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Journal articles on the topic 'Political anthropology – Zimbabwe'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Perman, Tony. "Muchongoyo and Mugabeism in Zimbabwe." African Studies Review 60, no. 1 (March 6, 2017): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.4.

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Abstract:This article explores the influence of nationalism and modernity in contemporary Zimbabwe and on the musical lives of Zimbabweans through an examination ofmuchongoyo, the signature dance–drumming tradition of Zimbabwe’s Ndau communities. Invoking the concept of “Mugabeism,” it illustrates how Shona nationalism and expectations of modernity have partially reshapedmuchongoyoin the turmoil of contemporary Zimbabwe. As indigenous practices serve political ends, their values shift. Consequently, there are now twomuchongoyos: one rooted in the unique history and values of Zimbabwe’s Ndau community, the other emerging from decades of political employment of indigenous music for the sake of nationalist discourse.

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2

Black, David, and Hevina S. Dashwood. "Zimbabwe: The Political Economy of Transformation." African Studies Review 44, no. 3 (December 2001): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525648.

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3

Ravengai, Samuel. "Political theatre, national identity and political control: the case of Zimbabwe." African Identities 8, no. 2 (May 2010): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725841003629716.

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4

Ndlovu, Duduzile S. "Imagining Zimbabwe as home: ethnicity, violence and migration." African Studies Review 63, no. 3 (September 2020): 616–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2019.65.

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Abstract:Migration debates tend to focus on the numbers of people moving, whether they are economic migrants or asylum seekers, deserving or not of protection. This categorization usually rests on national identity, necessitating simplified one-dimensional representations. Ndlovu uses a case study of Zimbabwean migrants memorializing Gukurahundi in Johannesburg to highlight the ways in which migration narratives can be more complex and how they may shift over time. She presents Gukurahundi and the formation of the MDC in Zimbabwe, along with xenophobic violence in South Africa, as examples of the ways that the meanings of national and ethnic identities are contested by the migrants and influenced by political events across time and space.

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5

Moore, David, and Hevina S. Dashwood. "Zimbabwe: The Political Economy of Transformation." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 36, no. 2 (2002): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4107212.

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6

Maringira, Godfrey. "Politics, Privileges, and Loyalty in the Zimbabwe National Army." African Studies Review 60, no. 2 (May 22, 2017): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.1.

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Abstract:In postcolonial Africa, the military has become an actor in politics, often in ways that can be described as unprofessional. This paper focuses on the manner in which the Zimbabwean National Army (ZNA) has become heavily politicized since independence, directly supporting the regime of President Robert Mugabe while denigrating the opposition political party. The military metamorphosed, to all intents, into an extension of President Mugabe’s political party, the ZANU-PF. I argue that even though the military is expected to subordinate itself to a civilian government, the ZNA is highly unprofessional, in- and outside the army barracks. The ways in which politics came to be mediated by army generals, as “war veterans” serving in the military, directly influenced not only how soldiers who joined the army in postindependence Zimbabwe were promoted and demoted, but how they lived their lives as soldiers in the army barracks. This article is based on fifty-eight life histories of army deserters living in exile in South Africa.

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7

Lindgren, Björn. "The green bombers of Salisbury: Elections and political violence in Zimbabwe." Anthropology Today 19, no. 2 (April 2003): 6–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8322.00175.

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8

Mawere, Munyaradzi. "A Critical Review of Environmental Conservation in Zimbabwe." Africa Spectrum 48, no. 2 (August 2013): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971304800205.

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The discourse on “environmental conservation” is highly dynamic and has generated controversies of epic proportions in conservation sciences and environmental anthropology. Given the nebulous nature of conservation, coupled with the varying interpretations evoked by the deployment of the concept across different disciplines, a more robust understanding of the notion calls into question its practical manifestations and application in particular situated contexts – particularly within the conservation sciences and environmental anthropology. In Zimbabwe, conservation by the state has tended to favour and privilege Western scientific models at the expense of the “indigenous” conservation practices of local people, as informed by their indigenous epistemologies. This paper thus represents an attempt to rethink conservation in Zimbabwe, adopting the Norumedzo communal area in south-eastern Zimbabwe as its case study. The choice of Norumedzo is based on the fact that this is one area where the highly esteemed and delicious harurwa (edible stink bugs, Encosternum delegorguei) are found. As a result of these insects being valued as “actors” and the appreciation shown to both Western and indigenous epistemologies, conservation in the area has enjoyed considerable success. To this end, this paper lends support to the arguments of Walter Mignolo and Ramon Grosfoguel in their advocacy for critical border thinking in issues of knowledge regarding environmental conservation.

