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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political Arena'
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Doherty, David. "Perceived motivations in the political arena." Connect to online resource, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3315779.
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Blouin, Chantal. "Experts in the political arena, telecommunications policy in the United States." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ59059.pdf.
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Freitas, Andréa Marcondes de. "Migração partidária na Câmara dos Deputados." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-11112009-151004/.
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Este trabalho procura analisar o fenômeno das trocas de legenda no Brasil, com um enfoque diferente do que tradicionalmente se aplica. Ao invés de buscar as ambições do migrante, procurei entender as trocas de legenda no agregado, buscando apreender como os atores coletivos, no caso os partidos políticos, utilizam as trocas de legenda para aumentar seu poder na arena parlamentar e na arena eleitoral. Não pretendo com isto afirmar que os parlamentares não busquem aumentar suas chances de sucesso quando trocam de partido, ao contrário, o que pretendo é mostrar que, se ocorre migração partidária, é porque os deputados percebem a importância dos partidos para seus objetivos. Mais do que isso, o que se pretende é mostrar que os partidos políticos não são vítimas de parlamentares ultra-individualistas, estes atuam no processo e estimulam a migração partidária na busca por aumentar seus recursos. E que aliciam parlamentares para aumentar seu acesso a cargos no legislativo e para aumentar seus votos em regiões onde não eram bem votados.In this work we present an analysis of the party switching phenomenon in Brazil. We try to understand how political parties use the switching party strategy to increase their resources in both parliamentary and electoral arenas. The focus of this work is to explain the role played by the switching parties strategy in the aggregated level without, however, losing sight of the costs and benefits of each switch for individual representatives. It is not my intention to affirm that the parliamentarians do not look to increase his chances of success when they move from one party to another; what I intend to show is that, if party migration occurs, it is because deputies realize the importance of the parties to his own objectives. More than that, which is claimed, is to show that the political parties are not victims of ultra-individualist parliamentarian, they act in the process and stimulate the switching party to increasing his resources.
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Romitti, Martin. "Political storms : punctuated equilibrium and the Missouri River policy arena, 1990-2000 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3013017.
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Krasniqi, Gezim. "Nationalist movement as an arena of political struggle : the case of Kosovo." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/25965.
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This thesis focuses on the Kosovo Albanian national movement between 1968 and 2008. Using a multi-layered approach, it analyses a) the factors that determined its political success, b) its continuous transformation and, above all, the internal dynamics of power competition, and c) the prevalence of the independence option in the early 1990s. A key feature of this research project is that it emphasises intra- Albanian struggles, elite competition and tensions over internal legitimacy and power to dominate and generate political identities. In other words, it depicts the way in which nationalism is contested within a national movement that seeks independence. As regards the political success of Kosovo Albanian nationalism, the thesis has demonstrated that although the latter has been fragmented, especially during the war, external intervention was essential in the removal of the Serbian/Yugoslav control and, later on, in achieving independence. It not only proved to be a determining factor in the achievement of Kosovo’s independence, but also played an essential role in sustaining a minimal consensus within the deeply fragmented nationalist movement. Regarding the issue of the internal dynamics of contention and power-struggles and ideological and political transformations of the nationalist movement, the findings suggest that the Kosovo Albanian nationalist movement has constantly been an arena of struggle for competing groups/organisations and political stances. Such power struggles in turn led to the bifurcation, trifurcation or even total fragmentation of the movement, with various groups and parties standing at opposite ends of the spectrum of political and nationalist demands. The thesis contends that the internal power struggle intensified in the aftermath of critical junctures that provided new opportunities (such as audiences) and constraints for the competing parties/groups. These ‘episodes of contention’ in turn resulted in the fundamental transformation and the restructuring of the power relations within the Kosovo Albanian nationalist arena and political field and, consequently, of the political demands and ideological orientation of the movement. The thesis adopts the institutionalist approach to explain the predominance of the independence option. While examining the role of political institutions in structuring political life and forging a new political identity, it argues that the project of an independent Kosovo is tightly linked to, and even stems from, the existence of Kosovo’s quasi-republican status in Yugoslavia. In other words, the existence of separate Kosovan cultural and political institutions during the period of autonomy was crucial in the process of the emergence of independence-oriented elites. Finally, as regards the contribution of this thesis to the wider scholarly work on nationalism, it reinforces the necessity of shifting the focus from the political success of nationalism to its sociological development and the properties of political and social interactions that define the emergence of factionalism and competing political stances. Most importantly, this thesis has shown that even in cases of apparent ethnic homogenisation and cemented inter-ethnic distance, internal dissent and strife is inevitable as groups and individuals strive for power and domination.
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Östin, Emma. "Desynchronized pathways of contentious politics : The interplay between digital socialmovements and political parties on the digital electoral arena." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-185003.
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This thesis explores the interplay between digital social movements and political parties on social media. The overarching aim of the thesis is to contribute to the understanding of how the digitalization of the electoral arena has transformed social movements, and how this affects the political parties' perceptions of them. The theoretical framework consists of three analytical lenses to conceptualize this interplay, these are George and Leidner’s (2019) categorization and classification of digital activism, Gunnar Sjöblom’s (1968) theory on partystrategies in a multiparty system, and Anne Kaun’s (2017) concept desynchronization. Acombination of methods is used, including network analysis and interviews, to explore this interplay. The results of the study indicate that there is a desynchronization in the practices of digital social movements and Swedish political parties.
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黃慧芳 and Wai-fong Wong. "Birth control policies in China and India since the 1950s: the political arena." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B4389379X.
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Östin, Emma. "Desynchronized pathways of contentious politics : The interplay between digital social movements and political parties on the digital electoral arena." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-185003.
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This thesis explores the interplay between digital social movements and political parties on social media. The overarching aim of the thesis is to contribute to the understanding of how the digitalization of the electoral arena has transformed social movements, and how this affects the political parties' perceptions of them. The theoretical framework consists of three analytical lenses to conceptualize this interplay, these are George and Leidner’s (2019) categorization and classification of digital activism, Gunnar Sjöblom’s (1968) theory on partystrategies in a multiparty system, and Anne Kaun’s (2017) concept desynchronization. Acombination of methods is used, including network analysis and interviews, to explore this interplay. The results of the study indicate that there is a desynchronization in the practices of digital social movements and Swedish political parties.
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Wong, Wai-fong. "Birth control policies in China and India since the 1950s : the political arena /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18737079.
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Edvall, Daniel, and Gustafsson Niccolo Gianella. "KOMMUNFULLMÄKTIGE, EN JÄMSTÄLLD POLITISK ARENA? -Om den deskriptiva och substantiella representationen i Örebro och Västerås Kommunfullmäktige." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-69742.
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The main purpose of this paper is to understand if an equal descriptive representation of women and men in Örebro and Västerås city councils results in equal participation in political debates. The papers purpose is also to study if women in Örebro and Västerås city councils engage in debates more frequently when questions concerning welfare are debated. According to some theories and previous research women in politics tend to participate less than men in debates on the political arena. Previous studies made in the 1980s suggests that women although in quite high numbers in city councils were relatively silent compared to men. Other theories suggests that women representation needs to reach a critical mass to have an impact on womens participation. There is also previous research that suggests that women in an higher degree than men participate in debates concerning welfare questions. Our aim is to apply this on our two cases, which are Örebro city council and Västerås city council. In order for us to do this we collected 3 time reports from previous meetings of each council and calculated the time the women and the men participated during the meetings to see if gender played a role in the participacion. For the second part of the study we observed two video recordings of council meetings, one from each council in order to determine if women according to the theories participated in greater numbers when welfare questions were discussed. Our result is that women and men according to our samples and variables generally participates in an equal degree during the council meetings. Small variations are to be found but in general the differences are insignificant in this paper. On the question if women participated in greater number than men when welfare questions were debated we can not agree with the theories because the men participated more in Örebro, and almost equally as much in Västerås when welfare questions were discussed.
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Larsson, Robert L. "Riskfylld arena: en strategisk säkerhetspolitisk analys av USA:s engagemang i Kaukasus." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2002. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-1456.
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När USA fördjupar sitt engagemang i Georgien, Armenien och Azerbajdzjan för det med sig såväl risker som möjligheter för den regionala säkerhetspolitiska situationen. Föreliggande uppsats tar sin utgångspunkt i Zbigniew Brzezinskis idé om att USA:s förehavanden i Eurasien är av ett geopolitisk slag. Med anledning därav är syftet med uppsatsen att göra en strategisk analys av USA:s engagemang i Kaukasus, med fokus på säkerhetspolitiska frågor relaterade till USA:s engagemang i regionen. Som kontrast till existerande forskning rörande den säkerhetspolitiska situationen i Kaukasus är detta en strategisk analys. Det innebär att det är en framåtblickande analys som, i detta fall, är baserad på den analysram för säkerhetspolitik som Köpenhamnsskolans politiska realism utvecklat. Analysen har kompletterats med inslag av Leon Festingers teori om kognitiv dissonans. Tillsammans gör det att möjliga, framtida, säkerhetspolitiska frågor kan analyseras. Därmed är det möjligt att diskutera och svara på frågan: vilka säkerhetspolitiska risker och konsekvenser hänger sammans med USA:s engagemang i Kaukasus? Studiens resultat är ett tjugotal identifierade säkerhetsrisker, vilka inte enbart är relaterade till traditionella och fysiska hot rörande militära frågor, politisk instabilitet eller konflikter över hydrokarbontillgångar. Förespråkande av demokrati och västliga värderingar kan dessutom generera nya risker. Ett ökat engagemang kan även leda till andra typer av risker vilka är beroende av hur regionala aktörer uppfattar USA:s engagemang. Genom denna kognitiva aspekt kan traditionella säkerhetsrisker bli kraftigare och farligare. Slutligen kan det konstateras att den verkliga faran uppkommer då perceptiva risker och hot föranleder aktörerna att"säkerhetisera"ordinära politiska frågor som demokrati och därigenom gör dem till fysiska säkerhetspolitiska risker.
