Academic literature on the topic 'Political apathy'

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Journal articles on the topic "Political apathy"

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Pattie, C., and R. J. Johnston. "Political Apathy or Political Sophistication?" Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 31, no. 12 (December 1999): 2091–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a312091.

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Gans, Herbert L. "Political Participation and Apathy." Phylon (1960-) 49, no. 3/4 (2001): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3132633.

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Connelly, James. "Politicisation and Political Participation: Beyond Apathy." Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.5.1.7.

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Berry, Jeffrey M., and Tom DeLuca. "The Two Faces of Political Apathy." Political Science Quarterly 111, no. 3 (1996): 546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151988.

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Chen, Jie, and Yang Zhong. "Mass political interest (or apathy) in urban China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 32, no. 3 (September 1, 1999): 281–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00013-6.

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Based on our reassessment of existing studies on political interest and apathy in various societies, we argue the urgent need for a more systematic and focused examination of mass political interest—as psychological involvement in politics—in China. Utilizing data collected from a public opinion survey conducted in Beijing, China in late 1995, we intend to shed some light on the level and sources of political interest in contemporary China. Contrary to the prevalent argument that most Chinese are politically apathetic, we have found that there was a rather high level of political interest within our sample. We have also found that both conventional variables (i.e. age, gender, education, income, political efficacy, and dissatisfaction with government performance) and variables unique to the Chinese setting (i.e. being a farmer, becoming a private entrepreneur, joining the Chinese Communist Party and holding leading position in the party/government) have significant effects on the levels of political interest.
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Wohnig, Alexander. "Explaining Political Apathy in German Civic Education Textbooks." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 10, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 20–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2018.100202.

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Since the 1990s, political apathy among young people has been a recurrent issue in political science. This article examines, on the basis of a survey of the current debate about political apathy in Germany and an analysis of civic education textbooks for the lower secondary level in Baden-Württemberg, how contemporary German textbooks reflect young people’s interest in politics. This article will show that, while political apathy in textbooks can be explained as the result of either an individual deficit on the part of the reader or a structuralist deficit of the political system, the latter explanation is more likely to encourage critical political thinking among young people in Germany.
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Salcedo Díaz, Laura, and José Rafael García González. "POLITICAL APATHY IN COLOMBIA: A SYSTEMIC ANALYSIS." Económicas CUC 36, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17981/econcuc.36.2.2015.4.

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QUAIFE, G. R. "The Diggers: Democratic Sentiment and Political Apathy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 13, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 221–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1967.tb00803.x.

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Ademi, Gjylten. "POLITICAL APATHY - NON-USE OF THE RIGHT TO VOTE IN POLLOG REGION." Knowledge International Journal 26, no. 6 (March 18, 2019): 1819–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij26061819a.

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If there is one area in which the theory of democracy has strong evidence and numerous of them, it is the field of electoral behavior. This and the field of public opinion, as electoral participation components and part of the democratic theory, in general these are that leads us to an overview of political apathy, depoliticization, indifference, decommissioning the right to vote, political apathy, etc.. On the other hand we witness that recently such phenomenon (read: political apathy) is present not only in our country but also in other countries that have high democratic tradition. While taking into the consideration the fact that these phenomena have not been studied enough in our society, I believe that this work will contribute a little in the area of political apathy study as well as for politology. The purpose of this paper is to give an overview of the more sober and objective in relation not only to the degradation of political apathy as a social phenomenon but also analyzing it with a planning tool like cause-effect in order to protect participation. The greater participation in elections is, the greater it demonstrates the level of political culture of the people, however through this also proves an effective and functional democracy. This subject is complex as well as interesting, at any time and space, creates opportunity for debate and analysis.
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DEGOLYER, MICHAEL E., and JANET LEE SCOTT. "The Myth of Political Apathy in Hong Kong." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 547, no. 1 (September 1996): 68–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716296547001006.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political apathy"

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Thompson, Emma. "Exploring political non-participation : conceptualising, distinguishing and explaining political apathy." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2015. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/378641/.

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Natanel, Katherine Louise. "Active (dis)engagement : the gendered production of political apathy in Israel." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/18067/.