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9

Chimhowu, Admos, and Philip Woodhouse. "Forbidden But Not Suppressed: a ‘Vernacular’ Land Market in Svosve Communal Lands, Zimbabwe." Africa 80, no. 1 (February 2010): 14–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972009001247.

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This article examines the status of land tenure in Zimbabwe following the ‘Fast Track’ land reforms of 2000–3. It finds that post-reform land tenure remains strongly dualist, with land sales and rental prohibited on the land (about two thirds of the total) classified as ‘A1’ resettlement or ‘communal areas’, while tradeable leases apply to much of the remainder, classified as ‘commercial land’. The article draws on fieldwork in Svosve Communal Area and on previous studies on land transactions in Zimbabwe to argue that land sales and rental transactions are an enduring feature of land use in Zimbabwe's ‘communal areas’. Moreover, the article argues that, despite government prohibition, there is evidence that such transactions are being fuelled by increasing demand for land arising from the collapse in the non-farm economy in Zimbabwe. The article argues that while the logic of informal (or ‘vernacular’) land sales and rental is widely recognized by land users in communal and resettlement areas, government prohibition, in favour of asserting land allocation rights of customary authorities, is driven by considerations of political control of the rural vote.

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10

Derman, Bill, and Anne Ferguson. "Value of Water: Political Ecology and Water Reform in Southern Africa." Human Organization 62, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 277–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.62.3.4um4hl7m2mtjagc0.

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Our study draws attention to the multiple ways water is “valued” in international, national, and local discourses and how these different dialogues are used by actors to position themselves and their interests in Zimbabwe’s water reform process. It raises questions concerning the liberatory nature of Zimbabwe’s supposed populist political agenda in land and water reform. Water reform in Zimbabwe serves as a means of demonstrating the grounded, decentered, and engaged approach of political ecology. Focusing only on one pervasive discourse, such as neoliberal economic policy or the growing scarcity of water, and studying its effects on people and the environment, misses much of the complexity embodied in the reform. Our emphasis draws attention to the role of multiple actors, history, ambiguities, and contestations. We have found that the old systems for managing water are no longer functioning while the new systems are not in place. This means that the years of careful planning and implementation of water reform are now in jeopardy due to unforeseen events and processes.

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11

Southall, Roger. "Flight and fortitude: the decline of the middle class in Zimbabwe." Africa 90, no. 3 (May 2020): 529–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972020000078.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the impact of the policies of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government on Zimbabwe's black middle class. It does so by exploring three propositions emerging from the academic literature. The first is that during the early years of independence, the middle class transformed into a party-aligned bourgeoisie. The second is that, to the extent that the middle class has not left the country as a result of the economic plunge from the 1990s, it played a formative role in opposition to ZANU-PF and the political elite. The third is that, in the face of ZANU-PF's authoritarianism and economic hardship, the middle class has largely withdrawn from the political arena.

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12

Kinloch, Graham C. "Changing Racial Attitudes in Zimbabwe." Journal of Black Studies 34, no. 2 (November 2003): 250–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934703255972.

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13

Machoko, Collis Garikai. "Religion and Interconnection With Zimbabwe." Journal of Black Studies 44, no. 5 (June 19, 2013): 472–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934713492174.

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14

Asante, Kariamu Welsh. "The Jerusarema Dance of Zimbabwe." Journal of Black Studies 15, no. 4 (June 1985): 381–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193478501500403.

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15

Gwekwerere, Tavengwa, Davie E. Mutasa, and Kudakwashe Chitofiri. "Settlers, Rhodesians, and Supremacists: White Authors and the Fast Track Land Reform Program in Post-2000 Zimbabwe." Journal of Black Studies 49, no. 1 (November 3, 2017): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717739400.