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Nilsson, Peter. "Det offentliga samtalet : En argumentationsanalys av artikuleringen kring Kristianstad Arena." Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-2359.
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Essay in Political Science C by Peter Nilsson, spring 2008.
Det offentliga samtalet – en argumentationsanalys av artikuleringen kring Kristianstad Arena
Tutor: Stig Montin
The purpose of this essay is to examine the public deliberation of Kristianstad Arena in the local newspaper and clarify who the actors are and what kind of arguments they express. Further I intend to find the differences between the actors and the kind of arguments they use. To fulfill the purpose I’ve used three minor questions which are; a) which actors participate in the public deliberation about Kristianstad Arena, b) Which are the arguments emerge, c) Which clear differences in the arguments is there between the actors? To find my answers I’ve examined the local paper during a period of four months. The tool I’ve been using to analyze the arguments has its origin in Toulmin’s model from 1958. The conclusion of the essay is that the public deliberation involves seven different kind of actors, who express’s three different kind of arguments. The actors are private persons, politicians, politically un-attached thinkers, politically attached thinkers, local business world, sports associations and media. The three types of arguments are about, the decision, the arena and the debate. The private persons and the politicians resemble each other and mainly express arguments about the decision and partly about the arena. The politically attached and un-attached thinkers more or less exclusively express arguments about the decision. The local business has an equal share of decision- and arena arguments, while the media and the sport associations mainly express arguments about the debate and the arena.
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Wand, Itay. "States and societies in the digital arena : ICT, state capacity, and political change in Asia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43234.
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How does adoption of information communication technology (ICT) alter the balance of power between state and society in Asia? There is no question that these tools – the Internet, mobile phones, and social media – are transforming the political communications landscape across the region. Since political science views power as zero-sum, a central question is how its distribution is altered between digitally-strengthened states and digitally-empowered societal actors. On the one hand, societal actors are empowered through increased information access and dissemination, as well as decreased costs of mobilization and organization. At the same time, the state's digital capacity is greatly enhanced through increased information collection, monitoring, and control. This study hypothesizes that adoption of ICT in Asian states empowers societal actors over time enhancing non-electoral democratic processes subject to regime legitimacy and the digital state capacity governments build and apply. It first develops a theory for how ICT empowers both societal actors and states before testing this across Asian states through a quantitative analysis. The results suggest that Asian state policy determines whether and how ICT empowers societal actors and net political change. It then develops this policy concept through the lens of digital state capacity - how states control and manage digital information. Finally it conducts a qualitative analysis for China on the interaction of ICT adoption, regime legitimacy, and digital state capacity policy to determine net political change. The results demonstrate that while ICT adoption has strengthened the Chinese state through digital state capacity this has come at the loss of state control over a range of political issues. For these issues, the net result in China has been empowered-societal actors and enhanced transparency and accountability.
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Moore, Lorraine Elizabeth. "Regulating the Environment : The Political Ecology of Elephant Conservation form the Global Arena to Namibia." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.518327.
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Ascarrunz, Julio. "The national-departamental relation in Bolivia: a multilevel approach to the country’s new political arena." Politai, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91596.
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This article focuses on party competition in Bolivia from a multilevel approach with department (intermediate level) as the territorial unit of analysis from 2005 to 2015. The objective is to demonstrate the (in)congruence of an institutional level overlooked by the literature on multilevel studies, for which two indices of measurement are used: Summary Measure of Congruence (Gibson and Suarez-Cao 2010) in a one version and Dissimilarity Index (Johnston 1980) in two versions, nationally aggregated and departmentally disaggregated, with voting data from all competing parties (DISa) and only from those with double competition (DISb). The argument handled is that if an institutional level is important enough to be introduced to the electoral framework of a country, it should also be important enough for academic interest, especially in their relation with the rest of the system. From this, the study concluded that the importance of this institutional level depends on the degree of autonomy it has and the interest of the partisan actors and regional elites.El presente artículo aborda la competencia partidista en Bolivia desde un enfoque multinivel a partir del departamento (nivel intermedio) como unidad territorial de análisis de 2005 a 2015. El objetivo es dar cuenta de la (in)congruencia que presenta un nivel institucional soslayado por la literatura existente sobre los estudios multinivel. Con este propósito se utilizan dos herramientas de medición: la Medida de Congruencia (Gibson y Suárez-Cao 2010) en una sola versión y el Índice de Disimilitud (Johnston 1980) en dos versiones, agregada a nivel nacional y desagregada por departamentos, con la introducción de datos de todos los partidos (DISa) y de los partidos con doble competencia (DISb). El argumento que se maneja es que si un nivel institucional es lo suficientemente importante para ser introducido al ámbito electoral de un país, debería serlo también para el interés académico y más en su relación con el resto del sistema. A partir de esto, el estudio ha llegado a la conclusión de que la importancia de este nivel institucional depende del grado de autonomía que posea y del interés de los actores partidistas y las élites regionales.
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Lundell, Emelie. "An arena for effective opposition? : A systematic investigation into political opposition in the European Parliament." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432291.
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The European Union is suffering from a legitimacy crisis, which thus far has culminated with Great Britain’s decision to exit the union. According to the ‘opposition deficit thesis’, this is caused as there is no arena in which effective opposition can be voiced in the European Union, which forces EU citizens to organise their opposition outside the political system, and often against it. However, as no systemic analysis has been conducted on the opposition deficit in the EU’s democratic centre, no convincing conclusions has been made. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is to systemically test the opposition deficit thesis, and to add to the current lack of research on the topic. The centre for any democratic legitimacy is the political system’s elected representatives in parliament, in which any opposition deficit would strongly indicate a democratic deficit. Therefore, I ask: is the European Parliament an arena for effective opposition? To test the opposition deficit systematically and empirically, data from 20 plenary debates between the years 2005-2007 in the European Parliament were gathered. Through simple statistical analysis, we conclude that most statements are oppositional (55 percent) and that there is no oppositional deficit. While most opposition is effective and thus has real effect in the policy-making process, the definition and operationalisation provided within the opposition deficit thesis must be refuted due to theoretical inconsistencies. Furthermore, oppositional behaviour at party- and individual level was also investigated, showing that Eurosceptic party groups are more oppositional than mainstream party groups and through their opposition minimise the European Union’s democratic deficit when voiced within the system. Also, we find that there is no significant relationship between gender and political opposition, contrary to past assumptions. Therefore, it is concluded that there is no oppositional deficit in the European Parliament, and possibly no such deficit in the European Union. So, while the European Union it is suffering a legitimacy crisis which may be caused by a democracy deficit, it is not correlated to political opposition as described by the opposition deficit thesis.
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Montalvão, Arivaldo Telles. "Recrutamento de elites parlamentares em Sergipe : deputados da ARENA (1965-1979)." Universidade Federal de Sergipe, 2011. https://ri.ufs.br/handle/riufs/6306.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorThis dissertation is inserted into the thematic studies of political elites, research focusing on mechanisms of recruitment and selection of parliamentary elites in Sergipe, during the authoritarian regime, which encompass members of federal and State elected by Arena, during the four legislatures that occurred under the auspices of bipartisanship. To this end, we start from the analysis and understanding of the of Sergipe political space, i.e. the previous multi-party period of political bickering, which gave support to construction of the Arena, as for example, the Organization of political divisions in different parties and different forces that they had in Sergipe one policy. After understanding the political divisions that served as support for the formation of the Arena, we seek to understand what features social (social origin, school, profession and other titration) used by parliamentarians elected arenistas, which are distributed differently within the political field, in search of reconvert them in electoral-political assets.
A presente dissertação está inserida na temática sobre os estudos das elites políticas, tendo como foco de investigação os mecanismos do recrutamento e da seleção de elites parlamentares em Sergipe, durante o regime autoritário, que englobam os deputados federais e estaduais eleitos, pela Arena, durante as quatro legislaturas ocorridas sob a égide do bipartidarismo. Para tal, partimos da análise e compreensão do espaço político sergipano, ou seja, das disputas políticas do período multipartidário anterior, que deram sustentação a construção da Arena, como por exemplo, a organização das clivagens políticas nos diferentes partidos e as diferentes forças que os mesmos tinham na política sergipana. Após a compreensão das clivagens políticas que serviram de sustentação para a formação da Arena, procuramos apreender quais os recursos sociais (origem social, titulação escolar, profissão e outros) utilizados pelos parlamentares arenistas eleitos, que são distribuídos de forma diferenciada dentro do campo político, na busca de reconvertê-los em trunfos político-eleitorais.
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Weaver, Aaron Douglas Hankins Barry. "James M. Dunn and soul freedom a paradigm for Baptist political engagement in the public arena /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5213.
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Lager, Elin. "Symbolism, moralism och bojkotter : En teoriprövande fallstudie om Eurovision Song Contest som arena för internationell konflikt." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-128096.
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The use of cultural boycotts motivated by international conflicts between countries or regions has long been observed within sports. However, so far it has not been studied in other context of international competition like the Eurovision Song Contest. This essay aims to evaluate if we can understand political actions like boycotts or political symbolism through existing theories regarding political symbolism. This case study has chosen three withdrawals during the 21th century, which have been made due to conflict with another competing country. The withdrawals studied are Lebanon in 2005, Georgia in 2009 and Armenia in 2012. Through the use of political symbolism and boycotts as a political mean the three cases have been studied and classified. The result shows that current theories regarding political symbolism can be applied to understand two out of the three cases. The Lebanese withdrawal can be understood as a classic political boycott against Israel and the Georgian withdrawal as protest against Russia and therefor a case of political symbolism. The Armenian withdrawal has been characterized as a different kind of political symbolism than previously has been observed within the field of study. This essay has chosen to identify the case of Armenia as morally motivated political symbolism.
