophy and Policy 17, no. 1 (2000): 127–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002569.

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Political equality is in tension with political quality, and quality has recently been neglected. My thesis is that proper attention to the quality of democratic procedures and their outcomes requires that we accept substantive inequalities of political input in the interest of increasing input overall. Mainly, I hope to refute political egalitarianism, the view that justice or legitimacy requires substantive political equality, specifically equal availability of power or influence over collective choices that have legal force. I hope to show that political egalitarianism exaggerates individual rights in the conduct of political procedures, and neglects the substantive justice of the decisions made through those procedures. Some unequal distributions of influence may better promote just decisions, and without reliance on any invidious comparisons such as the relative wisdom of the wealthy or the educated.

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DeHart, Paul R. "Whose Social Contract?" Catholic Social Science Review 26 (2021): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr20212617.

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Many scholars view political contractarianism as a distinctly modern account of the foundations of political order. Ideas such as popular sovereignty, the right of revolution, the necessity of the consent of the governed for rightful political authority, natural equality, and a pre-civil state of nature embody the modern rupture with classical political philosophy and traditional Christian theology. At the headwaters of this modern revolution stands Thomas Hobbes. Since the American founders subscribed to the social contract theory, they are often said to reject classical political philosophy and traditional Christian political theology as well. In America on Trial, Robert Reilly rejects the usual argument. He maintains that the building blocks of the American founding originate in medieval Christian political theology. In this essay, I argue that a morally and metaphysically realist contractarian tradition—one that affirms natural equality, the authority of the society over government, the necessity of consent for legitimate government, the right to resist tyrannical rulers, and the idea of a pre-civil state of nature—predates Hobbes and also that the voluntarist contractarian tradition inaugurated by Hobbes is self-referentially incoherent. A coherent political contractarianism logicially depends on the sort of metaphysics and moral ontology Hobbes rejects.

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Bibi, Naseeba. "https://habibiaislamicus.com/index.php/hirj/article/view/234." Habibia Islamicus 6, no. 2 (June 12, 2022): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.47720/hi.2022.0602e03.

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This study deals with the politics of Pakistan People’s Party governance during the time period (2008-2013). The PPP considered the mainstream political party and democratic force of whole Pakistan. The study has discussed politics of development and institutionalization. It has also explored the political development, political stability, political participation and their relationship with each other’s. The study has seen governance and political system impact on economy, social and political development of the country during the period of 2008 to 2013. It also examined how this government was successful and it fulfilled its whole duration of five years. On the other hand the past parliamentary governments were inadequate to outright their five years constitutional tenure. The Political history of Pakistan shows the worry to institutionalize the political structure for democratic strength. Centralized state system with dominant inclinations, competing political parties for authority and power and civil- military relationships have always endangered to hinder the reason of political strength. In this domain, democratic disbursement to the selected representatives in 2008.The paper highlights the role of Pakistan People’s Party during 2008-2013.

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Shodmonqulova, Muborak. "Socio-Philosophical And Political Interpretations Of Liberalism." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 03, no. 04 (April 29, 2021): 221–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume03issue04-33.

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This article examines the features of the validity of the ideas of liberalism in the socio-political life of society, its manifestations, its achievements and some critical views on this doctrine. So far, the lack of special philosophical monographs devoted to the teachings of liberalism indicates the importance of research in this direction. Having studied the socio-philosophical aspects of this ideology, the author considers it appropriate to comprehensively study the features of the validity of liberal ideas.The article considers the priority of this problem in modern society from the point of view of the manifestation of the conceptual foundations of liberal-democratic ideas.On the basis of the reform of society and the formation of a socially oriented market economy, a deeper analysis of the socio-political strategic goals and objectives of the idea of liberalism, tested in the world experience, the sustainable development of the country, the implementation of fundamental and urgent tasks aimed at achieving the well-being of the population is necessary. The article analyzes the philosophical and political interpretation of liberalism. From a practical point of view, the methodological relations of the explanation and acceptance of modern forms of liberalism in relation to the classical content are based on the ideas of the classics about the modern analysis of liberalism. The positive role of classical liberalism, the struggle against absolutism on the basis of political instruments were considered as scientifically and philosophically grounded teachings and progressive humanistic transformations of public consciousness. The "classical" and "neoliberal" currents of liberalism are also analyzed. The essence of the philosophy of liberalism is explained.

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Gould, James B. "Living in Nowheresville: David Hume’s Equal Power Requirement, Political Entitlements and People with Intellectual Disabilities." Journal of Philosophy of Disability 1 (2021): 145–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jpd202110277.

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Political theory contains two views of social care for people with intellectual disabilities. The favor view treats disability services as an undeserved gratuity, while the entitlement view sees them as a deserved right. This paper argues that David Hume is one philosophical source of the favor view; he bases political membership on a threshold level of mental capacity and shuts out anyone who falls below. Hume’s account, which excludes people with intellectual disabilities from justice owing to their lack of power, but includes them in charity, is morally deficient. The shortcomings of Hume’s theory underscore the necessity of having a view of justice which ensures that people with intellectual disabilities are not marginalized. In defending the entitlement view, I integrate philosophical analysis and concrete examples of policy issues.

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Alì, Nunzio. "ENLARGING POLITICAL IMAGINATION: IDEAL TYPES OF SOCIAL SYSTEMS AND A PLURALISTIC DISTRIBUTIVE APPROACH." Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 117 (September 2022): 169–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0102-169204/117.

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Abstract The background position of this paper is that an excessive economic inequality between the most and the least advantaged citizens in a liberal democracy has a relevant effect on exposing the latter to the risk of material domination. In this respect, this paper argues that even the most sophisticated and ambitious version of the so-called “insulation strategy” recently proposed by Julia Cagé is an insufficient remedy for the influence of money on politics. Moreover, it sustains that we have strong reasons to maintain a noncommittal view about the choice of ideal types of social systems. Being committed in principle to only one specific ideal social system restricts our political imagination and democratic autonomy of political societies. By contrast, this paper suggests coupling the noncommittal view with a “pluralistic distributive approach”, the main purpose of which is to focus on a set of distributive proposals concerning the most crucial areas of socioeconomic structures in liberal democracies.

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Orlovsky, Daniel. "The Provisional Government: A Centennial View." Russian History 45, no. 2-3 (August 31, 2018): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04502003.

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D. Orlovsky aims to establish the unique qualities of 1917 and the importance of the Provisional Government project. He reviews briefly the treatment of the power question and the PG in the fiftieth and eightieth anniversaries in the West. He proposes a three pronged approach for study of the PG- 1.) as an administrative/bureaucratic operational governing entity; 2.) as a political clearing house for the principal actors and leaders of the major political parties and the programs of those parties and finally, 3.) as a social entity, home of the social movement of lower middle strata occupational, proto-professional and professional groups. Finally, he argues that we take seriously both the “failed” institutions, the Democratic Conference and the Council of the Republic and the alternative of an all socialist government proposed by Martov and other Mensheviks in the endgame of the Revolution during September and October of 1917.

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