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Ma la'asot? 'What can we do?' Spoken with a sigh and a shrug of the shoulders, this sentiment often brings to a close the tense pause which follows discussions of ha sichsuch, 'the quarrel', in Israel- Palestine. As expressed by Leftist Jewish Israelis, the phrase ma la'asot becomes a way of conveying political emotions of despair, helplessness and disappointment at the same time as it presents a practical question of power. Faced with the seeming intractability of conflict, the interminability of a stalled peace process and increasing social and political conservatism, those Jewish Israelis opposed to Israel's occupation of the Palestinian Territories find themselves at loose ends: what to do indeed? While an extensive body of research critically engages with 'the Israeli-Palestinian conflict' through lenses including history, political economy and activism, this thesis shifts focus to the production of stasis. In considering how things stay the same, we might better understand the roots and routes of how they may become different. Drawing upon one year of ethnographic research with Jewish Israelis living in Tel Aviv and West Jerusalem, this thesis explores the processes, practices and beliefs which sustain normalcy in conditions of conflict. Central to this investigation is gender - as an aspect of subjectivity, relation of power and ordering principle of state and society, gender is integral to the conduct of everyday life and the maintenance of political realities. Thus, this thesis asks what a gender analysis of Jewish Israeli society might tell us about the trajectory of 'Israel-Palestine', what the textures of normalcy, apathy and stasis mean for our visions of the future. Moving through degrees of division and entanglement, modes of avoidance and activism, sites of investment and withdrawal, and instantiations of normalcy and rupture, this thesis foregrounds the gendered subjectivities and sociality central to the production and maintenance of power in Israel-Palestine. By attempting to unpick to relationship between gender and political stasis, this thesis ulti
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Fox, Stuart. "Apathy, alienation and young people : the political engagement of British millennials." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2015. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/30532/.

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Conventional wisdom holds that today’s young people, often known as ‘the Millennials’, are a politically alienated generation. Their hostility towards political parties, association with protest movements, and low electoral turnout are all said to indicate their alienation from the processes and institutions of Western democracy. This conventional wisdom stands, however, on shaky ground. Previous research has given too little attention to the definition and measurement of political alienation, and has barely explored its causal relationship with political participation. The use of methods capable of exploring the generational distinctiveness of the Millennials has been limited, as have efforts to outline why the Millennials should be conceptualised as a distinct political generation in the first place, and what is gained from doing so. Focussing on the case of Britain, this study explores the extent to which the Millennials are a distinct political generation in terms of political participation, political apathy, and political alienation, and considers how their conceptualisation as a distinct generation improves our understanding of their political characteristics. Furthermore, it tests the theory that their alienation from, rather than their apathy towards, formal politics can explain their distinct political behaviour. Through critiquing and developing conceptualisations of the Millennials as a political generation, and of political apathy, alienation and participation, this thesis challenges the conventional wisdom. The Millennials are a distinct generation in terms of their political participation, apathy and alienation – but they are distinct for their lack of participation, their unusually high levels of apathy towards formal politics, and their unusually low levels ofalienation from it. The Millennials have the potential to be the most politically apathetic, and least politically alienated, generation to have entered the British electorate since World War Two. In addition, this research also shows that while generational differences are significant and often substantial, they make only a limited contribution to explaining variation in political apathy, alienation and participation. This research argues, therefore, that future studies into and policy responses to the political behaviour of young people must recognise their distinct levels of political apathy. At the same time, however, the focus on political generations should not be so intense as to obscure the role of more influential causes of differences in political participation.
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Allinson, Mark. "Faith, hope and apathy : politics and popular opinion in Thuringia, 1945-1968." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387506.

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Breakfast, Ntsikelelo Benjamin. "An investigation into political apathy amongst students : a case study of Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/925.

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The primary motivation for this research was to examine political apathy amongst students at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University. The secondary motivation was to question whether youth political apathy threatens the consolidation of democracy. More specifically, the purpose of the study was to critically analyze contemporary literature on the politics of young people in post apartheid South Africa, in order to identify its shortcomings and give an in-depth explanation for youth political apathy, and how it impacts democracy. The writer has employed a qualitative method. Four focus groups were arranged by the researcher at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University. All participants of the study were Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University (NMMU) undergraduate and postgraduate black students aged 21-35. The sample of this study included fifty participants. Thus the researcher has utilized a purposive sampling technique. Participants were encouraged by the researcher to have maximum participation in the focus group deliberations. The researcher also made use of elite interviews in the study. The findings of this study suggest that political apathy amongst students at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University does exist. Most of the participants in the focus groups indicated that young people in post-apartheid South Africa have no interest in politics.
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Tamura, Azumi. "The Politics of Disaster and Their Role in Imagining an Outside. Understanding the Rise of the Post-Fukushima Anti-Nuclear Movements." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/14384.