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Blomgren, Magnus. "Cross-Pressure and Political Representation in Europe : A comparative study of MEPs and the intra-party arena." Doctoral thesis, Umeå : Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Univ. [distributör], 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-110.
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Andersson, Jonna, and Filippa Heberlein. "Revisionsplikt & Skattefel i Sverige : Hur resonerar intressenter på den Sociopolitiska arenan?" Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för ekonomi, teknik och naturvetenskap, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-28904.
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Revisionsplikten för de minsta aktiebolagen i Sverige avskaffades 2010, främst för att minska dessa bolags kostnadsbörda. Detta skapade olika reaktioner hos bolagens externa intressenter, både positiva och negativa. Det sågs som positivt för företagandet i Sverige, men det uttryckes också oro för risken att fel i bokföring och deklarationer skulle öka när en revisor inte längre behövde granska dem. Dessa fel kan resultera i felaktigt redovisad skatt och ett ökat skattefel. I skattefel inkluderas alla fel som har en påverkan på den redovisade skatten, och de kan vara både avsiktliga och oavsiktliga. Skattefel påverkar många runt omkring företaget, bland annat de intressenter som verkar på den sociopolitiska arenan, så kallade Stakekeepers. De har inte någon direkt relation till företagets affärsverksamhet, men de har en indirekt betydelse för företaget genom sitt inflytande över opinion och lagstiftning. Dessa intressenters agerande och ställningstagande är idag ett underbeforskat område inom intressentteorin, och det är viktigt med denna teoretiska kunskap för att skapa förståelse för vad som sker på den sociopolitiska arenan. Då dessa intressenter har inflytande över lagstiftning måste lagstiftarna ta hänsyn till deras åsikter i sina betänkande kring nya lagändringar. Under 2015 ska regeringen göra en utvärdering av revisionspliktens avskaffande 2010, för att eventuellt genomföra en ytterligare höjning av gränsvärdena för revisionsplikt, och därmed göra revision frivillig för fler aktiebolag. Studiens syfte är att beskriva och förklara hur intressenter på den sociopolitiska arenan uppfattar skattefelets utveckling, om och på vilket sätt de relaterar denna utveckling till avskaffandet av revisionsplikten, samt vad som motiverar och påverkar deras ställningstagande vad gäller en eventuell framtida gränshöjning. För att uppfylla detta syfte har studien genomförts med en kvalitativ undersökning i form av intervjuer med fyra olika intressenter från den sociopolitiska arenan. Analysen av den empiriska datan, med stöd i den teoretiska referensramen, resulterade i tre slutsatser. Den första handlar om att de olika uppfattningarna kring skattefelets utveckling hos intressenterna på den sociopolitiska arenan har grund i deras respektive yrkeskunskaper. Den andra handlar om att de drivs och påverkas av sina respektive företrädarskap, främst om de är statligt eller privat företrädande. Den sista slutsatsen handlar om att de faktorer som påverkar hur intressenterna förhåller sig till en eventuell framtida gränshöjning är deras företrädarskap, ansvarstagande samt tillit till större företags redovisningMandatory auditing for the smallest limited companies in Sweden was abolished in 2010, mainly to reduce the cost burden for these small companies. This created different reactions among the companies' external stakeholders, both positive and negative. It was seen as positive for business in Sweden, but there was also concerns expressed about the risk of errors in the accounts and the declarations, and that they would increase when an auditor is no longer obligated to review them. These errors can result in improperly recognized tax and increased tax error. Tax error includes all errors that have an impact on the reported tax, and they can be both intentional and unintentional. Tax error affects many parties around the company, including the stakeholders operating in the social political arena, so called Stakekeepers. They do not have any direct relation to the company's business, but they have an indirect impact on the company through its influence on public opinion and legislation. These stakeholders' reactions and standingpoints is today a relatively unexplored area within the stakeholder theory, and this theoretical knowledge is important in order to create an understanding of what is happening on the social political arena. As these stakeholders have influence on legislation, the legislators must take their opinions into account in its reports on new legislative changes. During 2015, the government will undertake an assessment of the abolition of the mandatory auditing in 2010, to possibly conduct a further increase in the limits for mandatory auditing, and thus make the audit optional for more companies. The study aims to describe and explain how stakeholders in the social political arena perceive the tax error development, whether and how they relate this trend to the abolition of the mandatory auditing, and further what motivates and influences their position regarding a possible future limit raise. To meet this objective, the study was performed with a qualitative study in the form of interviews with four different stakeholders from the social political arena. The analysis of the empirical data, with the support of the theoretical framework, resulted in three conclusions. The first is about the different perceptions regarding the tax development among stakeholders in the social political arena, due to their professional skills. The second is that they are driven and influenced by their representation, particularly if they are representing the public or the private sector. The last conclusion is about the factors that affect how the stakeholders relate to a possible future limit raise. These factors are their representation, responsibility and their trust in larger companies accounting.
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Mustillo, Thomas J. Hartlyn Jonathan. "Entrants in the political arena new party trajectories during the third wave of democracy in Latin America /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1148.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 27, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Sobreira, Dmitri da Silva Bichara. "Para além do "sim, senhor": A aliança renovadora nacional (arena) e a ditadura militar na Paraíba (1964-1969)." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2016. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/8373.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This dissertation is the result of research carried out to obtain the title of Master by the Graduate Program in History at the Federal University of Paraíba (PPGH-UFPB). We studied the Aliança Renovadora Nacional (Arena), political party created by the military dictatorship established in Brazil in 1964. Through the Institutional Act #2 (AI-2) organizations created in 1945 was extinct and established a system with only two parties: Arena, supporter of the authoritarian regime, and the Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (MDB), opposition party. We aim verticalize the analysis of the Arena performance in Paraíba, focusing on its Regional Directory, in state politics and eventually at the municipal level. Our time frame are the years from 1964 to 1969 in them analyze the performance of the parties in the civil-military coup in Paraíba, the formation of the Arena party Regional Directorate in this state and in the municipalities of Serra Branca and Sousa, seeking to understand the distribution of local oligarchies in two-party system. We examine the electoral performance of the party in the elections held in 1966 and 1968, highlighting the elections of senator and mayor of Campina Grande city, which help us understand the relationship between different internal coalitions that composed it. Finally, we analyze the performance of ARENA in Paraiba elected representatives to state and federal positions, such as power brokers between civil society and the military commanders of the authoritarian regime. Through previously selected documentation, we seek to understand how the various oligarchies distributed in a multi-party system, which despite electoral rivals shared the same political culture, managed to compose a single party, and devise a list of ARENA with the dictatorship, deciphering the reasons for party image creation "Yes, sir."
Esta dissertação é fruto de pesquisa desenvolvida para a obtenção do título de Mestre junto ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da Universidade Federal da Paraíba (PPGH-UFPB). Nela estudamos a Aliança Renovadora Nacional (Arena), partido político criado pela ditadura militar instaurada no Brasil no ano de 1964. Através do Ato Institucional nº2 (AI-2) foram extintas as legendas criadas em 1945 e instaurado um sistema com apenas dois partidos: a Arena, apoiadora do regime autoritário, e o Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (MDB), partido de oposição. Temos como objetivo verticalizar a análise da atuação da Arena na Paraíba, focando no seu Diretório Regional, na política estadual e, eventualmente, no âmbito municipal. Nosso recorte temporal são os anos de 1964 até 1969, neles analisaremos a atuação dos partidos no golpe civil-militar na Paraíba, a formação do Diretório Regional arenista nesse estado e nos municípios de Serra Branca e Sousa, buscando entender a distribuição das oligarquias locais no sistema bipartidário. Examinaremos o desempenho eleitoral do partido nas eleições ocorridas em 1966 e 1968, destacando os pleitos de senador e prefeito da cidade de Campina Grande, os quais nos ajudam a entender a relação entre as diferentes coalizões internas que o compunham. Por fim, analisaremos a atuação dos arenistas paraibanos representantes eleitos para cargos estaduais e federais, como intermediários políticos entre a sociedade civil e os militares comandantes do regime autoritário. Através de documentação previamente selecionada, buscamos entender como as diversas oligarquias distribuídas em um sistema pluripartidário, que, apesar de rivais eleitorais, partilhavam a mesma cultura política, conseguiram compor um único partido, bem como conceber a relação dos arenistas paraibanos com a ditadura, decifrando as razões para a criação da imagem do partido do “sim, senhor”.
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Sabel, Johanna. "Child marriage, only for some - An argumentation analysis of the arguments regarding child marriage in the Swedish political arena." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23406.
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This thesis deals with a sensitive and very relevant topic, child marriage with focus on the girl. To be exact, I study arguments concerning child marriage put forward in Swedish public debate over the past decade, arguments made in public commissions, by the government, by political parties and occasionally by non-governmental organisations. I analyse these arguments by using argumentation analysis, highlighting pro and con arguments and their baring and relevance by establish normative statements and arguments supported by empirical evidence. On the results of the analysis theories by Martha Nussbaum and Moller Okin are applied in order to clarify some of the normative arguments. My conclusion of this thesis is that the normative arguments are more often used than empirical arguments. Leaving me to think that further research on this topic is needed.
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Widhianto, Agung. "Why people run for elective office? : Study of political motives among local elites in Kebumen." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-162522.
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Why do people run for elective office? Indeed, it is a central topic in political science that arguably is controversial to reveal, but always appealing since public authority remains in office. This study provides an explorative analysis to investigate local elites’ motives running for local parliament and village offices respectively in Kebumen, Indonesia. In examining individual’s motives, experiences and meanings of candidates are analysed using thematic analysis methods to capture emerging ideas of initial motives, enabling and constraining factors that affect the motives, and how both motives alter. The empirical findings of this study show that “people demand” and “community service” are both socially driven motives which act as a catalyst for the initial motives in candidacy process. In contrast, “monetary incentives” and “personal satisfaction” are both individually driven motives, which in turn replace the initial motives in response to high-cost political competition, that is so-called money politics. This study also captures the emergence of religious motive in the shifting process of the socially driven to the individually driven motives. Eventually, the study affirms that both motives, in combination, constitute a political motive as a desire of power to hold an elective office.