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Texts written by some white Zimbabweans in the post-2000 dispensation are largely shaped by their authors’ endeavor to contest the loss of lands they held prior to the onset of the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP). Written as memoirs, these texts are bound by the tendency to fall back on colonial settler values, Rhodesian identities, and Hegelian supremacist ideas in their narration of aspects of a conflict in which tropes such as truth, justice, patriotism, and belonging were not only evoked but also reframed. This article explores manifestations of this tendency in Eric Harrison’s Jambanja (2006) and Jim Barker’s Paradise Plundered: The Story of a Zimbabwean Farm (2007). The discussion unfolds against the backdrop of the realization that much of the literary-critical scholarship on land reform in post-2000 Zimbabwe focuses on texts written by black Zimbabweans and does not attend to the panoply of ways in which some white-authored texts yearn for colonial structures of power and privilege. This article evinces that the reincarnation of colonial settler values, Rhodesian identities, and Hegelian supremacist ideas undermines the discourse of white entitlement more than it promotes it. Values and identities of the colonial yesteryear on which this discourse is premised are not only anachronistic in the 21st century; they also obey the self-other binary at the heart of the patriotic history pedestal that was instrumental in the Zimbabwean regime’s post-2000 populist deployment of the land grievance to reconstruct itself as the only and indispensable champion of African interests in Zimbabwe.

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16

Chitando, Ezra. "‘In the Beginning was the Land’: The Appropriation of Religious Themes in Political Discourses in Zimbabwe." Africa 75, no. 2 (May 2005): 220–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.2.220.

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AbstractAs the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe worsened between 2000 and 2003, the state embarked on an intense propaganda campaign. Facing an increasingly popular opposition, the state adopted a two-pronged strategy of marketing its programmes while subjecting the opposition to violence and negative publicity. Using various media, the propagandists sought to portray the ruling party (ZANU-PF) as a sacred movement fulfilling prophetic oracles that the black majority would reclaim the lost land. State functionaries systematically appropriated religious ideas, with concepts from Christianity and African traditional religions being used to buttress political statements. The controversial land reform programme was couched in religious terms and notions like sovereignty attained mythical proportions. This article examines the appropriation of religious themes in political propaganda in Zimbabwe. It analyses the communication environment in the country and how it facilitated the interface between religious and political discourses.

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17

Nicholas, Sheila M., and Jeffrey Herbst. "State Politics in Zimbabwe." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 26, no. 2 (1992): 358. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485887.

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18

Gwekwerere, Tavengwa. "Universal, Normative, and Indispensable: Exploring the Emphasis on Eurocentric Literary-Critical Perspectives in the Criticism of the Black Zimbabwean Novel." Journal of Black Studies 49, no. 8 (September 7, 2018): 801–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934718798256.

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Literary-critical discourse on the Black Zimbabwean novel constitutes one of several platforms on which the self-other dialectic in Zimbabwe finds expression. This is especially the case at the level of literary-critical theory where the tendency is to advance arguments that frame Afrocentric and Eurocentric literary-critical theories as mutually exclusive. In this article, I explore the scholarship of Flora Veit-Wild and Ranka Primorac on the Black Zimbabwean novel with a view to discoursing the ways in which it can be argued that in their discussion of the corpus, the two scholars are anchored in the Eurocentric framework. In pursuing this objective, I focus on the critics’ reliance on Eurocentric literary-critical theories and apparent discomfiture with Afrocentric benchmarks in their criticism of the Black Zimbabwean novel. Thus, I argue in this article that while the version of critical discourse discussed here speaks to the complex and contradictory ways in which cultures find places of translation and dialogic engagement where history is made, the overall impression created by Veit-Wild and Primorac in their criticism of the Black Zimbabwean novel is that Eurocentric perspectives are universal, normative, and indispensable.

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19

Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. "Rethinking Chimurenga and Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe: A Critique of Partisan National History." African Studies Review 55, no. 3 (December 2012): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600007186.

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Abstract:This article examines how the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) sought to inscribe a nationalist monologic history in Zimbabwe in order prop up its claim to be the progenitor and guardian of the postcolonial nation. Since its formation in 1963, it has worked tirelessly to claim to be the only authentic force with a sacred historic mission to deliver the colonized people from settler colonial rule. To achieve this objective, ZANU-PF has deployed the ideology of chimurenga in combination with the strategy of gukurahundi as well as a politics of memorialization to install a particular nationalist historical monologue of the nation. After attaining power in 1980, it proceeded to claim ownership of the birth of the nation. While the ideology of chimurenga situates the birth of the nation within a series of nationalist revolutions dating back to the primary resistance of the 1890s, the strategy of gukurahundi entails violent and physical elimination of enemies and opponents. But this hegemonic drive has always encountered an array of problems, including lack of internal unity in ZANU-PF itself, counternarratives deriving from political formations like the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU); labor movements; and critical voices from the Matebeleland region, which fell victim to gukurahundi strategy in the 1980s. With the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999, which soon deployed democracy and human rights discourse to critique the ideology of chimurenga and the strategy of gukurahundi, ZANU-PF hegemony became extremely shaky and it eventually agreed to share power with the MDC in February 2009.