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Political disillusionment is widespread in contemporary Japanese society, despite people’s struggles in the recession. Our social relationships become entangled, and we can no longer clearly identify our interest in politics. The search for the outside of stagnant reality sometimes leads marginalised young people to a disastrous imaginary for social change, such as war and death. The imaginary of disaster was actualised in March 2011. The huge earthquake and tsunami caused the meltdown of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant, which triggered the largest wave of activism since the 1960s. Based on the author’s fieldwork on the post-Fukushima anti-nuclear movements in Tokyo, this thesis investigates how the disaster impacted people’s sense of agency and ethics, and ultimately explores the new political imaginary in postmodernity. The disaster revealed the interconnected nature of contemporary society. The thesis argues that their regret about their past indifference to politics motivated the protesters into social commitment without any totalising ideology or predetermined collective identity. They also found an ambiguity of the self, which is insufficient to know what should be done. Hence, they mobilise their bodies on to the streets, encountering others, and forcing themselves to feel and think. This is an ethical attitude, yet it simultaneously stems from the desire of each individual to make a difference to the self and society. The thesis concludes that the post-Fukushima anti-nuclear movements signify a new way of doing politics as endless experiments by collectively responding to an unexpected force from an outside in a creative way.
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Biroschak, Bart A. "Mobilization and Youth Political Engagement: An analysis of mobilization efforts utilizing political ads aimed at youth during the 2000 and 2004 fall presidential election campaigns." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1275654992.

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Zhou, Yining. "Disappointment as an effect of curiosity and political apathy: modernation of self-efficacy and mediation of media selection." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2015. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/172.

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The study adopts Uses and Gratifications (U&G) theory as the framework to test antecedents and consequences in using fanqiang (bypassing Internet censorship) as an alternative medium along with accessible Internet, TV, newspaper and radio as mainstream media in a Chinese context. By online between-group experimentation (N = 132 in the experimental group, N = 127 in the control group), the study shows that curiosity about forbidden political content and political apathy predict fanqiang and most accessible media use tendencies. Moderation effects exist between curiosity and self-efficacy in predicting fanqiang tendencies. Disappointment as an emotional effect is directly related to curiosity and political apathy, where the mediation effects of media use tendencies are not salient. Explicit Internet censorship increases curiosity about forbidden political content and decreases the dimension of lack of interest in political apathy. However, it does not change accessible media use tendencies and disappointment levels. Still, participants show fewer of fanqiang tendencies than with accessible media, except radio. The results highlight the cognitive roots of motivations and emotional constructs as a part of gratification in U&G research, that self-efficacy as a necessary requirement for curiosity to drive media use, and that information attributes can change motivations. We urge future scholars to build broader explications of political apathy when applied to different societies, to try diverse methods like experimentation in U&G research, and to adopt a sociopsychological approach when studying the influences and effectiveness of Internet censorship.
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Peter, Bongeka. "Post-2008 voter apathy among the youth in the Eastern Cape : a comparative study of urban and rural municipalities." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/630.

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This dissertation deals with the nature of the black middle-class assimilation in the South African suburban space, a space that was the sole preserve of the white middle-class during apartheid. It explores the relationship between these races as they come to meet in this space and what new identities are being formed. It also explores the relationship between both the black and white suburbanites and the urban poor who stay in an adjacent area to the suburb. The study uses the Beacon Bay area, which is constituted by one of East London’s most affluent suburbs and a poor township, Nompumelelo, to show how the emergent black middle-class has managed to enter this space in the post-apartheid era. Previous studies by Richard Ballard (2004) and Grant Saff (2001) have shown how the white middle-class has always been against any form of race or class mixing. Within the suburb, the new black suburbanites in Beacon Bay appear to have been welcomed but with conditions by their fellow white counterparts. The relationship between these two races does not stretch beyond meet and greets and it is only in the second generation black middle-class that you find better and non-superficial relations with fellow white suburbanites. In the older generation, the generation that experienced apartheid, the relationship between these two races has been that of tolerance and serious escape of contact unless when necessary. The children of both white and black families, though, have a far better relationship in school and in sport than their parents. This has created another area of contact for both these races and it bears potential for meaningful integration in the suburban space. Externally as it relates to relations between the black middle-class and the urban poor, the findings show that these new black suburbanites express a similar discomfort as the white suburbanites about the urban poor’s presence in the area. This shows that the evolution of the Beacon Bay suburb, with its deep-rooted discourse of white middle-class exclusivity, has not been entirely about hatred of the urban poor necessarily but about an identity ascription of what it means to live in a suburb. Despite these realities traditional ceremonies organised by the black middle-class in the suburbs and the church appear to be playing a role in creating relations between these suburbanites and the Nompumelelo residents. This is why we have decided to use the conceptualisation of the 18th century frontier zone as the borders of segregation within the suburb and between the suburban residents and those of the township can be crossed and re-crossed.
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Kear, Louise. "Growing political apathy in Australia : a study of the gap between the self-perception and the public perception of politicians and its meaning /." St. Lucia, Qld, 2004. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe.pdf.