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Axelsson, Lovisa. "Yttrandefrihetens nya arena : En kvalitativ analys av Socialdemokraternas, Miljöpartiets, Moderaternas och Sverigedemokraternas syn på yttrandefrihet och sociala medier." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-449073.
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Sociala medier har skapat ett nytt forum för åsiktsutbyte vilket ger nya förutsättningar för utövandet av yttrandefriheten och för det demokratiska samtalet. Uppsatsen undersöker hur samtalet förs i Sveriges riksdag av Socialdemokraterna, Miljöpartiet, Moderaterna och Sverigedemokraterna kring yttrandefriheten på sociala medieplattformar. Partiernas argumentation och förhållningssätt kring sociala medier och yttrandefrihet undersöks samt de värderingar som är viktiga att försvara. Detta analyseras utifrån tre liberala argument genom en kvalitativ textanalys som analyserar riksdagsmaterial där partierna diskuterar yttrandefrihet och sociala medier. Materialet inkluderar motioner och interpellationsdebatter. Uppsatsen visar hur Socialdemokraterna och Miljöpartiet menar att spridning av desinformation är ett stort problem. Moderaterna fokuserar stor del av sin argumentation på individens rätt och självbestämmande. I liknande argument lyfter Sverigedemokraterna individens rätt att yttra sig. Alla partier har en restriktiv hållning till att begränsa yttrandefriheten och vill istället se förbyggande åtgärder, exempelvis att utbilda i källkritik och informationssökning. De fyra partiernas resonemang går på olika sätt att förstå utifrån de liberala tankesätt som applicerats.
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Andersson, Annika. "Kultur som en arena för identitetspolitik : En diskursanalys av internationella konflikter i Eurovision Song Contest." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-78576.
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The cultural event Eurovision Song Contest has shown signs to contain international conflicts where countries have not been able to keep them out of the competition, which has created a “spill over effect” on the event. This thesis has aimed to investigate why culture, in this case the Eurovision Song Contest, has become an arena for international identity politics, as the contest should be a depoliticised arena. The thesis has been studied as a case study and international conflicts have been investigated as the cases. The selected conflicts that are investigated in this thesis are the one´s between Russia and Ukraine, Armenia and Azerbaijan, as well as Israel, Lebanon and Palestine. The conservative LGBTQ-discussion has also been analysed as a fourth conflict. The study has been analysed from a discourse analysis and with the theoretical perspective of constructivism, which has been used as an explanatory theory. The selected empirical material mainly involve media reports related to the Eurovision Song Contest. The analysis shows that the countries demonstrated a lack of mutual understanding of each other's interests, which the theory constructivism claims are a requirement for cooperation. The conflicts have arisen and appeared in different ways, but all of them have also been about fragmented identity perceptions. This has partly been an explanation of why conflicts have arisen in a cultural context such as the Eurovision Song Contest. The explanation on the LGBTQ-discussion has also been about different perceptions of identity and interests but it has mainly been about a new norm, where love can exist between the same sexes and where identities do not need to be defined based on just men and women. According to constructivism, this new norm will need time to be accepted and until it will belong to social constructs. Eastern Europe and Western Europe differ in this fact where Eastern Europe has not come as far in the development with the LGBTQ-discussion.
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Guerrero, Rodriguez Rafael. "Understanding the policy process : actors, discourses and power relations in the political arena of tourism : a case study from Mexico." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2011. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/38814/.
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Tan, Lan Yu. "An examination of voice and spaces of appearance in artistic representations of migration experiences: Art practices in a political arena." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23881.
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Denmark has one of the toughest immigration laws in Europe and legislation has become even tighter. Amid this political climate, a gleam of hope in the form of a refugee and asylum-seeker community centre was established. This centre is called Trampoline House and works to provide refugees and asylum-seekers a place of refuge, hope and community. Inside this centre, we find an art gallery, Centre for Art on Migration Politics (CAMP) dedicated to exhibiting artworks discussing questions of displacement, migration, immigration and asylum. The gallery, in partnership with Trampoline House, hosts events, workshops and talks that encourage cultural exchange between artists, users of Trampoline House and others.Focusing on a particular exhibition, Decolonising Appearance, curated by Nicholas Mirzoeff, that deals with migration and decolonialism, this study attempts to unpack the art gallery’s communication approaches in order to identify strategies for transformative dialogue and social change. Issues of how political and artistic practices intersect are discussed within the framework of voice and appearance (Appadurai 2004, Couldry 2010 & Arendt 1958). By focusing on appearance and re-appearance, this paper examines how notions of voice and capacity may inform the gallery’s decolonial artistic practices.The study finds that while CAMP has ambitions to create dialogue through strategies of artistic interventions, art events and an art gallery guide programme where participants are recruited from Trampoline House, there is a disconnect between what it strives to be, and what it is. Although the vision of CAMP is to build bridges and create cultural exchanges these are only successful to varying degrees. In order to succeed in this vision, the approaches must be more inclusionary and embrace a wider segment of society.
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Bilius, Mindaugas. "ES tapimo didžiąja galybe prielaidos: ekonominių faktorių įtakos analizė." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20140620_105001-57996.
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Analizuojant ES tapsmą didžiąja galybe nustatyta, kad tarptautinės prekybos kontekste išryškinamos trys prekybos lyderės – ES, Kinija bei JAV. Maksimalus liberalios prekybos privalumų išnaudojimas veikia ekonominių rodiklių augimą bei sustiprina ES padėtį pasaulyje. Todėl darbo problema apibrėžiama probleminiu klausimu – ar ekonominis ES potencialas ir turima įtaka pasaulinėje prekybos sistemoje leidžia ES tapatinti su didžiąja galia?
Ginamieji teiginiai:
• Išorinių ekonominių santykių dėka ES galia pasaulinėje arenoje įtvirtinama nuolat didėjant jos įtakai tarptautinės prekybos sistemoje;
• ES, kitų didžiųjų galybių konstekste, dėl įtakos (ypač ekonominės) konkuruoja su Kinija bei JAV, kur pastebimas didėjantis Kinijos vaidmuo pasaulinėje arenoje.
Darbo objektas – ES ir didžioji galybė.
Darbo tikslas – išanalizuoti ES potencialą tapti didžiąja galybe pasaulinėje arenoje, remiantis ekonominiais ES galios indikatoriais.
Išanalizavus ir palyginus ES, JAV bei Kinijos prekybinius santykius ir bendradarbiavimą nustatyta, jog ES, JAV bei Kinija ne tik traktuojamos kaip didžiosios ekonominės galybės pasaulinėje arenoje, bet ir viena su kita tampriai susijusios prekybiniais ryšiais. Tokia padėtis dar labiau nulemia ES galios stiprėjimą, nes tiek JAV, tike Kinija siekia stiprinti prekybinius ryšius su ES valstybėmis narėmis.
Įvertinus ES padėtį pasaulinėje arenoje nustatyta, kad mokslininkų atlikti tyrimai atskleidžia įvairių pasaulio šalių poziciją galios atžvilgiu. Didžiausią... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The analysis of the EU becoming a great power revealed that three leaders such as EU, China and USA are highlighted in the international trade context. Maximum utilization of the advantages of a liberal trade affects and economic growth indicators strengthen the EU's position in the world. Therefore, significant issue defines the labor problem - whether the economic potential of the EU and held influence in the global trading system enables the EU to be synonymous with the most power? The main claims are discussed: • External economic relations through the EU’s power in the world market establish a permanent increase in the influence of the international trading system; • The EU and other major powers effects (especially economic) compete with China and the U.S., where China's growing role is observed in global arena. The object is the EU and the global power. The aim is to analyze the EU's potential to become a great power in the world arena, based on the economic power indicators. The analysis and comparison of the EU, the U.S. and China trade relations and cooperation stipulates that the EU, U.S. and China are not only considered as the major economic power in the global arena, but also with each other are closely related in trade relations. This situation is further determined by the strengthening of the EU's powers, as both the United States, China seeks to strengthen trade relations with the EU Member States. The evaluation of the EU's position in the global arena shows... [to full text]
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Lindqvist, Alexander. "A 'welfarist' political economy of skills? : A study of Sweden's vocational education and training system, as an arena för welfare policies, 1946-1991." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Ekonomisk historia, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-124288.
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This study takes its starting point in the problematic relationship between skills and welfare policies. It poses Sweden’s vocational education and training (VET) as a case which has seen the kind of tripartite efforts that might help us better understand the dynamics underlying a highly developed mixture of social citizenship and efficiency. To better approach this case the study also seeks to combine the theoretical insights provided by the Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) and Power Resources Theory (PRT) schools of thought, capitalizing on an ability to see “both sides of the coin” that such a combination may entail. But to avoid the presumptions that have formed around notions of stable “models” or “worlds”, the study also takes an inductive stance, forming a dialectic strategy that leans heavily on the work of historical institutionalism. Thus a general research question is posed: how can we explain the developments of Sweden's VET as an arena for welfare policies - during the period 1946-1991 - by combining an inductive approach with the insights gained from the theoretical frameworks represented by PRT and VoC? The study proceeds by tracing developments in Sweden’s VET during two sub-periods, taking into account both ideological and business-interest concerns. The aim is first to establish an account of “how” the institutions changed over time. The subsequent analysis brings back the theoretical framework to provide explanations. The study arrives at a number of conclusions: it first of all finds that Sweden’s school-based VET of 1971 itself rested on a firm “cross-class settlement”, which persisted through the reforms of 1991. But when seen as an arena for welfare policies, the foundation appears much weaker: while the reforms of 1971 were influenced by an ambitious welfare policy agenda, the ensuing changes arguably rolled back some of the comprehensiveness and universality previously associated with the labor movement’s education policy. Two underlying hypotheses are presented that focus on the strategic role played by “general skills”: the first hypothesis is that organized capital’s reliance on large firms played an important role in weakening its position vis-a-vis labor, thanks to its dependence on the kind of widely diffused general skills that the labor movement had strategic access to. The second hypothesis is that the same reliance on general skills created difficulties for the Social Democratic Party to create a new cross-class settlement, as circumstances changed. The conclusion suggests further studying the area of general skills as a power resource itself in a comparative perspective.