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20

Murison, Sarah, J. D. Y. Peel, and T. O. Ranger. "Past and Present in Zimbabwe." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 20, no. 1 (1986): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484714.

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21

Chinyere, Petra C., and Joseph Rudigi Rukema. "The Government of National Unity as a Long Lasting Political and Economic Solution in Zimbabwe." Mankind Quarterly 61, no. 2 (2020): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.46469/mq.2020.61.2.2.

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22

BERNSTEN, JAN. "English and Shona in Zimbabwe." World Englishes 13, no. 3 (November 1994): 411–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-971x.1994.tb00326.x.

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23

Tom, Tom, and Clement Chipenda. "COVID-19, Lockdown and the Family in Zimbabwe." Journal of Comparative Family Studies 51, no. 3-4 (October 2020): 288–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcfs.51.3-4.005.

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24

Chitukutuku, Edmore. "Spiritual Temporalities of the Liberation War in Zimbabwe." Journal of War & Culture Studies 12, no. 4 (August 28, 2019): 320–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17526272.2019.1649905.

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25

Shepherd, Andrew, and Christine Sylvester. "Zimbabwe: The Terrain of Contradictory Development." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 28, no. 2 (1994): 373. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485770.

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26

Makuwerere Dube, Langton. "Race, Entitlement, and Belonging: A Discursive Analysis of the Political Economy of Land in Zimbabwe." Journal of Black Studies 52, no. 1 (August 20, 2020): 24–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934720946448.

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The access, control, and ownership of land and the means of production is an enduring frontier of conflict in post colonial settler states. Whilst racially tinged, colonialism created “structures of feeling” that sanctioned epistemic violence and created an economy of entitlement and belonging that sustained imperial designs. Zimbabwe’s independence meant the redistribution and proprietorship of land became a central leitmotif of cadastral politics. The article explores the interplay of the contested tropes of race, entitlement, and indigeneity as they informed the highly polarized land redistribution discourse. The discussion takes stock of the dominant narratives of post-colonial state predations, patronage, populism, and megalomania in contradistinction to the various ways in which whiteness and its prejudices and stereotypes nurtured some hubris of entitlement and belonging that retrogressively not only perpetuated colonial settler values and identities but also entrenched racial distance and indifference. The polarized contestations on land redistribution discourse coalesce around concepts such as restitution, indigeneity, nativity, patriotism, race, and class. Therefore while critiquing state excesses that have masked the honorable intentions of land redistribution, the article underscores the complex ways in which white Zimbabweans contributed to the enduring crisis by obdurately fixating their energies on colonial settler entitlements, values, and identities.

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27

Mhloyi, M. M. "Identity Formation: Problems and Prospects, The Case of Zimbabwe." Journal of Comparative Family Studies 29, no. 2 (August 1998): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcfs.29.2.243.

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28

Worrell, Frank C., Liza M. Conyers, Elias Mpofu, and Beverly J. Vandiver. "Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Scores in a Sample of Adolescents From Zimbabwe." Identity 6, no. 1 (January 2006): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s1532706xid0601_4.

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29

McGINLEY, KEVIN. "The future of English in Zimbabwe." World Englishes 6, no. 2 (July 1987): 159–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-971x.1987.tb00190.x.

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30

Showers, Kate B., and Rosaleen Duffy. "Killing for Conservation: Wildlife Policy in Zimbabwe." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 36, no. 3 (2002): 588. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4107345.

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31

Munslow, Barry, and T. O. Ranger. "Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War in Zimbabwe." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 23, no. 3 (1989): 490. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485207.

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32

Matowanyika, Joseph Zano Z., and R. Hosier. "Energy Planning and National Development in Zimbabwe." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 26, no. 1 (1992): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485407.

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33

Matowanyika, Joseph Zano Z. "Energy Planning and National Development in Zimbabwe." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 26, no. 1 (January 1992): 132–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1992.10804283.

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34

Fortun, Kim. ":The Spirit of Development: Protestant NGOs, Morality, and Economics in Zimbabwe." PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Review 28, no. 2 (November 2005): 316–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/pol.2005.28.2.316.