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Books on the topic "Political apathy"

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Commission, Botswana Independent Electoral, ed. Voter apathy report. Gaborone, Botswana: Independent Electoral Commission, 2002.

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The two faces of political apathy. Philadelphia: Temple Unversity Press, 1995.

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Botswana), Democracy Research Project (University of. Voter apathy report: An abridged version. Gaborone, Botswana: Independent Electoral Commission, 2002.

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Engaging youth: Combatting the apathy of young Americans towards politics. New York: Century Foundation Press, 2003.

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Runaway debt, flat taxes & voter apathy: A troubling mix. Denver, Colo: Outskirts Press., 2009.

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Quigg, Don. Runaway debt, flat taxes & voter apathy: A troubling mix. Denver, Colo: Outskirts Press., 2009.

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Quigg, Don. Runaway debt, flat taxes & voter apathy: A troubling mix. Denver, Colo: Outskirts Press., 2009.

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Avoiding politics: How Americans produce apathy in everyday life. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

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Wiberg, Matti. Between apathy and revolution: Explications of the conditions for political legitimacy. Turku: Turun yliopisto, 1988.

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L' indifférence politique: La France de demain. Paris: Economica, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political apathy"

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Tildon, E. T. "Atoms, Arms, and Apathy." In Socio-Political Reflections and Civil Defense, 229–33. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-58862-4_37.

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Antadze, Nino. "The Emotional Regime of Apathy, Trump, and Climate Injustice." In Political Landscapes of Donald Trump, 311–21. Abingdon, Oxon : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429242670-21.

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Alexander, James. "Activity and Apathy: the Extremes of Politics in the Komi Republic." In Political Culture in Post-Communist Russia, 134–49. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230507913_6.

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McSweeney, Terence. "Political Apathy, the ex post facto Allegory and Waldo’s Trumpian Moment." In Through the Black Mirror, 83–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19458-1_7.

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Kaprāns, Mārtiņš. "Latvian Migrants in Great Britain: ‘The Great Departure’, Transnational Identity and Long Distance Belonging." In IMISCOE Research Series, 119–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12092-4_6.

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Abstract This chapter explores the transnational aspects of identity and the long distance belonging of Latvian migrants in Great Britain. In particular, it focuses on the discourses and practices of long distance belonging to Latvia. The article is based on a comparative analysis of The Emigrant Communities of Latvia survey data as well as semi-structured interviews with Latvian migrants in Great Britain. The analytical sections are organised so as to discuss the three main analytical contexts of long distance belonging: ethno-cultural, political and social. In the ethno-cultural context, migrants who identify themselves as ethnic Latvians rediscover and strengthen their links to the Latvian cultural space, its traditions and its ways of collective self-understanding. Conversely, the absence of this cultural capital among Russian-speaking migrants from Latvia advances their faster assimilation into British society. The political context of long distance belonging reveals high levels of distrust of the Latvian government and the migrants’ overall disappointment with Latvia’s political elite, as well as political apathy. Nevertheless, Latvian migrants in the United Kingdom are discovering new motivation and fresh opportunities to influence the political reality in Latvia and that has increased participation in Latvian national elections. The social context of long distance belonging, in turn, enables new forms of allegiance towards Latvia. These are manifested in philanthropic initiatives, in participation in various interest groups and in regular interest in what is happening in Latvia. The social context does not put the migrants’ activities into ethno-cultural or political frameworks, but encourages moral responsibility towards the people of Latvia.
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Lindsay, James M. "Apathy, Interest, and the Politics of American Foreign Policy." In The Uncertain Superpower, 41–55. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-11631-8_4.