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PEREIRA, Maria Isailma Barros. "Processos de gestão em transformação: os Institutos Federais de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia como “arena política”." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2015. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/16737.
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Esta investigação teve como objetivo analisar os processos de gestão dos Institutos Federais de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia (IF’s), considerando o surgimento de novos contextos gerenciais e organizacionais após a promulgação da Lei 11.892/2008 que instituiu a Rede Federal de Educação Profissional, Científica e Tecnológica no Brasil. A referida Rede consta atualmente de 38 Institutos Federais, antigos Centros Federais de Educação Tecnológica (CEFET’s) e antigas Escolas Agrotécnicas, presentes em todos os estados brasileiros e por outras instituições que fazem parte, também, da Rede: dois CEFET’s que não aderiram a proposta de transformação para IF’s, 25 escolas vinculadas a universidades e uma Universidade Tecnológica. Para tanto, foi realizado um estudo de caso no IFPE - Campus Ipojuca, escolhido por ter uma equipe gestora desde a época do CEFET, o que coaduna com a existência no seu interior de peculiaridades próprias e significativas para reflexão sobre o objeto do estudo, qual seja, a dinâmica da organização no que se refere aos seus processos de gestão relacionados com as mudanças institucionais do CEFET para Instituto Federal. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa parte da análise das particularidades, das singularidades e da complexidade organizacional a partir da institucionalização dos Institutos Federais, tendo como referências teóricas conceitos inerentes à expansão da educação profissional e a gestão escolar relacionadas com a imagem organizacional da escola como arena política. Como principais categorias de análise do estudo elegemos a política de expansão da educação profissional no Brasil e sua interface com o neoliberalismo, articulando a discussão a partir dos conceitos de poder e de cultura organizacional, tendo como base de reflexão as normatizações advindas com a Lei 11.892/2008. Levamos em consideração a compreensão da equipe gestora e dos atores escolares referente às mudanças na organização, as orientações normativas gerais e suas repercussões na gestão, as implicações das mudanças institucionais e as relações de poder tendo como pano de fundo a imagem organizacional da arena política. Dentre os procedimentos adotados, utilizamos a literatura a respeito do tema, bem como a análise dos dados obtidos através da aplicação de questionários com a equipe gestora, professores e servidores da área administrativa e pedagógica, além de observações diretas registradas em diário de campo. Dentre os resultados obtidos, confirmamos que o trabalho da gestão nos IF’s encontra-se imerso no universo simbólico presente na cultura da organização e consideramos que dentre os desafios da gestão nos IF’s, destaca-se, em meio à redefinição identitária institucional, oferecer aos alunos um “itinerário formativo” para dar continuidade à sua formação profissional, como levar em consideração no trabalho de gestão a indissociabilidade nas áreas do ensino-pesquisa-extensão. Compreendemos que a transformação institucional que criou os IF’s, foi empreendida a partir da reunião de organizações com culturas próprias compondo seus diversos Campi, não foi realizada plenamente, desde que passou a configurar neste agregado uma arena política em que os conflitos se fazem presentes sem o devido trato coordenador, o que seria de se esperar a partir de uma ação gestora mais incisiva e consciente. Para atingir os objetivos sócio-políticos e a sua função social, a Reitoria e os Campi precisam desenvolver uma nova cultura organizacional, o que inclui processos de tomadas de decisão e de gestão que possam contribuir para o alcance de sua missão institucional, o que exige empenho na coordenação das ações e definição de ações coletivas. Destacamos que a Reitoria e os Campi do IFPE devem trabalhar em conjunto com o objetivo de mobilizar o desenvolvimento de uma nova identidade institucional, no entanto sabemos que isso é um trabalho de médio e longo prazo, já que há o desafio institucional da indissociabilidade entre ensino, pesquisa e extensão, que não se efetiva, bem como da proposta de percursos formativos, ainda pouco explorada e carente de amadurecimento e iniciativas no âmbito da gestão, assim, ressaltamos que os processos de gestão nos IF’s pouco contribuem para a efetiva ruptura com o antigo modelo proposto para a educação profissional, baseado no viés economicista, o qual reproduz a dualidade do sistema de ensino brasileiro.
This research aimed to analyze the processes of management of the Federal Institutes of Education, Science and Technology, considering the emergence of new managerial and organizational contexts after the enactment of Law 11,892 / 2008. This network currently consists of 38 Federal Institutes, former Federal Centers for Technological Education (CEFETs) and old Agrotechnical Schools, based in all Brazilian states and other institutions that are part also of the Network: two CEFETs that have not adopted the pedagogical basis of the IFs; 25 schools linked to universities and Technological University. To this end, we conducted a case study at IFPE - Campus Ipojuca. That place was chosen chosen by having a management team from the time of the former CEFET, which is consistent with the existence of its own peculiarities and significant for reflection on the object of study, namely the dynamics of the organization with respect to its management processes related to the institutional changes from CEFET to Federal Institute. In this sense, the research is based on the analysis of the peculiarities, singularities and organizational complexity since the institutionalization of the Federal Institutes. The theoretical concepts references are inherent to the expansion of professional education and school management related to organizational image of the school as a political arena. The main categories of study were chosen among the vocational education expansion policy in Brazil and its interface with neoliberalism, articulating the discussion from the concepts of power and organizational culture, with the reflection based on the norms that came with Law 11,892 / 2008. We take into account the understanding of the Management team and other school actors related to changes in the organization, the general normative guidelines and their impact on management, the implications of institutional changes and relations of power with the background of the organizational image of the political arena. The procedures of analysis were the available theoretic references on the subject, as well as the analysis of data obtained through questionnaires with the management team, teachers and servants of administrative and teaching area, as well as direct observations registered in a field diary. Among the results, we confirmed that the work of the management of the IFs is immersed in the symbolic universe of the organizational culture and we consider that, among the challenges of managing the IFs, stands out amid institutional identity redefinition, offer students a 'formation process "to continue their training, how to take into account in managing the inseparability work in the areas of teaching-research-extension. We understand that the institutional transformation that created the FI's, undertaken from the meeting organizations with own cultures composing its various campuses, was not fully realized, since it was set up a political arena in which conflicts happen without the mediation of coordinative actions, which would be expected from a managerial action more effective and conscious. To achieve the socio-political objectives and its social function, the IFs need to develop a new organizational culture, including decision-making and management processes that can contribute to the achievement of its institutional mission, and requires commitment in coordination and definition of collective actions. We emphasize that the Dean and Campi must work together in order to mobilize the development of a new institutional identity, but we know that it’s configured as a medium and long-term work, since there are institutional challenges, as the indivisibility of teaching, research and extension, as well as the proposed training paths, poorly assimilated and lacking in maturity and initiatives at this management. Therefore, we emphasize that the management processes in IFs does little to break with the old model proposed for vocational education, based on economistic bias, which reproduces the duality of the Brazilian education system.
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Mopp, Adrian Carl. "National liberation movement in the international political arena: a case study of the African National Congress at the United Nations (1960 to February 1990)." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003018.
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The African National Congress (ANC) was the leading opponent of the South African Government's Apartheid policies. It was engaged in an Anti-Apartheid struggle and as part thereof called for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. In the course of its struggle, the ANC sought international support. Given the stature of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost international organisation, the ANC campaigned at the UN for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. This thesis focuses on the activities of African National Co~gress at the United Nations. It firstly outlines a brief history of the ANC and the UN and examines the relationship which developed between the two organisations. It then focuses on the activities of the ANC at the UN which were aimed at isolating South Africa diplomatically from the international community. Finally a brief assessment of the extent of South Africa's diplomatic isolation is provided.
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Johansson, Nils. "Hur blir politiska skapelser virala succéer? : En komparativ argumentationsanalys." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-34878.
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Since the beginning of the 1990s, Swedish society has gone through a great change. Firstly with the personal computer and then with the internet moving in to everyday life, a new arena for interaction with society evolved. Work, education, doing bank errands and reading or discussing the news, just to name a few, now all take place in the virtual world online. Not to mention social media sites such as twitter, instagram or facebook, the last of which has over half of the Swedish population represented as members. Companies, corporations, interest groups, political parties and politicians must be aware of the massive impact that a post spread through social media can have. This thesis will, with the text analyzing tool, argumentation analysis, and on the theoretical platform of political communications theory, analyze three of the most viral Swedish political posts spread over 120 000 times each, to see if there are any combined qualities that point to the fact that there is a formula for getting a post to become a viral success on social media. The main result showed that of the three posts analyzed, all were built up around a factual thesis, argued for with foremost example arguments, not only appealing to the logical branch of argumentation but also to the ethical, and that they tended to be of high relevance and sustainability. The conclusion must therefore be that these are all qualities that tend to be of relevance for making a political post on social media into a viral success.
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Oliveira, Ueber José de. "Configuração político-partidária do estado do Espírito Santo no contexto do regime militar : um estudo regional acerca das trajetórias de ARENA e MDB (1964-1982)." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2013. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/956.