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35

Rutherford, Blair. "Organization and (De)mobilization of Farmworkers in Zimbabwe: Reflections on Trade Unions, NGOs and Political Parties." Journal of Agrarian Change 14, no. 2 (March 10, 2014): 214–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/joac.12065.

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36

Thebe, Vusilizwe. "Youth, agriculture and land reform in Zimbabwe: Experiences from a communal area and resettlement scheme in semi-arid Matabeleland, Zimbabwe." African Studies 77, no. 3 (May 3, 2018): 336–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2018.1466516.

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37

Henshaw, Peter J. "Zimbabwe and Canada: Historical Struggle Meets Historical Vacuum." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 41, no. 3 (January 2007): 507–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2007.10751367.

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38

Kinloch, Graham C. "Racial Attitudes in the Post-Colonial Situation. The Case of Zimbabwe." Journal of Black Studies 27, no. 6 (July 1997): 820–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479702700606.

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39

Bornstein, Erica. "The Verge of Good and Evil: Christian NGOs and Economic Development in Zimbabwe." PoLAR: Political html_ent glyph="@amp;" ascii=""/ Legal Anthropology Review 24, no. 1 (May 2001): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/pol.2001.24.1.59.

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40

Scoones, Ian, Blasio Mavedzenge, and Felix Murimbarimba. "Medium-scale commercial farms in Africa: the experience of the ‘native purchase areas’ in Zimbabwe." Africa 88, no. 3 (July 17, 2018): 597–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000244.

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AbstractAcross Africa there has been a growth in medium-sized farms, including in Zimbabwe following the land reform of 2000. What are the prospects of such farms driving new forms of agricultural commercialization? In this article we seek to learn lessons from the past by examining the experience of ‘native purchase areas’, which were established from the 1930s in Zimbabwe. Through a detailed historical study of Mushagashe small-scale commercial farming area in Masvingo Province, the article explores the changing fortunes of farms over time. Historical information is complemented by a survey of twenty-six randomly selected farms, examining patterns of production, asset ownership and accumulation. In-depth interviews explore life histories and changes in social arrangements that have influenced agrarian change. Four broad farm types are identified, including those that are commercialized, projectized, villagized, and held or abandoned. These categories are not static, however, and the article emphasizes non-linear patterns of change. Following Sara Berry, we show how pathways of commercialization are diverse and unpredictable, influenced by interlocking conjunctures of social dynamics, generational changes and political-economic conditions. Commercialization outcomes are dependent on the intersection of relational dynamics and more structural, political economy factors. Bursts of commercialization on these farms are contingent on access to employment by farm owners, labour (hired, squatters and offspring) and, perhaps above all, money to invest. The much-hyped policy vision of a new medium-scale commercial farm sector emerging in Africa therefore must be qualified, and divergent outcomes recognized.

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41

Bratton, Michael, and Marion E. Doro. "Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. A Bibliographic Guide to the Nationalist Period." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 19, no. 3 (1985): 651. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484528.

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42

Ivey, Jacob. "African Police and Soldiers in Colonial Zimbabwe, 1923–80." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 46, no. 2 (August 2012): 348–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2012.705610.

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43

Zhira, Maxwell. "Circular migration in Zimbabwe and contemporary sub-Saharan Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 46, no. 3 (December 2012): 487–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2012.741299.

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44

Rutherford, Blair. "Mugabe’s shadow: limning the penumbrae of post-coup Zimbabwe." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 52, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2018.1441037.

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45

McFerson, Hazel. "Developments in African Governance since the Cold War: Beyond Cassandra and Pollyanna." African Studies Review 53, no. 2 (September 2010): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0025.

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Abstract:Twenty years ago, most African countries seemed permanently mired in malgovernance and repression. The end of the Cold War triggered two contrasting developments: governance improvement associated with the end of superpower competition, and deterioration caused by the resurgence of suppressed ethnic conflicts. Based on a variety of evidence, three subperiods can be identified: fragile governance progress from 1989 to 1995; backsliding associated largely with civil conflict between 1996 and 2002; and resumption of progress in recent years. These broad trends mask major intercountry differences—with Ghana the best-known case of improvement and Zimbabwe the worst case of reversal. Overall, African governance is now somewhat better than it was two decades ago. However, the progress is fragile, and improvements in administrative and economic governance have lagged behind those on the political front. Consolidating democracy will thus require institutional capacity building through a combination of appropriate civil society efforts and constructive external pressure to strengthen accountability.