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Vincent, Cindy S., and Adam Gismondi. "Fake News, Reality Apathy, and the Erosion of Trust and Authenticity in American Politics." In Democracy in the Disinformation Age, 79–98. New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003008828-7.

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Thesnaar, Christo. "Reconciliation, Justice, and (In)Tolerance Hijacked by Religious Apathy: Transforming Reconciliation 20 Years After the TRC in South Africa." In Lived Religion and the Politics of (In)Tolerance, 193–214. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-43406-3_9.

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Bates, Vincent C., Daniel J. Shevock, and Anita Prest. "Cultural Diversity, Ecodiversity, and Music Education." In The Politics of Diversity in Music Education, 163–74. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65617-1_12.

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AbstractDiversity discourses in music education tend toward anthropocentrism, focusing on human cultures, identities, and institutions. In this chapter, we broaden conceptualizations of diversity in music education to include relationships between music, education, and ecology: understood as interactions among organisms and the physical environment. Diversity in music education can be realized by attending to the ongoing interrelationships of local geography, ecology, and culture, all of which contribute dynamically to local music practices. We situate our analysis within specific Indigenous North American cultures (e.g., Western Apache, Nuu-chah-nulth, Stó:lō, and Syilx) and associated perspectives and philosophies to shed light on the multiple forms of reciprocity that undergird diversity. Indigenous knowledge, in combination with new materialism and political ecology discourses, can help us come back down to earth in ways of being and becoming that are ecologically sustainable, preserving the ecodiversity that exists and grows in place, forging egalitarian relationships and a sense of communal responsibility, fostering reverence for ancestors along with nonhuman lives and topographies, and cultivating musical practices that are one with our respective ecosystems.
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"CHAPTER 13. Political Apathy." In Italian Foreign Policy, 422–37. Princeton University Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400864225.422.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political apathy"

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Boothroyd, R. G. "Energy resources for transport: political apathy and neglect – an Australian experience." In ENERGY QUEST 2014. Southampton, UK: WIT Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/eq140611.

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Tsotniashvili, Zaza. "COVID-19 – Impact of Disinformation on Georgian Society." In COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctc.2021/ctc21.006.

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Disinformation and malign influence in Georgia, both internal and external, draws heavily on psychological drivers of human behavior to exploit and manipulate. Essentially, similar to the strategy the advertising world has adopted, disinformation’s strategy is to change perceptions and, ultimately, manipulate social behavior. Its goal is to shift attitudes, perceptions, values, and norms. Georgia’s current adversaries deploy their information operations to undermine the resilience of Georgia’s democratic institutions, its social cohesion and impede the formation of inclusive national identity. While there is broad consensus that disinformation and malign influence has devastating effects on democracy worldwide, it is more challenging to measure the direct impact that disinformation may have in discrediting political opponents or inducing voter apathy. Public opinion surveys provide some insight into whether or not key narratives spread through disinformation have taken root – which appears to be the case – but they are imprecise in measuring to what extent the disinformation efforts have indeed contributed to their prevalence and how.
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JAKIMOVSKI, Jorde. "CITIZENS PARTICIPATION IN ADDRESSING LOCAL PROBLEMS: A CASE STUDY OF REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.215.

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The paper discusses the level of satisfaction of the local government performance and certain forms of citizen’s participation in the improvement of the quality of life in the rural communities, such as creating new job positions, improvement of the infrastructure, creating better opportunities for the children, and decreasing of the poverty. Politicians often make big promises before elections while talking about democracy, rule of law and citizens well-being. After their election, however, they forget about the problems of their fellow citizens. Citizens then feel helpless, fall in apathy and hopelessness, and take a distance from politics and the vital questions for their rural community. The paper will show some data related to these issues gathered from a research conducted by the author in 2016 on a representative sample of 640 respondents on the territory of Republic of Macedonia. The research results show the current situation of the citizen’s satisfaction from the local government with respect to the solutions of water supply and sewerage, transport of citizens, opening of new jobs, building of social services facilities, opportunities for culture and recreational activities, and they ways in which the citizens influenced the local government. The results mostly reflect dissatisfaction with the work of the local government in addressing local problems, the underdeveloped mechanism of public participation, low level of human capital in rural local governments and other problems.
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