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Previous issue date: 2013-04-17Assuming that the Brazilian military regime, established in 1964, was based on maintaining two separate orders - the democratic order and exception (authoritarism) - this thesis has as main purpose to analyze this political party configuration, in Espírito Santo, between the years 1964 and 1982. The focus of this analysis is on the patch of the prevailing party associations in the period MDB and Arena - considering its constituent political groups, this specific federal unit, characterized as peripheral set in national development. The perspective taken for the analysis of this trajectory is the institutional framework set up by the Brazilian authoritarian regime (1964- 1985). It is analyzed, under this assumption and focus, the political election performance of the parties above in lawsuits aimed at filling vacancies in the legislative (Senate, House and Federal Legislature), according to electoral laws in force in each election and in own cyclical circumstances. It is also reconstituted, the different contexts succession, conducted indirectly since 1966, the choice of Governors, and exceptionally for Bionic Senator in 1978, examining the relationship between parties and governments formed in the period. The main hypothesis is that, despite the restrictions imposed by the military regime for the operation of the two-party system, it identifies certain lines of continuity between the pre-and post-1964. The results of the survey, which used a wide range of documents, and being based on the methodology multiple documentary research, demonstrate that the main political actors, be they individuals or groups within the political clubs in question, maintained certain positioning standards already verified in the political-electoral period of 1945-1964. In the case of capixaba Arena, the party met both members of the old PSD, with its two main wings - the urban-industrial and agro-land - as the political forces that gathered around the partisan front conventionally called partisan Democratic Coalition, that housed a wide range of political parties - UDN, PTB, PSP, PSB, PR, and others - which opposed the PSD. But MDB, since its beggining, rigged by a former member of the more conservative wing of the former PTB and its group, which sent to the opposition capixaba party the same conservative profile observed in regional PTB. The paper also analyzes the historical confluence between the development project that had been gestated in the Espírito Santo since the PSD governments, especially that of Jones dos Santos Neves (1943-1945/1951-1954) - whose political heirs of the Governor put into practice - and the implementation of the developmental project of the Military Governments. To this confluence of agendas - which proved to be a crucial element of legitimacy and permanence in positions of regional power, of alumni figures of urban-industrial portions of the old PSD, during most of the duration of the military regime - we call the Ideal Platform. The final part of the work is inclined to identify the realignments of those aforementioned political actors in the new multiparty scenario wrought upon the establishment of the New Republic, as well as the election campaign of 1982.
Partindo do pressuposto de que o Regime Militar Brasileiro, instaurado em 1964, baseou-se na manutenção de dois ordenamentos distintos a ordem democrática e a exceção (autoritarismo) a presente tese tem como principal propósito analisar esta configuração político-partidária, no Espírito Santo, entre os anos de 1964 e 1982. O foco dessa análise recai sobre a trajetória das agremiações partidárias vigentes no período Arena e MDB , considerando seus grupos políticos constituintes, nesta unidade federativa específica, caracterizada como periférica no conjunto do desenvolvimento nacional. A perspectiva que se toma para a análise dessa trajetória é a do arcabouço institucional montado pelo regime autoritário brasileiro (1964-1985). Analisase, sob esse pressuposto e foco, o desempenho político-eleitoral dos partidos supramencionados, em pleitos voltados para o preenchimento de vagas nos poderes legislativos (Senado, Câmara Federal e Assembleia Legislativa), segundo legislações eleitorais vigentes em cada pleito e em circunstâncias conjunturais próprias. Reconstituem-se, também, os diferentes contextos sucessórios, realizados de forma indireta a partir de 1966, da escolha de Governadores, e excepcionalmente para Senador Biônico em 1978, examinando-se a relação entre os partidos e os governos constituídos no período. A principal hipótese é a de que, apesar das restrições impostas pelo regime militar ao funcionamento do sistema bipartidário, identificam-se certas linhas de continuidade entre os períodos pré e pós-1964. Os resultados da pesquisa, que utilizou uma variada gama de documentos, tendo sido pautada na metodologia da pesquisa documental múltipla, demonstram que os principais atores políticos, sejam eles indivíduos ou agrupamentos, no interior das agremiações políticas em apreço, mantiveram certos padrões de posicionamento já verificados no cenário político-eleitoral do período 1945-1964. No caso da Arena capixaba, o partido reuniu tanto os membros do antigo PSD, com suas duas principais alas a urbanoindustrial e a agro-fundiária , quanto as forças políticas que se juntavam em torno da frente partidária convencionalmente chamada de Coligação Democrática, que abrigava uma ampla gama de partidos políticos UDN, PTB, PSP, PSB, PR, entre outros os quais faziam oposição ao PSD. Já o MDB, foi, desde o início, aparelhado por um ex-membro da ala mais conservadora do antigo PTB e seu grupo, o que transmitiu ao partido oposicionista capixaba o mesmo perfil conservador verificado no PTB regional. O trabalho procura analisar, também, a confluência histórica entre o projeto de desenvolvimento que vinha sendo gestado no Espírito Santo desde os Governos pessedistas, especialmente o de Jones dos Santos Neves (1943-1945/1951-1954) que os herdeiros políticos do governador colocaram em prática e a implementação do projeto desenvolvimentista dos Governos Militares. A essa confluência de agendas que se revelou elemento crucial de legitimação e permanência, nos espaços de poder regional, de figuras egressas das parcelas urbano-industriais do antigo PSD, durante a maior parte de vigência do Regime Militar damos o nome de Plataforma Ideal. A parte final do trabalho se inclina a identificar os realinhamentos desses mesmos atores políticos supramencionados no novo cenário multipartidário forjado por ocasião da instauração da Nova República, bem como no pleito eleitoral de 1982.
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Lundgren, Evelina. "Rapportering om förortsproblematik i media : - Ett uttryck för stigmatiserande strukturell diskriminering eller en arena för möjlighetsorienterade politiska lösningar?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-23753.
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This thesis aims to examine the nature of the medial compartment regarding the reporting of problems in conjunction with suburbs. Previous research on discrimination in the media shows that people living in the suburbs considers suburbs being portrayed negatively in the media. They perceive that this has a negative effect on integration which in turn increases the risk of stigmatization. This study strives to contribute to the clarification of whether medias means of reporting around this area can help in the development of problems in suburbs by examining whether there is a reflection of actual political focus in the media or if media only plays a stigmatizing role. The research method used has been quantitative content analysis, making an overview of how much space is given to the different types of reporting. The thesis concludes that the reporting examined in this study did not appear to be of a structurally discriminatory nature, even if that type of reporting occurred. Overall, the study showed that when media reported about problems in conjunction with suburbs, there actually was a slightly larger space given for reporting of stigmatizing character than that was given to reporting with focus on illustrating problems in combination with how to politically enable their solutions.
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Burazerovic, Miran. "Kroatien - en studie av ett land i övergång mot en konsloliderad demokrati." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-635.
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Croatia became an independent country 1991 and has since then strived to reach a democracy level, which can lead to membership of the European Union. The purpose of this essay is on the basis of consolidate democratic perspective to illustrate Croatia’s democratic development.
In order to fulfil the aim, I have applied a qualitative text analysis technique. Through analysis of books and documents, data was collected to accommodate a valid result. I have used consolidated democracy, with its five areas (political, civil, economic, legal and bureaucratic), as my theoretical framework to the data, to provide answers and develop an analysis.
The conclusions show that the consolidate democracy in Croatia has developed a lot since the independence, and Croatia is on its good way to turn into a democratic state like other West-European countries. Croatia has developed and is still developing their political, civil, economic, legal and bureaucratic areas. A good sign of their democratic development is that Croatia received status as a candidate country in June 2005 for European Union, which shows that Croatia is on the way to complete its transition to consolidated democracy.
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Lima, Eduardo Luis Campos. "Procedimentos formais do jornal Injunction Granted (1936), do Federal Theatre Project, e de Teatro Jornal: Primeira Edição (1970), do Teatro de Arena de São Paulo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8147/tde-06052013-102207/.
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O presente estudo analisa os procedimentos formais do jornal vivo, forma teatral fundamentada na encenação de notícias, conforme o gênero configurou-se nos Estados Unidos e no Brasil. Para tanto, define como objeto, do lado estadunidense, o jornal vivo Injuction Granted (Liminar é Concedida), produzido no âmbito do Federal Theatre Project (Projeto Federal de Teatro), iniciativa do Governo de Franklin Roosevelt para lidar com o desemprego provocado pela Grande Depressão, na década de 1930. Do lado brasileiro, faz-se uma leitura de Teatro Jornal: Primeira Edição, exposição didática de nove técnicas de encenação desenvolvidas por jovens artistas reunidos no Teatro de Arena de São Paulo e sistematizadas pelo teatrólogo Augusto Boal. O trabalho é introduzido por uma breve história da forma do jornal vivo, consolidada no período da Revolução Soviética, que procura apresentar suas principais manifestações e alguns dos caminhos que percorreu, principalmente nas décadas de 1920 e 1930. Demonstra-se que o jornal vivo sempre foi uma forma teatral ancorada na luta dos trabalhadores, sendo uma vertente central da arte de agitação e propaganda. A análise de suas manifestações nos Estados Unidos e no Brasil, dessa maneira, leva em conta o momento histórico dos países quando da produção das referidas peças, tentando relacionar conformação estética e horizonte político continuamente. O materialismo histórico ampara tal reflexão e, mais especificamente, sua aplicação ao pensamento sobre teatro, consubstanciada na teoria do teatro épico, desenvolvida por pensadores como Bertolt Brecht, Peter Szondi e Anatol Rosenfeld.This is a study of the formal procedures of the living newspapers a theatrical form based on the theatricalization of news according to their configuration in the United States of America and in Brazil. Therefore, the work defines as an object in the American side the living newspaper Injunction Granted, a play staged under the Federal Theatre Project, which was one of Franklin Roosevelts programs to deal with unemployment during the Great Depression in the 1930s. In the Brazilian side, the focus is on Teatro Jornal: Primeira Edição (Theatre Newspaper: First Edition), a didactic exposition of nine staging techniques developed by young artists which had joined Teatro de Arena de São Paulo, as systematized by director Augusto Boal. This study begins with a short history of the form of the living newspaper which was cemented during the Soviet Revolution that tries to present its main ways of actualization and some of the paths taken by this genre, chiefly in the 1920s and 1930s. The work demonstrates that the living newspapers were always anchored on the workers struggle and are a central strand of the art of agitation and propaganda. Thus the examination of the American and Brazilian manifestations of the genre takes into account the historical conjuncture of both countries at the time the plays were produced, trying to continuously relate aesthetic conformation and political horizon. Historical materialism supports that reflection more specifically its application on the ideas about theater which were consubstantiated in the theory of the epic theater, developed by thinkers as Bertolt Brecht, Peter Szondi and Anatol Rosenfeld.