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46

Worby, Eric. "Inscribing the State at the "Edge of Beyond." Danger and Development in Northwestern Zimbabwe." PoLAR: Political html_ent glyph="@amp;" ascii=""/ Legal Anthropology Review 21, no. 2 (November 1998): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/pol.1998.21.2.55.

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47

Karekwaivanane, George H. "‘THROUGH THE NARROW DOOR’: NARRATIVES OF THE FIRST GENERATION OF AFRICAN LAWYERS IN ZIMBABWE." Africa 86, no. 1 (January 15, 2016): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972015000789.

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ABSTRACTGiven the important role played by lawyers in formal legal systems, the study of legal professionals can help us understand the efforts to maintain law and social order in Africa. This article examines the narratives of two Zimbabwean lawyers, Kennedy Sibanda and Honour Mkushi, about their experiences as legal professionals between 1970 and 1990, and makes three main arguments. Firstly, these narratives reveal the complex interplay between individual agency, politics and law across the two decades. Secondly, lawyers' participation in the social and political struggles of the period were informed by a set of personal and professional ethics that were grounded in concerns about the welfare of the wider communities to which they belonged. This highlights the need to avoid a default cynicism with regard to African elites and move instead towards a more nuanced understanding of the motives of such individuals and their contribution to the social, economic and political struggles of which they are a part. Lastly, these lawyers were cross-cultural brokers who were constantly involved in a two-way translation. On the one hand, they translated the concepts and stipulations of state law for their African clients; on the other, they translated their clients' grievances into the language of the law. This process of translation acted as a catalyst in the reshaping of African subjectivities and their conceptions of their relationship with the state, and enabled Africans to assert themselves as rights-bearing citizens.

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Hodgkinson, Dan. "Nationalists with no nation: oral history, ZANU(PF) and the meanings of Rhodesian student activism in Zimbabwe." Africa 89, S1 (January 2019): S40—S64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000906.

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AbstractIn Zimbabwe after 2000, ZANU(PF) leaders’ past experiences of student activism in Rhodesia were celebrated by the state-owned media as personifications of anti-colonial, nationalist leadership in the struggle to liberate the country. This article examines the history behind this narrative by exploring the entangled realities of student activism in Rhodesia throughout the 1960s and 1970s and its role as a mechanism of elite formation in ZANU(PF). Building on the historiography of African student movements, I show how the persistence of nationalist anti-colonial organizing and liberal traditions on campus made student activism in Rhodesia distinct from that in South Africa and independent African countries to its north. The article then examines how and why three former activists, who took up elite political careers in the party that they subsequently left, contested the ruling party's anti-colonial, ‘patriotic’ rendering of these experiences. These three men's stories invoked imagined and older forms of nationalism or institutional ethic that had been abandoned by the party as it turned to more authoritarian rule. Stories of Rhodesian student activism thus provided space for justifying alternative political possibilities of nationalism, which implicitly critiqued the ruling party's ‘patriotic’ narrative, as well as for nostalgic anecdotes of life on campus, their journeys into adulthood, and the excitement of being part of a dynamic, transformational political project.

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Ndumeya, Noel. "“Limiting the Domination”: Anti-colonial African Protests in South Eastern Zimbabwe, 1929-1940s." Journal of Black Studies 50, no. 2 (December 29, 2018): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934718818987.

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Focusing on colonialism and resistance, this article examines patterns of natural resource ownership and the struggles of African residents of the then Melsetter district (hereafter, south eastern Zimbabwe), from the outbreak of the Great Depression in 1929 to the mid-1940s. It explores the roots and nature of African grievances against British colonial rule and outlines duties imposed on traditional authorities, particularly headmen, and their objections to the taxation policy and the subsequent contestations over remuneration for their administrative responsibilities. It further discusses Africans’ concerns over gun and education policies, hunting laws, and the impact of the discriminatory labor policies which government of the day conceived while prioritizing the welfare of the White community. While exploring these issues, the article also discusses the various ways through which Africans engaged colonial segregation and assesses the extent to which they succeeded, individually and collectively, in carving a niche within a repressive colonial environment.

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Tivenga, Doreen Rumbidzai, and Irikidzayi Manase. "Language Syncretism and the Expression of Youth Identities in Zimbabwe Urban Grooves Music." Journal of Black Studies 50, no. 5 (June 9, 2019): 484–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719848979.

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