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Lindvall, Pettersson Louise. "Svenska kärnvapenprogrammet under Kalla kriget : En studie av den internationella arena som påverkade uppstartandet och nedläggandet av Sveriges kärnvapenprogram." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-29110.
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The purpose of this paper is to investigate possible reasons Sweden might have had to motivate the start and end of its nuclear program during the Cold war. This investigation will be conducted using a qualitative research method and making a comparison between the theories realism and liberalism’s ability to explain the decisions. The question this paper is based upon is as follows: Can Sweden’s creating and shutting down of a nuclear weapons program during the Cold war be explained by the international events and actions that were taking place during this time period? The result consists of liberalism pointing out several failures on the international level that might explain the cynical decision from Sweden to create the nuclear weapons. Realism considers the decision to make perfect sense at this point in time, to protect Sweden on the anarchy that was going on at that time according to this theory. The ending of the nuclear weapons program is being explained largely by the rise of the MAD-concept which renders the acute need of nuclear weapons in Sweden void. Liberalism on the other hand considers this a logic step due to the better established UN that is playing a larger role now than in the 1940s. In conclusion, realism does a better job explaining the start of the nuclear weapons program, while liberalism explains the end of it more efficiently. The contribution this thesis has to the research of political science can be seen mainly in three areas. Firstly can the information gathered here be useful when negotiating with other countries regarding the possible shutting down nuclear programs in other states. Secondly has the decision not to develop nuclear weapons in Sweden surely effected 50 years of military strategy. Thirdly does the thesis contribute in the ongoing debate between liberalism and realism.
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Curado, Gustavo Idelbrando. "Pólen, Pólis, Política: encen[ações] de um coletivo de trabalhadores-artistas." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/27/27155/tde-17042013-092122/.
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A presente dissertação objetiva investigar, relatar e analisar as ações culturais e artísticas promovidas pelo grupo de teatro Dolores Boca Aberta Mecatrônica De Artes. A pesquisa mostra, por meio do relato pessoal de um dos integrantes do grupo, como o coletivo organiza sua estrutura de funcionamento. Aqui são apontados conceitos estruturantes para a filosofia do grupo, como as ideias de Teatro Mutirão e Trabalhador-Artista, além de um levantamento pedagógico de como se deram a construção e apresentação da terceira encenação do grupo, Sombras Dançam Neste Incêndio - Peça Curta em Dois Atos. Dentro das análises, destaca-se a experiência da construção de um teatro feito de árvores, preparado coletivamente pelos próprios espectadores junto com os atores do grupo, o qual chamamos de Arena Arbórea. A perspectiva do trabalho do grupo Dolores Boca Aberta aponta para questões acerca de organização social, debate político, arte e resistência, agitação e propaganda e discussão de modos de produção.This thesis aims to investigate, report and analyze the cultural or artistic activities promoted by the Dolores Boca Aberta Mecatrônica de Artes Theater Group. The research shows, through the personal report of one of the members, how the group organizes its own operating structure. Some of the structuring concepts of the group\'s philosophy are described and discussed, as well as the ideas of the Task Force theater artistic-workers and a pedagogical survey of the construction and presentation of the third production of the group, \"Shadows dance within this fire - a short play in two acts\". Within the analysis we highlight the experience of the construction of a theatrical space surrounded by trees and called Arboreal Arena, which is collectively prepared by spectators and by the actors of the group. The perspective of the group\'s work points out to questions about social organization, political debate, art and resistance, agitation and propaganda, and the discussion about the means of production.
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Ramanzini, Isis Cristina. "Monteiro Lobato e o discurso do petróleo: o deslocamento da instituição literária para a arena de debates da política econômica." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2017. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/20235.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This dissertation aims to investigate, based on an enunciative-discursive perspective, the action and the political and economic engagement of the writer Monteiro Lobato in defense of the oil cause in Brazil. His broad and decisive exercise as an intellectual in the Brazilian sociocultural context is revealed in many publications that were called, here, oil discourse. With the purpose of contributing to strengthen the relations between discourse studies and literary studies, three of Lobato’s publications approaching the oil theme were delimited as the object of study of this dissertation. Such publications are at the crossroads between general literature and children’s literature: the preface of A luta pelo petróleo [Flüssiges gold], by Essad Bey, a book released in Brazil in 1935; O escândalo do petróleo e ferro [The scandal of oil and iron, published in 1936; and O poço do Visconde [The Viscount’s well], published in 1937, targeted at children and adolescents. From the theoretical-methodological point-ofview, some procedures and concepts proposed and developed by Dominique Maingueneau in many of his works were used in this study – paratopia, interdiscourse, enunciation scenes, ethos, authorship, discourse and discursive practice –, as well as some contributions provided by the ergologic approach. The study fostered a new evaluation of the oil discourse produced by Monteiro Lobato when he moved from the literary institution to the arena of discussions concerning the economic policy. Monteiro Lobato’s works studied here reveal a man of multiple activities located in a paradoxical space, and a spokesperson for a group of renovation and rupture, whose intellectual legitimacy and influence on the public enabled him to promote his own ideological and political convictions in a crucial moment of Brazil’s history. These works corroborate his discourse in defense of the country’s development and financial independence through oil prospecting
Esta tese tem por objetivo compreender, a partir de uma perspectiva enunciativodiscursiva, a atuação e o engajamento político e econômico do escritor Monteiro Lobato em defesa da causa petrolífera no Brasil. Seu amplo e decisivo exercício como intelectual no contexto sociocultural brasileiro se configura em várias publicações aqui denominadas discurso do petróleo. Visando também a contribuir para o estreitamento das relações entre os estudos discursivos e literários, delimitou-se, como objeto de estudo, três publicações de Lobato referentes à temática do petróleo, que se encontram no entrecruzamento entre a literatura geral e a literatura infantil: o prefácio de A luta pelo petróleo, livro de Essad Bey lançado no Brasil em 1935; O escândalo do petróleo e ferro, publicação datada de 1936; e O poço do Visconde, obra de 1937 destinada ao público infantojuvenil. Do ponto de vista teórico-metodológico, foram mobilizados alguns procedimentos e conceitos propostos e desenvolvidos por Dominique Maingueneau em várias de suas obras – paratopia, interdiscurso, cenas da enunciação, ethos, autoralidade, discurso e prática discursiva –, além de algumas contribuições da abordagem ergológica. O estudo propiciou uma nova avaliação do discurso do petróleo produzido por Monteiro Lobato no seu deslocamento da instituição literária para a arena de debates da política econômica. Revelando um homem de múltiplas atividades situado num espaço paradoxal e porta-voz de um grupo de renovação e ruptura, cuja legitimidade intelectual e influência junto ao público possibilitaram a promoção das suas próprias convicções ideológicas e políticas num momento crucial da história do Brasil, as referidas obras de Monteiro Lobato vêm corroborar o seu discurso em defesa do desenvolvimento e da independência financeira do país mediante a prospecção petrolífera
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Silva, Claudio Araujo de Souza e. "A virtude dos sacrifícios versus a ciência das transações: Tenório Cavalcanti e o campo político do Rio de Janeiro." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=6695.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorEste trabalho tem como objetivo interpretar o fenômeno político expressado por Tenório Cavalcanti - político popular que atuou fundamentalmente em áreas periféricas e pobres da cidade e do estado do Rio de Janeiro entre as décadas de 1930 e 1960. Pretendo mostrar a narrativa, os símbolos e os códigos culturais que construíram a sua imagem pública e como a sua atuação marcou a dinâmica e a estruturação do campo político do Rio de Janeiro. A pesquisa baseia-se, fundamentalmente, no jornal Luta Democrática, entre os anos de 1954 e 1964, e nos seus discursos pronunciados na Câmara dos Deputados, entre 1951 e 1964. A partir da análise das fontes procuro mostrar de que maneira os elementos que constituem o fenômeno servem como ferramenta analítica para compreender melhor a construção de identidades sociais, os mecanismos de representação política, a forma como foram percebidos os processos de inclusão e exclusão social, assim como os conflitos sociais daquele período.
This dissertation interprets the politician Tenorio Calvacanti as a political phenomenon. Calvacanti was a popular politician who focused primarily on residents of the poor outskirts of the city and state of Rio de Janeiro between the 1930s and 1960s. I analyze the political discourse, symbols, and cultural codes that constituted his public image, as well as how his political work framed the dynamics and the structure of the political arena in Rio de Janeiro. This study draws on the newspaper Luta Democratica, between the years 1954 and 1964, and on his speeches in the Câmara dos Deputados (House of Representatives), between 1951 and 1964. Through analysis of these materials I show how the elements that constituted Calvacanti as a political phenomenon serve as an interpretive lens to better understand a variety of phenomena from this era, including the mechanisms of political representation, the construction of social identities, the way that the process of social inclusion and exclusion were publically perceived, as well as broader social conflicts of that period.
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Carvalho, Valéria Cabral. "As emendas orçamentárias e seu significado político-institucional, na arena legislativa de Santa Catarina." Florianópolis, SC, 2001. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/79765.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Curso de Pós-Graduação em SociologiaMade available in DSpace on 2012-10-18T07:18:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0Bitstream added on 2014-09-25T21:03:47Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 180018.pdf: 4372402 bytes, checksum: 5dc45cb6e21a4b49062f45c8f5b185f6 (MD5)
A idéia central deste trabalho é que o processo de construção do orçamento público está vinculado aos diferentes momentos da vida política do Brasil, sendo um espaço de disputa entre os poderes e entre as diferentes esferas de governo. Assim, neste trabalho procuramos identificar a lógica de confecção da peça orçamentária pública, em âmbito estadual, identificando uma dimensão fundamental deste processo qual seja a apresentação de emendas orçamentárias na Assembléia Legislativa no Estado de Santa Catarina, na década de 90, no que diz respeito especificamente à atividade parlamentar. Para tanto, partimos de três pressupostos básicos que nortearam esta pesquisa:
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Nesadurai, Helen Sharmini. "The political economy of the ASEAN Free Trade Area : the dynamics of globalisation, developmental regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2001. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36396/.
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This study examines how the interaction between globalisation and domestic politics shaped the evolution of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) between 1991 and 2000. Previous studies have argued that AFTA, a project of open regionalism, was adopted to attract foreign direct (FDI) investment to the region. Accurate to a degree, this dissertation argues that the concern with FDI is only part of the AFTA story, albeit an important part. The FDI explanation is unable to explain why market access and national treatment privileges were offered to national (domestic) investors from the ASEAN countries at least ten years ahead of foreign (non-ASEAN) investors in AFTA's investment liberalisation programme. The dissertation explains this departure from open regionalism, which has yet to be accounted for in the literature, by advancing the notion of 'developmental' regionalism. Underwritten by strategic trade theory rather than neoclassical economics, developmental regionalism emphasises the nurturing of domestic capital by using the expanded regional market and temporary protection or privileges for domestic capital as the means to build up domestic firms capable of meeting global market competition. Unlike existing models of the globalisation-regionalism relationship, which do not integrate domestic politics or do so in a limited way, the model of developmental regionalism considers domestic capital to be a key analytical variable, and takes seriously its location within domestic politics and society. Using documentary research and elite interviews, and guided by these theoretical insights, the study shows that AFTA encompasses the features of both open and developmental regionalism due to the political significance of both foreign and domestic capital in the ASEAN economies. While both forms of regionalism were driven by the imperative of growth, distributive concerns were weaved into the concern with growth in developmental regionalism, as governments sought to nurture those segments of domestic capital that were important in sustaining elite rule.
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Jarroux, Pauline. "Faire l'école au quotidien au Bénin. Une ethnographie des chefs de circonscriptions scolaires." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0030.
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Cette thèse étudie l'ordinaire bureaucratique des agents de la circonscription scolaire - l'administration scolaire déconcentrée - au Bénin et la manière dont ils "font" l'école primaire au quotidien; Fondé sur quinze mois de terrain entre 2012 et 2015 principalement passés dans deux circonscriptions scolaires du pays, mon travail étudie plus particulièrement l'autorité des chefs - inspecteurs et conseillers pédagogiques - sur la gestion locale de l'école, qu'ils se plaignaient d'avoir perdue depuis 1990 et l'ouverture démocratique du pays. A travers l'analyse socio-historique de la construction des inspections et du groupe professionnel des inspecteurs, l'étude de la circulation de l'autorité au sein de l'arène scolaire locale et des rapports hiérarchiques et pédagogiques entretenus avec les enseignants, je montre comment se négocie, quotidiennement, l'autorité publique sur le service local d'enseignement. Je documente ainsi le jeu entre autorités premières et secondes sur la gestion de l'école à travers les rapports entretenus avec les autorités hiérarchiques, les syndicats, les enseignants, les parents ou la mairie. Les dynamiques de concertation, de négociation ou de contournement de l'administration scolaire locale participent à la production quotidienne de l'école et interrogent l'autorité de la circonscription sur les affaires scolaires. J'analyse également les effets des récentes réformes managériales sur les conditions de travail et les formes de professionnalité des inspecteurs et conseillers. En montrant la coexistence des figures de l'inspecteur "loup-garou", de l'inspecteur "conseiller" et de l'inspecteur "gestionnaire", je ne questionne pas seulement les transformations des ethos professionnels et des manières d'être "chef", mais également la pluralité des façons de faire l'Etat et l'école dans les salles de classe béninoisesThis thesis focuses on the bureaucratic routine of agents of school districts - the decentralized school administration - in Benin, and the ways in which they "make" primary school on a day-to-day basis. Relying on a fifteen months-fieldwork research (2012-2015) conducted mainly in two school districts of the country, this dissertation studies more specifically the leaders' authority - inspectors and pedagogical advisors - over the local management of school that they claim to have lost with the democratic opening in the 1990s. Through a socio-historical analysis of the construction of inspections and the inspectors' occupational group, the study of the circulation of authority within the school's local arena, and the inspectors' hierarchical and pedagogical relations with teachers, I show how public authority is negociated within the local education service. In doing so, I document the strategies at play between first and second-level authorities through the relations maintained with the hierarchical authorities, the unions, the teachers, the parents or the town hall. The dynamics of dialogue, negociation or circumvention of the school district participate in the day-to-day functioning of school and question the local administration's authority over school issues. I also analyse the effects of recent managerial reforms on the inspectors and advisors' working conditions and their professional culture. By demonstrating the coexistence of the figure of the "werewolf" inspector, the "counsellor" inspector and the "manager" inspector, I do not only question the transformations in the ethos of professionals and in the ways of being "a leader", I also question the multiplicity of ways of making the State and making school in Benin's classrooms
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Axelson, Jacob, and Milena Axklo. "SKA VI PRATA OM DET? : En experimentell studie kring deliberation inom ramen för den kommunalpolitiska arenan." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-54831.
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Democracy in Sweden is facing a plethora of serious challenges. The ability of political parties to engage and activate non-political citizens have been greatly reduced over the last 50 years, meanwhile the risk of increased polarization the coming years is prominent and alarming. This essay attempts to combine modern representative democracy with the ideal of deliberative democracy. The aim is to investigate if deliberation can contribute to the solution of these problems. This is accomplished through a study inspired by James Fishkin’s Deliberative Poll. Local politicians in Sweden have been invited to answer a questionnaire after which they participate in deliberation before answering a second questionnaire. The difference in results between the two questionnaires are then compared to show the effect of deliberation. There is a clear visual difference between the politician’s answers in the two questionnaires. Nevertheless, this difference is only statistically proven in one out of the 22 tests that were run. Therefore, this study cannot draw any conclusions regarding the true effect of deliberation. Nevertheless, deliberation among local politicians in Sweden seems to be successful based on a visual comparison of the results from the two questionnaires and further study is deemed desirable.
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Fishman, Darwin Ben. "Shadow politics in the rich light of day black youth, political socialization, and one Washington, D.C. metropolitan area high school /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3728.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.Thesis research directed by: American Studies. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Rousseau, Jean Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "The new political scales of citizenship in a global area; the politics of hydroelectric development in the James Bay Region." Ottawa, 2000.
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Park, Sun-Won. "The dynamics of triangular intra-alliance politics : political interventions of the United States and Japan towards South Korea in regime transition 1979-1980." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4369/.
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The focus of this study is the political dynamics of the alliance relations between the United States, Japan and South Korea during the Cold War period. It proposes the concept of "triangular alliance security system" (TASS) as a new theoretical framework for the understanding of intra-alliance politics in Northeast Asia. It identifies the different perspectives on regional relations of the US, Japan and South Korea and it argues that the main operational principle of the US in its dealings with Korea at that time was active intervention to democratise the latter's polity, whilst the Japanese imperative was defensive intervention to preserve stability and the status quo. It also presents a new body of empirical facts concerning the US and Japanese interventions in South Korea's regime transition during 1979 and 1980, utilising primary materials from US, Japanese and South Korean sources and in-depth interviews with diplomatic actors and policy-makers. The empirical findings concerning Japanese intervention in the South Korean regime challenge conventional views of Japanese foreign policy. They suggest a much more active role for Japan in the emergence of the regime of Gen. Chun Doo-hwan, whilst the Carter administration was increasingly preoccupied with the Iran hostage crisis.
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Clausen, Daniel L. "Political Strategy, Leadership, and Policy Entrepreneurship in Japanese Defense Policy and Politics: A Comparison of Three Prime Ministerships." FIU Digital Commons, 2013. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/906.
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Since the end of the Cold War, Japan’s defense policy and politics has gone through significant changes. Throughout the post cold war period, US-Japan alliance managers, politicians with differing visions and preferences, scholars, think tanks, and the actions of foreign governments have all played significant roles in influencing these changes. Along with these actors, the Japanese prime minister has played an important, if sometimes subtle, role in the realm of defense policy and politics. Japanese prime ministers, though significantly weaker than many heads of state, nevertheless play an important role in policy by empowering different actors (bureaucratic actors, independent commissions, or civil actors), through personal diplomacy, through agenda-setting, and through symbolic acts of state. The power of the prime minister to influence policy processes, however, has frequently varied by prime minister. My dissertation investigates how different political strategies and entrepreneurial insights by the prime minister have influenced defense policy and politics since the end of the Cold War. In addition, it seeks to explain how the quality of political strategy and entrepreneurial insight employed by different prime ministers was important in the success of different approaches to defense. My dissertation employs a comparative case study approach to examine how different prime ministerial strategies have mattered in the realm of Japanese defense policy and politics. Three prime ministers have been chosen: Prime Minister Hashimoto Ryutaro (1996-1998); Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro (2001-2006); and Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009-2010). These prime ministers have been chosen to provide maximum contrast on issues of policy preference, cabinet management, choice of partners, and overall strategy. As my dissertation finds, the quality of political strategy has been an important aspect of Japan’s defense transformation. Successful strategies have frequently used the knowledge and accumulated personal networks of bureaucrats, supplemented bureaucratic initiatives with top-down personal diplomacy, and used a revitalized US-Japan strategic relationship as a political resource for a stronger prime ministership. Though alternative approaches, such as those that have looked to displace the influence of bureaucrats and the US in defense policy, have been less successful, this dissertation also finds theoretical evidence that alternatives may exist.